Youth and early career

Yan Song was born on 3 March 1480 in Fenyi, Jiangxi Province. Although his family was registered as artisans, they were actually engaged in trade. Later, when Yan became wealthy, he joined the wholesale trade with his son. Together, they owned several shops in Yangzhou, the leading commercial center in the southern part of the country. Yan Song's father, Yan Huai (; 1453–1495), was primarily a teacher and principal of a local school. Despite being a weak and often sickly child, Yan Song showed great literary talent. His father spared no effort in educating him in Confucian teachings. In 1495, at the age of fifteen, Yan Song applied for the provincial civil service examination, but his father had just died, and he could not take the exam because of mourning. He eventually passed the provincial examination in 1498, ranking sixteenth, which was a decent performance. It was not until 1505 that he succeeded in the metropolitan examination as number thirty-eight. He ranked fifth in the palace examination that followed, which was a great success, although he had hoped for an even better result.

Biographer Wang Shizhen states that during the examination and final banquet in 1498, Yan Song left a negative impression on the examiner due to his gaunt appearance and poorly dressed attire. This negative perception continued to haunt him for years. He often reminisced about the challenging times of his youth, particularly after his mother's death in 1509, when he lacked the means to give her a dignified funeral. In 1499, he married Lady Ouyang, and their daughter was born the same year. In 1513, their son Yan Shifan was born.

In 1505, Yan was appointed as a bachelor (Shujishi) at the Hanlin Academy. Around 1508, he requested a leave of absence due to illness and returned to his hometown of Fenyi. He spent eight years there, avoiding the factional conflicts and purges that occurred during the eunuch Liu Jin's dominance (1506–1510) at the imperial court. It was not until 1516 that Yan fully recovered and even then, he rarely returned to work. Upon his return to Beijing, he was reassigned to the Hanlin Academy as a junior compiler. In addition to his duties at the academy, he was given various short-term assignments, such as training imperial eunuchs in 1517, serving on the examination board for the metropolitan and palace examinations, and being part of a delegation sent to Guangxi Province in 1518 to oversee the accession of a new Ming prince. He refrained from participating in protests against the emperors, including those against the Zhengde Emperor's trips to the northern borderlands and south in 1517–1519, as well as discussions about the order of accession for the new Jiajing Emperor in 1521 and the Great Rites Controversy in 1524. As a politician, he avoided getting involved in factional disputes and did not hold strong opinions on political matters. This made him open to supporting any applicants who offered suitable gifts when he rose to higher positions.

Yan was later transferred to the Hanlin Academy in Nanjing and in 1525, he returned to Beijing to take over the administration of the state-run Imperial University. After three years, he was appointed vice minister of rites and given the honorable task of traveling to the tomb of the emperor's father in Anlu, Huguang Province, to announce his new temple name to his spirit.

Minister of Rites

From 1531 to 1536, Yan served as the minister of rites in Nanjing. In 1536, he was promoted to minister of rites in Beijing, where he served alongside Xia Yan. Xia was appointed grand secretary that same year. Following Xia's departure from the position, Yan Song became the sole minister of rites in January 1537. Yan held this position until May 1543, when he was appointed grand secretary. The Ministry of Rites was responsible for various duties, including overseeing rituals and ceremonies, managing foreign relations, overseeing state Confucian schools and civil service examinations, and handling matters related to members of the imperial family living in different regions.

During the 1530s, as he rose in office, Yan's financial situation significantly improved. Between 1537 and 1539, he had a new residence built in Beijing, immediately south of the Forbidden City. His son, Yan Shifan, oversaw the construction and subsequently managed the household. In 1540, Yan Shifan also oversaw the construction of a new extensive family residence in his native region, Yuanzhou Prefecture, which was located 40 kilometers away from his hometown of Fenyi. As Yan Song's power and influence grew, he gradually handed over the responsibility of accepting applicants for help and various benefits in exchange for a reasonable "gift" to his son. This allowed Yan Song to keep his hands clean and focus on fulfilling the wishes of the ruler as a reliable, efficient, and always loyal minister.

As the minister of rites, Yan played a crucial role in the ceremonial reforms of the late 1530s. This included the change of the temple name of the Yongle Emperor, the third emperor of the dynasty. In 1536, Yan was instrumental in persuading the Jiajing Emperor to officially declare his newborn son, Zhu Zairui, as the heir. The emperor named his son as crown prince in 1539. Later that year, the emperor's mother died. After discussions between the emperor and the government, it was decided that she would be buried in Anlu, in the tomb of her husband. The emperor personally inspected his father's tomb and Yan played a significant role in organizing the journey. The journey was accompanied by over a thousand officials and servants, as well as six thousand soldiers. It took place in March–May 1539. In June of the same year, a funeral procession with the remains of the emperor's mother set off for Anlu.

Foreign policy

The major foreign policy concern during the late 1530s and early 1540s was the situation in Đại Việt (present-day in northern Vietnam). After the emperor's son was born in November 1536, the Ming government sent envoys to neighboring countries to announce the prince's birth. Grand Secretary Xia Yan refused to include Đại Việt in these diplomatic efforts. He argued that Đại Việt had not paid tribute for twenty years and that the current ruler, Mạc Thái Tông, was not a legitimate leader. The Minister of War and the militarist faction in the government, led by Guo Xun, Marquis of Wuting, responded by proposing a punitive expedition. This proposal was met with criticism for being extravagant and costly. In March 1537, envoys from Mạc Thái Tông's rival Lê Trang Tông arrived in Beijing, seeking assistance against Mạc. The Jiajing Emperor then tasked the Ministries of Rites and War with investigating the situation. Yan presented the emperor with a summary of the history of Sino-Viet relations over the past fifteen centuries and the conclusions of consultations between high-ranking officials. They agreed that Mạc Thái Tông was responsible for the civil war, the closure of the border, and the interruption of mutual relations. They recommended military action against him, and the Jiajing Emperor agreed. However, local authorities in Guangdong protested against the invasion of Đại Việt. They argued that the Viets were not violating the border and that the outcome of their civil war was unclear. These protests from regional officials caused the emperor to hesitate, and in June, he canceled military preparations. In September 1537, influenced by new proposals from the regions, he resumed preparations for war.

