| | 楚莊王: |
楚莊王殺陳夏徵舒，春秋貶其文，不予專討也。靈王殺齊慶封，而直稱楚子，何也？曰：莊王之行頤賢，而舒之罪重。以賢君討重罪，其於人心善。若不貶，孰知其非正經。《春秋》常於其嫌得者，見其不得也。是故齊桓不予專地而對，晉文不予致王而朝，楚莊弗予專殺而討。三者不得，則諸侯之得，殆此矣。此楚靈之所以稱子而討也。《春秋》之辭，多所況，是文約而法明也。問者曰：不予諸侯之專封，複見於陳蔡之滅。不予諸侯之專討，獨不複見於慶封之殺，何也？曰：《春秋》之用辭，已明者去之，未明者著之。今諸侯之不得專討，固已明矣。而慶封之罪未有所見也，故稱楚子以伯討之，著其罪之宜死，以為天下大禁。曰：人臣之行，貶主之位，亂國之臣，雖不篡殺，其罪皆宜死，比於此其云爾也。《春秋》曰：「」奚惡乎晉而同夷狄也？曰：《春秋》尊禮而重信。信重於地，禮尊於身。何以知其然也？宋伯姬疑禮而死於火，齊桓公疑信而虧其地，《春秋》賢而舉之，以為天下法，曰禮而信。不答，施無不報，天之數也。 |
| | Chu Zhuangwang killed Chen Xiazhengshu; the Spring and Autumn Annals downgraded his title, not allowing him to act unilaterally in punishment. Lingwang killed Qi Qingfeng, yet the Spring and Autumn Annals directly referred to him as "Chu zi," why was that? It is said: King Zhuangwang's action preserved virtue, and the crime of Zhushu was grave. To have a virtuous ruler punish a grave crime is good for the hearts of the people. If it were not downgraded, who would know that it was not in accordance with proper principles? The Spring and Autumn Annals often reveals what is inappropriate precisely where there appears to be suspicion. Therefore, Duke Huan of Qi was not granted exclusive authority over territory and thus did not act unilaterally; Duke Wen of Jin was not given the right to summon the Son of Heaven and therefore did not pay homage; King Zhuang of Chu was not allowed to carry out independent executions and hence did not launch a punitive campaign. If these three were denied such authority, then the proper conduct of feudal lords likely lies in this. This is why King Ling of Chu was referred to as "zi" (a ruler) and yet was allowed to launch a punitive campaign. The wording of the Spring and Autumn Annals is often allusive; this is why its text is concise yet its principles are clear. The questioner said: The denial of feudal lords' unilateral authority to enfeoff is also evident in the destruction of Chen and Cai. The questioner said: The denial of feudal lords' independent authority to launch punitive campaigns is uniquely not seen again in the killing of Qingfeng—why is that? It is said: The Spring and Autumn Annals uses its wording to omit what is already clear, and emphasizes what remains unclear. Now the feudal lords' lack of authority to act unilaterally in punitive campaigns has already been made clear. And the crime of Qingfeng had not yet become evident, so he was referred to as "Chu zi" (a ruler) while a hegemon launched a punitive campaign against him, emphasizing that his crime deserved death and establishing it as a great prohibition for all under heaven. It is said: The conduct of a minister who degrades the ruler's position and is a traitor to the state—though he may not commit regicide or usurpation, his crime still deserves death. This case is comparable to that, hence it is stated thus. The Spring and Autumn Annals says: "Jin attacked Xianyu." Why is Jin considered evil and equated with the Yi and Di? It is said: The Spring and Autumn Annals upholds rites and values trustworthiness. Trustworthiness is more important than territory, and rites are more esteemed than one's own person. How do we know this to be the case? Lady Boji of Song doubted the rites and perished in a fire; Duke Huan of Qi doubted trustworthiness and lost territory. The Spring and Autumn Annals regards them as virtuous and cites their examples as precedents for all under heaven, saying: "Rites and trustworthiness." Not answering, the application of retribution is never left unfulfilled; this is the order of Heaven.
