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Scope: Pre-Qin and Han Request type: Paragraph
Condition 1: Contains text "昭文" Matched:20.
Total 16 paragraphs. Page 1 of 2. Jump to page 1 2

先秦兩漢 - Pre-Qin and Han

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儒家 - Confucianism

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潛夫論 - Qian Fu Lun

[Eastern Han] 102-167 Wang Fu
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邊議

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4 邊議:
》制禦寇,《》美薄伐,自古有戰,非乃今也。《傳》曰:「天生五材,民並用之,廢一不可,誰能去兵?兵所以威不軌而德也,聖人所以興,亂人所以廢。」齊桓、晉文、宋襄,衰世諸侯,猶恥天下有相滅而己不能救,況皇天所命四海主乎?晉、楚大夫,小國之臣,猶恥己之身而有相侵,況天子三公典世任者乎?公劉仁德,廣被行葦,況含血之人,己同類乎?一人吁嗟,王道為虧,況滅沒之民百萬乎?《》曰:「天子作民父母。」父母之於子也,豈可坐觀其為寇賊之所屠剝,立視其為狗豕之所噉食乎?

蔡中郎集 - Cai Zhong Lang Ji

[Eastern Han] 152-192 Library Resources

卷十

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明堂月令論

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1 明堂月令... :
明堂者、天子太廟,所以宗祀其祖、以配上帝者也。夏后氏曰世室,殷人曰重屋,周人曰明堂。東曰青陽,南曰明堂,西曰總章,北曰玄堂,中央曰太室。《易》曰:「離也者、明也。南方之卦也。」聖人南面而聽天下,鄉明而治。人君之位莫正于此焉。故雖有五名,而主以明堂也。其正中皆曰太廟,謹承天順時之令,昭令德宗祀之禮,明前功百辟之勞,起養老敬長之義,顯教幼誨稺之學,朝諸侯、選造士于其中,以明制度。生者乘其能而至,死者論其功而祭,故為大教之宮,而四學具焉,官司備焉。譬如北辰,居其所而眾星拱之,萬象翼之,政教之所由生,變化之所由來,明一統也。故言明堂,事之大、義之深也。取其宗祀之貌,則曰清廟;取其正室之貌,則曰太廟;取其尊崇,則曰太室;取其鄉明,則曰明堂;取其四門之學,則曰太學;取其四面周水圜如璧,則曰辟廱。異名而同事,其實一也。春秋因魯取宋之姦賂,則顯之太廟,以明聖王建清廟、明堂之義。《經》曰:「取郜大鼎于宋,戊申納于太廟。」《傳》曰:「非禮也。」「君人者將昭德塞違,故昭令德以示子孫,是以清廟茅屋,昭其儉也。夫德、儉而有度,升降有數。文物以紀之,聲明以發之,以臨照百官。百官于是乎戒懼而不敢易紀律。」所以明大教也。以周清廟論之,魯太廟皆明堂也。魯禘祀周公于太廟明堂,猶周宗祀文王于清廟明堂也。《禮記·檀弓》曰:「王齊禘于清廟明堂也。」《孝經》曰:「宗祀文王于明堂。」《禮記·明堂位》曰:「太廟、天子曰明堂。」又曰:「成王幼弱,周公踐天子位以治天下,朝諸侯于明堂,制禮作樂,頒度量而天下大服。」成王以周公為有勳勞于天下,命魯公世世禘祀周公于太廟,以天子禮樂,升歌清廟,下管象舞,所以廣魯于天下也。取周清廟之歌,歌于魯太廟,明魯之太廟,猶周之清廟也。皆所以昭文王、周公之德,以示子孫也。《易傳·太初篇》曰:「天子旦入東學,晝入南學,晡入西學,莫入北學,太學在中央,天子之所自學也。」《禮記·保傅篇》曰:「帝入東學,尚親而貴仁;入西學,尚賢而貴德;入南學,尚齒而貴信;入北學,尚貴而尊爵;入太學,承師而問道。」與《易傳》同。