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| | 楚莊王: |
今我君臣同姓適女，女無良心，不符號。有恐畏我，何其不夷狄也。公子慶父之亂，魯危殆亡，而齊侯安之。於彼無親，尚來擾我，如何與同姓而殘賊遇我。《》云：「宛彼鳴鳩，翰飛戾天。我心憂傷，念彼先人。明發不味，有懷二人。」人皆有此心也。今晉不以同姓憂我，而強大厭我，我心望焉。故言之不好。謂之晉而已，婉辭也。晉惡而不可親，公往而不敢到，乃人情耳。君子何恥而稱公有疾也？曰：惡無故自來。君子不恥，內省不疚，何憂於誌，是已矣。今《春秋》恥之者，昭公有以取之也。臣陵其君，始於文而甚於昭。公受亂陵夷，而無懼惕之心，囂囂然輕計妄討，犯大禮而取同姓，接不義而重自輕也。人之言曰：「國家治，則四鄰賀；國家亂，則四鄰散。」是故季孫專其位，而大國莫之正。出走八年，死乃得歸。身亡子危，困之到也。君子不恥其困，而恥其所以窮。昭公難逢此時，敬不取同姓，諜到於是。雖取同姓，能用孔子自輔，亦不到如是。時難而治簡，行枉而無救，是其所以窮也。 |
| | Now our ruler and minister are of the same surname, and a daughter has been given in marriage; yet the daughter lacks a sense of conscience and does not correspond to the title. There is fear of us, so how can they be considered Yi or Di? The chaos caused by Gongzi Qingfu brought the state of Lu to the brink of destruction, yet Duke Qi of Qi remained indifferent. Since they are unrelated to us, they still come to trouble us; how much more so for those of the same surname who treat us as enemies and traitors? The Book of Songs says: "There is a jiao bird, whose wings beat the sky." My heart grieves; I think of our ancestors. Bright dawn comes without flavor, for my thoughts dwell upon the two." All people have this heart. Now Jin does not worry about us because of our shared surname, yet with its strength it oppresses us; my heart laments this. Therefore, I do not speak well of it. It is called merely "Jin," a courteous expression. Jin is wicked and cannot be trusted; the ruler went but dared not arrive—it is simply human nature. What shame does a gentleman feel in saying that the ruler was ill? It is said: It is shameful for something evil to come without cause. A gentleman feels no shame; he examines himself internally and finds no guilt, so why should he worry about his intentions? This is all. Now the Spring and Autumn Annals considers it shameful because Duke Zhao had brought it upon himself. Ministers overstepping their rulers began under Duke Wen but became severe under Duke Zhao. The ruler endured disorder and subjugation yet showed no fear or vigilance; he acted recklessly, making hasty decisions and launching unwarranted punitive campaigns. He violated great rites by attacking a state of the same surname, associating with injustice and greatly undervaluing himself. People say: "When a country is well governed, its four neighboring states will offer congratulations; when a country is in chaos, its four neighboring states will disperse." Therefore, Jisun monopolized his position, and no great state corrected him. He fled abroad for eight years and only returned after his death. His life was lost, his son endangered—this was the consequence of his suffering. A gentleman does not feel shame for his hardship, but feels shame for the reason behind his downfall. Duke Zhao encountered this difficult time; had he shown reverence and refrained from attacking a state of the same surname, he would have avoided falling into this predicament. Even if he attacked a state of the same surname, had he been able to employ Confucius to assist him, he would not have fallen into such a situation. In difficult times and with simple governance, his conduct was crooked yet went uncorrected—this is why he fell into such a plight.
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| | 楚莊王: |
春秋分十二世以為三等：有見，有聞，有傳聞。有見三世，有聞四世，有傳聞五世。故哀、定、昭，君子之所見也。襄、成、文、宣，君子之所聞也。僖、閔、莊、桓、隱，君子之所傳聞也。所見六十一年，所聞八十五年，所傳聞九十六年。於所見微其辭，於所聞痛其禍，於傳聞殺其恩，與情俱也。是故逐季氏而言又雩，微其辭也。 |
| | The Spring and Autumn Annals divides twelve generations into three categories: those that are directly recorded, those that are heard of, and those that are merely passed down by hearsay. Three generations are directly recorded as "seen," four generations are recorded as "heard," and five generations are recorded as "merely passed down by hearsay." Therefore, the reigns of Duke Ai, Duke Ding, and Duke Zhao are what gentlemen directly witnessed. Duke Xiang, Duke Cheng, Duke Wen, and Duke Xuan are what gentlemen heard about. Duke Xi, Duke Min, Duke Zhuang, Duke Huan, and Duke Yin are what gentlemen received only by hearsay. The period of "seen" spans sixty-one years, the period of "heard" spans eighty-five years, and the period of "hearsay" spans ninety-six years. In the "seen" period, the wording is subtle; in the "heard" period, the calamities are lamented deeply; and in the "hearsay" period, mercy is withheld—this all corresponds to human sentiment. Therefore, speaking of expelling Jisun while mentioning another rain-summoning rite—this is an example of subtle wording.
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| | 楚莊王: |
子赤殺，弗忍書日，痛其禍也。子般殺而書乙未，殺其恩也。屈伸之志，詳略之文，皆應之。吾以其近近而遠遠，親親而疏疏也，亦知其貴貴而賤賤，重重而輕輕也。有知其厚厚而薄薄，善善而惡惡也，有知其陽陽而陰陰，白白而黑黑也。百物皆有合偶，偶之合之，仇之匹之，善矣。《》云：「成儀抑抑，德音秩秩。無怨無惡，率由仇匹。」此之謂也。《春秋》，義之大者也。視其溫辭，可以知其塞怨。是故於外，道而不顯，於內，諱而不隱。於尊亦然，於賢亦然。此其別內外、差賢不肖而等尊卑也。義不訕上，智不危身。故遠者以義諱，近者以智畏。畏與義兼，則世逾近而言逾謹矣。此定哀之所以微其辭。以故用則天下平，不用則安其身，《春秋》之道也。 |
| | Prince Chi was killed; the Annals did not record the exact day out of 不忍 (reluctance), lamenting the calamity deeply. Prince Ban was killed, and the Annals recorded it as "on the Yiwei day"—this is withholding mercy toward him. The expressions of restraint and assertion, the detailed or concise wording—all correspond to this principle. I know that it values the near over the distant, and the close over the remote; likewise, I understand its esteem for what is noble and disdain for what is base, its emphasis on what is important and neglect of what is trivial. Some understand that it esteems the substantial over the superficial, and good over evil; some comprehend its recognition of what is open and bright as opposed to what is hidden and dark. All things in the world have their counterparts; when they are paired together, matched as rivals or partners, this is good. The Book of Songs says: "The rites are orderly, the virtuous words are well-arranged." There is no resentment or ill will; all follow their proper pairings. This is what it means. The Spring and Autumn Annals embodies the greatest principles of righteousness. Observing its gentle wording, one can discern how it suppresses resentment. Therefore, regarding external matters, it conveys meaning without being explicit; regarding internal affairs, it avoids direct mention yet does not conceal them entirely. The same applies to the treatment of the exalted and the virtuous. This is how it distinguishes between internal and external matters, differentiates between the virtuous and the unworthy, and establishes the hierarchy of rank and status. Righteousness does not slander one's superiors; wisdom does not endanger oneself. Therefore, for those distant, righteousness is used to avoid direct mention; for those near, wisdom is used to instill caution. When reverence and righteousness are combined, the closer the time period, the more careful the wording becomes. This is why Duke Ding and Duke Ai used subtle wording. Therefore, if applied, it brings peace to the world; if not applied, it ensures one's own safety—this is the principle of the Spring and Autumn Annals.
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| | 楚莊王: |
《春秋》之道，奉天而法古。是故雖有巧手，弗循規矩，不能正方員。雖有察耳，不吹六律，不能定五音。雖有知心，不覽先王，不能平天下。亦天下之規矩六律已。故聖者法天，賢者法聖，此其大數也。得大數而治，失大數而亂，此治亂之分也。所聞天下無二道，故聖人異治同理也。 |
| | The principle of the Spring and Autumn Ann als is to uphold Heaven's will and follow ancient laws. Therefore, even with skillful hands, if one does not follow the rules and measures, one cannot square or round things properly. Even with sharp ears, without blowing through the six pitch-pipes, one cannot determine the five musical tones. Even with a discerning mind, without studying the sage kings of old, one cannot bring peace to the world. These are also the rules and measures for all under heaven. Therefore, sages emulate Heaven, and virtuous men emulate the sages—this is their fundamental principle. To grasp this fundamental principle brings order; to lose it brings chaos—this is the distinction between governance and disorder. It is said that there is only one way under heaven, hence although sage rulers may differ in their methods of governance, they share the same fundamental principles.