魏文侯《孝經傳》曰:「太學者、中學明堂之位也。」《禮記·古大明堂之禮》曰:「日出居東門,膳夫是相;日中出南門,見九侯及門子;日側出西闈,視五國之事;日入出北闈,視帝猷。」《爾雅》曰:「宮中之門謂之闈,王居明堂之禮,又別陰陽。門、東南稱門,西北稱闈。」故《周官》有門闈之學,師氏教以三德守王門,保氏教以六藝守王闈。然則師氏居東門、南門,保氏居西門、北門也。知掌教國子與《易傳》保傅,王居明堂之禮,參相發明,為學四焉。《文王世子篇》曰:「凡大合樂,則遂養老。天子至,乃命有司行事,興秩節,祭先師先聖焉,始之養也。適東序,釋奠于先老,遂設三老五叟之席位,言教學始于養老,由東方歲始也。又春夏學干戈,秋冬學羽籥,皆習于東序。凡祭養老乞言合語之禮,皆小樂正詔之于東序。」又曰:「大司成論說在東序。」然則詔學皆在東序。東序、東之堂也,學者詔焉。故稱太學。《令》曰:「仲夏之月,令祀百辟卿士之有德于民者。」《禮記·太學志》曰:「禮、士大夫學于聖人善人,祭于明堂。其無位者,祭于太學。」《禮記·昭穆篇》曰:「祀先賢于西學,所以教諸侯之德也,即所以顯行國禮之處也。太學、明堂之東序也,皆在明堂辟廱之內。」《月令》記曰:「明堂者、所以明天氣、統萬物。明堂上通于天,象日辰,故下十二宮,象日辰也。水環四周,言王者動作法天地,德廣及四海,方此水也。」《禮記·盛德篇》曰:「明堂九室,以茅蓋屋,上圜下方,外水名曰辟廱。」《王制》曰:「天子出征,執有罪,釋奠于學,以訊馘告。」《樂記》曰:「武王伐殷,薦俘馘于京太室。」《詩·魯頌》云:「矯矯虎臣,在泮獻馘。」京、鎬京也。太室辟廱之中,明堂太室與諸侯泮宮,俱獻馘焉。即王制所謂以訊馘告者也。《禮記》曰:「祀乎明堂,所以教諸侯之孝也。」《孝經》曰:「孝悌之道,通于神明,光于四海,無所不通。」《詩》云:「自西自東,自南自北,無思不服。」言行孝者,則曰明堂;行悌者,則曰太學。故《孝經》合以為一義,而稱鎬京之詩以明之。凡此皆明堂太室、辟廱太學事通文合之義也。其制度之數,各有所依。堂方百四十四尺,坤之策也。屋圜屋徑二百一十六尺,乾之策也。太廟明堂方三十六丈,通天屋,徑九丈,陰陽九六之變也。圜蓋方載,六九之道也。八闥以象八卦,九室以象九州,十二宮以應十二辰。三十六戶,七十二牖,以四戶八牖乘九室之數也。戶皆外設而不閉,示天下不藏也。通天屋高八十一尺,黃鍾九九之實也。二十八柱列于四方,亦七宿之象也。堂高三丈,以應三統。四鄉五色者,象其行。外廣二十四丈,應一歲二十四氣也。四周以水,象四海,王者之大禮也。《月令篇名》曰:「因天時,制人事,天子發號施令,祀神受職,每月異禮,故謂之月令。」所以順陰陽、奉四時、效氣物、行王政也。成法具備,各從時月藏之明堂,所以示承祖、考神明,明不敢泄瀆之義,故以明堂冠月令以名其篇。自天地定位,有其象,聖帝明君世有紹襲。蓋以裁成大業,非一代之事也。《易》正月之卦曰「益」,其《經》曰:「王用享于帝、吉。」《孟春令》曰:「乃擇元日,祈穀于上帝。」《顓頊曆衡》曰:「天元正月己巳朔旦立春。日月俱起于天廟營室五度。」《月令》:「孟春之月,日在營室。」《堯典》曰:「乃命羲和欽若昊天,曆象日月星辰,敬授人時。」《令》曰:「乃命太史守典奉法,司天日月星辰之行。」《易》曰:「不利為寇,利用禦寇。」《令》曰:「兵戎不起,不可從我始。」《書》曰:「歲二月,同律度量衡。」《仲春令》曰:「日夜分則同度量,鈞衡石。」凡此皆合于大曆唐政,其類不可盡稱。《戴禮·夏小正傳》曰:「陰陽生物之候,王事之次,則夏之月令也。殷人無文,及周而備。」文義所說,博衍深遠,宜周公之所著也。官號職司與《周官》合。《周書》七十一篇,而《月令》弟五十三,古者諸侯朝正于天子。受《月令》以歸而藏諸廟中,天子藏之于明堂,每月告朔朝廟,出而行之。周室既衰,諸侯怠于禮。魯文公廢告朔而朝,仲尼譏之。《經》曰:「閏月不告朔,猶朝于廟,刺舍大禮而徇小儀也。」自是告朔遂闕而徒用其羊,子貢非廢其令而請去之,仲尼曰:「賜也。爾愛其羊,我愛其禮。」庶明王復興君人者,昭而明之,稽而用之,耳無逆聽,令無逆政,所以臻乎大順,陰陽和,年穀豐,太平洽,符瑞由此而至矣。秦相呂不韋著書,取《月令》為紀號。淮南王安亦取以為弟四篇,改名曰《時則》,故偏見之徒。或云《月令》呂不韋作,或云《淮南》,皆非也。