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| | 楚莊王: |
古今通達，故先賢傳其法於後世也。《春秋》之於世事也，善複古，譏易常，欲其法先王也。然而介以一言曰：「王者必改制。」自僻者得此以為辭，曰：古苟可循先王之道，何莫相因？世迷是聞，以疑正道而信邪言，甚可患也。答之曰：人有聞諸侯之君射《狸首》之樂者，於是自斷狸首，懸而射之，曰：安在於樂也！此聞其名而不知其實者也。今所謂新王必改制者，非改其道，非變其理，受命於天，易姓更王，非繼前王而王也。若一因前制，修故業，而無有所改，是與繼前王而王者無以別。受命之君，天之所大顯也。事父者承意，事君者儀誌。事天亦然。今天大顯已，物襲所代而率與同，則不顯不明，非天誌。故必徙居處、更稱號、改正朔、易服色者，無他焉，不敢不順天誌而明白顯也。若夫大綱、人倫、道理、政治、教化、習俗、文義盡如故，亦何改哉？故王者有改制之名，無易道之實。孔子曰：「無為而治者，其舜乎！」言其主堯之道而已。此非不易之效與？問者曰：物改而天授顯矣，其必更作樂，何也？曰：樂異乎是。制為應天改之，樂為應人作之。彼之所受命者，必民之所同樂也。是故大改制於初，所以明天命也。更作樂於終，所以見天功也。緣天下之所新樂而為之文曲，且以和政，且以同德。天下未遍合和，王者不虛作樂。樂者，盈於內而動發於外者也。應其治時，制禮作樂以成之。成者，本末質文皆以具矣。是故作樂者必反天下之所始樂於己以為本。舜時，民樂其昭堯之業也，故《韶》。「韶」者，昭也。禹之時，民樂其三聖相繼，故《夏》。「夏」者，大也。湯之時，民樂其救之於患害也，故《濩》。「濩」者，救也。文王之時，民樂其同師徵伐也，故《武》。「武」者，伐也。四者，天下同樂之，一也，其所同樂之端不可一也。作樂之法，必反本之所樂。所樂不同事，樂安得不世異？是故舜作《韶》而禹作《夏》，湯作《濩》而文王作《武》。四樂殊名，則各順其民始樂於己也。見其效矣。《》云：「文王受命，有此武功。既伐於崇，作邑於豐。」樂之風也。又曰：「王赫斯怒，爰整其旅。」當是時，紂為無道，諸侯大亂，民樂文王之怒而詠歌之也。周人德已洽天下，反本以為樂，謂之《大武》，言民所始樂者武也云爾。故凡樂者，作之於終，而名之以始，重本之義也。此觀之，正朔、服色之改，受命應天制禮作樂之異，人心之動也。二者離而複合，所為一也。 |
| | Ancient and modern times are interconnected; therefore, past sages transmitted their laws to future generations. The Spring and Autumn Annals, in regard to worldly affairs, commends the restoration of ancient ways and censures the alteration of established norms, desiring that people follow the example of the sage kings. Yet it is stated in one phrase: "A Son of Heaven must surely institute new systems." Those who isolate themselves use this as an excuse, saying: "If the past could indeed follow the ways of the sage kings, why then is there no inheritance from one to another?" The world is confused by this saying, doubting the correct path and believing in fallacious words—this is a grave concern. The answer is: There was a person who heard of the ruler of a feudal state shooting at the music "Lishou," so he cut off a fox's head, hung it up and shot at it, saying: "Where then is the music?" This is someone who hears only the name but does not know its true meaning. Now, what is called "a new Son of Heaven must institute new systems" does not mean altering the Way or changing its principles; rather, it means receiving authority from Heaven, changing surnames and becoming a new ruler—it is not continuing as a successor to the former king but assuming kingship anew. If one merely follows previous systems, repairs old endeavors, and makes no changes at all, this would be indistinguishable from succeeding to the kingship as a continuation of the former ruler. A sovereign who receives Heaven's mandate is one whom Heaven greatly honors. To serve one's father means to carry out his intentions; to serve a ruler means to follow the established principles of conduct. Serving Heaven is likewise so. Now that Heaven has greatly honored a ruler, if things merely imitate what was replaced and follow the same as before, then there is no distinction or clarity—this would not be in accordance with Heaven's will. Therefore, it is necessary to change one's residence, alter titles, reform the calendar, and modify dress colors—there is no other reason than that one dares not fail to follow Heaven's will and make things clear and distinct. As for the great principles, human relationships, moral conduct, political order, education, customs, and literary meaning—if they remain entirely as before, what need is there for change? Therefore, a Son of Heaven has the name of instituting new systems but does not alter the reality of the Way. Confucius said: "He who governs by non-action—was it not Shun!" He merely meant that he upheld Yao's Way. Is this not an example of effectiveness without change? The questioner said: If things have