道家 - Daoism

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莊子 - Zhuangzi

[Warring States] 350 BC-250 BC
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[Also known as: 《南華真經》]

內篇 - Inner Chapters

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齊物論 - The Adjustment of Controversies

English translation: James Legge [?]
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7 齊物論:
古之人,其知有所至矣。惡乎至?有以為未始有物者,至矣盡矣,不可以加矣。其次以為有物矣,而未始有封也。其次以為有封焉,而未始有是非也。是非之彰也,道之所以虧也。道之所以虧,愛之所以成。果且有成與虧乎哉?果且無成與虧乎哉?有成與虧,故昭氏之鼓琴也;無成與虧,故昭氏之不鼓琴也。昭文之鼓琴也,師曠之枝策也,惠子之據梧也,三子之知幾乎!皆其盛者也,故載之末年。唯其好之也,以異於彼,其好之也,欲以明之彼。非所明而明之,故以堅白之昧終。而其子又以文之綸終,終身無成。若是而可謂成乎,雖我亦成也。若是而不可謂成乎,物與我無成也。是故滑疑之耀,聖人之所圖也。為是不用而寓諸庸,此之謂以明。
The Adjustment of Controversies:...:
Among the men of old their knowledge reached the extreme point. What was that extreme point? Some held that at first there was not anything. This is the extreme point, the utmost point to which nothing can be added. A second class held that there was something, but without any responsive recognition of it (on the part of men). A third class held that there was such recognition, but there had not begun to be any expression of different opinions about it. It was through the definite expression of different opinions about it that there ensued injury to (the doctrine of) the Dao. It was this injury to the (doctrine of the) Dao which led to the formation of (partial) preferences. Was it indeed after such preferences were formed that the injury came? or did the injury precede the rise of such preferences? If the injury arose after their formation, Zhao's method of playing on the lute was natural. If the injury arose before their formation, there would have been no such playing on the lute as Zhao's. Zhao Wen's playing on the lute, Shi Kuang's indicating time with his staff, and Huizi's (giving his views), while leaning against a dryandra tree (were all extraordinary). The knowledge of the three men (in their several arts) was nearly perfect, and therefore they practised them to the end of their lives. They loved them because they were different from those of others. They loved them and wished to make them known to others. But as they could not be made clear, though they tried to make them so, they ended with the obscure (discussions) about 'the hard' and 'the white.' And their sons, moreover, with all the threads of their fathers' compositions, yet to the end of their lives accomplished nothing. If they, proceeding in this way, could be said to have succeeded, then am I also successful; if they cannot be pronounced successful, neither I nor any other can succeed. Therefore the scintillations of light from the midst of confusion and perplexity are indeed valued by the sagely man; but not to use one's own views and to take his position on the ordinary views is what is called using the (proper) light.

雜家 - Miscellaneous Schools

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淮南子 - Huainanzi

[Western Han (206 BC - 9)]
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[Also known as: 《淮南》, 《鴻烈》]

道應訓

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10 道應訓:
薄疑說衛嗣君以王術。嗣君應之曰:「予所有者,千乘也。願以受教。」薄疑對曰:「烏獲舉千鈞,又況一斤乎?」杜赫以安天下說周昭文君,文君謂杜赫曰:「願學所以安周。」赫對曰:「臣之所言不可,則不能安周;臣之所言可,則周自安矣。」此所謂弗安而安者也。故老子曰:「大制無割,故致數輿無輿也。」

要略

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24 要略:
文王業之而不卒,武王繼文王之業,用太公之謀,悉索薄賦,躬擐甲胄,以伐無道而討不義,誓師牧野,以踐天子之位。天下未定,海內未輯,武王欲昭文王之令德,使夷狄各以其賄來貢,遼遠未能至,故治三年之喪,殯文王於兩楹之間,以俟遠方。武王立三年而崩,成王在褓繈之中,未能用事,蔡叔、管叔,輔公子祿父而欲為亂,周公繼文王之業,持天子之政,以股肱周室,輔翼成王,懼爭道之不塞,臣下之危上也,故縱馬華山,放牛桃林,敗鼓折枹,搢笏而朝,以寧靜王室,鎮撫諸侯。成王既壯,能從政事,周公受封于魯,以此移風易俗。孔子修成、康之道,述周公之訓,以教七十子,使服其衣冠,修其篇籍,故儒者之學生焉。

呂氏春秋 - Lü Shi Chun Qiu

[Warring States] 247 BC-239 BC Lu Bu-wei
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[Also known as: 《呂覽》]

有始覽

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諭大

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3 諭大:
季子曰:「燕雀爭善處於一屋之下,子母相哺也,姁姁焉相樂也,自以為安矣。灶突決,則火上焚棟,燕雀顏色不變,是何也?乃不知禍之將及己也。為人臣能免於燕雀之智者寡矣。夫為人臣者,進其爵祿富貴,父子兄弟相與比周於一國,姁姁焉相樂也,以危其社稷,其為灶突近也,而終不知也,其與燕雀之智不異矣。故曰:『天下大亂,無有安國;一國盡亂,無有安家;一家皆亂,無有安身』,此之謂也。故小之定也必恃大,大之安也必恃小。小大貴賤,交相為恃,然後皆得其樂。」定賤小在於貴大,解在乎薄疑說衛嗣君以王術,杜赫說周昭文君以安天下,及匡章之難惠子以王齊王也。

慎大覽

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報更

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1 報更:
國雖小,其食足以食天下之賢者,其車足以乘天下之賢者,其財足以禮天下之賢者,與天下之賢者為徒,此文王之所以王也。今雖未能王,其以為安也,不亦易乎?此趙宣孟之所以免也,周昭文君之所以顯也,孟嘗君之所以卻荊兵也。古之大立功名與安國免身者,其道無他,其必此之由也。堪士不可以驕恣屈也。

3 報更:
張儀,魏氏餘子也,將西遊於秦,過東周。客有語之於昭文君者曰:「魏氏人張儀,材士也,將西遊於秦,願君之禮貌之也。」昭文君見而謂之曰:「聞客之秦。寡人之國小,不足以留客。雖游然豈必遇哉?客或不遇,請為寡人而一歸也,國雖小,請與客共之。」張儀還走,北面再拜。張儀行,昭文君送而資之,至於秦,留有間,惠王說而相之。張儀所德於天下者,無若昭文君。周,千乘也,重過萬乘也,令秦惠王師之,逢澤之會,魏王嘗為御,韓王為右,名號至今不忘,此張儀之力也。

士容論

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務大

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3 務大:
薄疑說衛嗣君以王術。嗣君應之曰:「所有者千乘也,願以受教。」薄疑對曰:「烏獲舉千鈞,又況一斤?」杜赫以安天下說周昭文君。昭文君謂杜赫曰:「願學所以安周。」杜赫對曰:「臣之所言者不可,則不能安周矣;臣之所言者可,則周自安矣。」此所謂以弗安而安者也。

史書 - Histories

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春秋左傳 - Chun Qiu Zuo Zhuan

[Warring States] 468 BC-300 BC
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[Also known as: 《左傳》, 《左氏傳》, 《春秋傳》, 《左》]

隱公

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隱公五年

Books referencing 《隱公五年》 Library Resources
2 隱公五年:
五年,春,公將如棠觀魚者,臧僖伯諫曰,凡物不足以講大事,其材不足以備器用,則君不舉焉,君將納民於軌物者也,故講事以度軌量謂之軌,取材以章物采謂之物,不軌不物,謂之亂政,亂政亟行,所以敗也,故春蒐,夏苗,秋獮,冬狩,皆於農隙以講事也,三年而治兵,入而振旅,歸而飲至,以數軍實昭文章,明貴賤,辨等列,順少長,習威儀也,鳥獸之肉,不登於俎,皮革,齒牙,骨角,毛,羽,不登於器,則公不射,古之制也。若夫山林川澤之實,器用之資,皁隸之事,官司之守,非君所及也。公曰,吾將略地焉,遂往陳魚而觀之,僖伯稱疾不從,書曰,公矢魚于棠,非禮也,且言遠地也。
曲沃莊伯,以鄭人,邢人,伐翼,王使尹氏武氏助之,翼侯奔隨。
夏葬衛桓公,衛亂,是以緩。
四月,鄭人侵衛牧,以報東門之役,衛人以燕師伐鄭,鄭祭足,原繁,洩駕,以三軍軍其前,使曼伯與子元,潛軍軍其後,燕人畏鄭三軍,而不虞制人,六月,鄭二公子以制人,敗燕師于北制,君子曰,不備不虞,不可以師。
曲沃叛王,秋,王命虢公伐曲沃,而立哀侯于翼。
衛之亂也,郕人侵衛,故衛師入郕。
九月,考仲子之宮將萬焉,公問羽數於眾仲,對曰,天子用八,諸侯用六,大夫四,士二,夫舞所以節八音,而行八風,故自八以下,公從之,於是初獻六羽,始用六佾也。
宋人取邾田,邾人告於鄭曰,請君釋憾於宋,敝邑為道,鄭人以王師會之,伐宋,入其郛,以報東門之役,宋人使來告命,公聞其入郛也,將救之,問於使者曰,師何及,對曰,未及國,公怒,乃止,辭,使者曰,君命寡人,同恤社稷之難,今問諸使者,曰,師未及國,非寡人之所敢知也。
冬十二月,辛巳,臧僖伯卒,公曰,叔父有憾於寡人,寡人弗敢忘,葬之加一等。
宋人伐鄭,圍長葛,以報入郛之役也。

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