changed and Heaven's mandate is now evident, why must there necessarily be a new creation of music? Music is different in this regard. Instituting systems involves changing them to respond to Heaven's will, whereas creating music involves doing so to respond to human needs. He who receives the mandate from Heaven must be one whom the people universally take pleasure in. Therefore, great reforms of systems are carried out at the beginning, so as to clarify Heaven's mandate. Making new music in the end is done in order to demonstrate Heaven's achievement. Creating musical compositions based on what the people throughout the world now take pleasure in serves both to harmonize governance and to unite virtue. Until all under Heaven are universally united and harmonized, a Son of Heaven does not create music without cause. Music is something that fills the inner self and then manifests outwardly in expression. In response to a time of good governance, rites are instituted and music created to complete it. "Completion" means that both the fundamentals and details, as well as the material and ceremonial aspects, are all fully prepared. Therefore, when creating music one must take as a foundation what the people throughout the land originally took pleasure in regarding oneself. In Shun's time, the people rejoiced in his clarifying Yao's achievements, hence the music of "Shao." "Shao" means to clarify or illuminate. In Yu's time, the people took pleasure in the succession of three sage rulers, hence the music of "Xia." "Xia" means greatness. In Tang's time, the people took joy in being rescued from suffering and harm, hence the music of "Huo." "Huo" means rescue. In the time of King Wen, the people took pleasure in their united efforts under a leader to conduct military campaigns, hence the music "Wu." "Wu" means to wage war or campaign. These four [Shao, Xia, Huo, Wu] are all universally enjoyed by the people under Heaven; they share one fundamental principle, but the specific aspects in which the people find joy cannot be identical. The method of creating music must return to what the people originally took pleasure in. Since the things that bring joy differ from one era to another, how could the music not also change with each generation? Therefore, Shun composed "Shao" and Yu composed "Xia," Tang composed "Huo," and King Wen composed "Wu." The four musical compositions have different names, each corresponding to what the people initially took pleasure in regarding their ruler. This demonstrates its effectiveness. The "Poetry" says: "King Wen received Heaven's mandate and achieved this martial virtue." Having conquered Chong, he founded a city at Feng. This is the style of music. It also says: "The king was wrathful and mighty, and thus he mustered his troops." At that time, Zhou was a tyrant, the feudal lords were in great disorder, and the people rejoiced at King Wen's anger and sang praises of it. The Zhou people, whose virtue had already permeated all under Heaven, returned to their original foundation as the basis for music, calling it "Da Wu." This was said because what the people originally took joy in was martial achievement. Therefore, all music is composed at the end of an era but named according to its beginning; this reflects the significance of valuing the origin. From this we see that changes in the calendar and dress colors, as well as differences in instituting rites and creating music to respond to Heaven's mandate, all reflect the movement of human hearts. The two [rites and music] separate and then reunite; their purpose is one.
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