In the spring of 1538, the Jiajing Emperor appointed a commander for the campaign, but the border authorities responded by quantifying the expected costs and problems of the war. The Ministry of War responded to the emperor's inquiry by submitting the matter to inter-ministerial consultations, and the Ministry of Rites found that Mạc Thái Tông controlled three-quarters of the country, while Lê Trang Tông had only minimal influence. Additionally, the powerful Trịnh and Nguyễn families dominated the opposition to the Mạc dynasty. Mạc Thái Tông also humbly requested the Ming government to establish relations, claiming that Lê Trang Tông was an impostor with no legitimate claim to the throne. With both sides of the Viets willing to acknowledge Ming supremacy, Yan recommended waiting, and the emperor ultimately decided to call off the invasion. Discussions on the Đại Việt problem continued into 1539–1540. In 1539, a delegation from Mạc Thái Tông requested to establish relations with the Ming authorities. They submitted censuses and maps of the country as evidence of Mạc Thái Tông's rule over Đại Việt. In late 1540, the gathering of 110,000 Ming soldiers in Guangxi Province alarmed Mạc Thái Tông. In an attempt to avert an invasion, he personally knelt on the Ming-Viet border and presented Ming officials with a new request for recognition. This request was accompanied by documentation of his government, civil and military offices, and a willingness to hand over disputed border territories to the Ming dynasty. Finally, in April 1541, the Jiajing Emperor decided in favor of the Mạc dynasty (then ruled by Mạc Thái Tổ). He pardoned Mạc Thái Tổ for crimes committed during the civil wars, declared the previous Lê dynasty extinct, and recognized him as the ruler of Đại Việt. However, he did not grant him the title of king (wang), which the Ming dynasty had granted to the rulers of the Lê dynasty. Instead, he gave him the title of "pacification commissioner". The emperor also honored and presented gifts to Grand Secretaries Xia Yan and Zhai Luan for organizing war preparations, and to Yan Song and Guo Xun for their constructive proposals. This chosen solution, not insisting on the general principle of foreign policy–the Ming dynasty would support legitimate rulers if they recognized Ming superiority–and instead respecting the power reality in Đại Việt, was characteristic of Yan Song's concept of politics.

The Ming court severed official trade relations with Japan following the violence caused by the Japanese in Ningbo in 1523. Despite this, Japan had a high demand for Chinese goods, particularly silk. In the 1530s, new silver deposits were discovered and Chinese mining techniques were introduced, giving Japan the financial means to afford larger imports from China. In 1539, three Japanese ships arrived in Zhejiang with tribute and a request for trade. The envoys, led by Buddhist monk Koshin Sekitei, were received by the emperor in Beijing; however, the fifty-member delegation was closely monitored and not permitted to engage in trade. The following year, Japanese ships arrived again, and the emperor referred their requests to inter-ministerial consultations led by Yan. After deliberation, the ministries and Censorate concluded that the ships should be turned away and that future Japanese visits should adhere to the rules established by the Hongwu Emperor in the 14th century: one visit every ten years with only three unarmed ships. In the event of any issues, contact should be terminated. They also urged for the reinforcement of coastal defenses, which were in poor condition, as a precautionary measure. The emperor concurred with his officials. However, another delegation in 1544 was also rejected, and from 1545 onwards, the Japanese disregarded the Ming authorities and engaged in annual trade with Chinese merchants on Shuangyu Island off the coast of Zhejiang. Yan accused the merchants and government of the Ryukyu Islands of participating in illegal trade and demanded that the ruler of the island rectify the situation.

The Tibetans, Jurchens, and Koreans behaved calmly. The Mongols, specifically the Uriankhai in eastern Mongolia, submitted to the Ming rules of foreign relations. When their request for expanded trade was rejected, they apologized. They also asked for an extraordinary subsidy to compensate for the damage to their economy caused by adverse weather and the raid of the "yellow-haired Tatars". The emperor agreed to this request. Relations with the states and countries west of China, specifically in Uyghur, were relatively smooth. The ministry only attempted to limit the number and size of incoming delegations. Yan found it inappropriate that both the official translators and escorts of Central Asian delegations were primarily of Central Asian origin. With the emperor's approval, he stipulated that only ethnic Chinese individuals should be employed in these positions. Later, the censors accused Yan of hiring relatives of officials or wealthy Beijing merchants as translators in a patronizing manner. Yan defended himself by stating that he had no influence on the hiring process and that those in question had passed foreign language exams after three years of study, including a year's stay in the relevant border region. However, to avoid suspicion, he dismissed them. The emperor approved the dismissal of translators from merchant families, but allowed those of official origin to remain.

Education and civil service examination

As the population continued to grow, the number of officials also increased, but the number of students and candidates for examinations grew even more rapidly. In response, Yan took action by organizing the expansion and establishment of new state Confucian schools, particularly in the peripheral regions of the empire where there had previously been little interest in studying. He also appealed to the emperor to increase the quotas for successful graduates of the provincial and metropolitan civil service examinations. This request was supported by provincial authorities who argued that the current graduates of the metropolitan and palace examinations only governed 10 to 20% of the counties, and that for the sake of effective administration, they should have a larger presence in the counties. While the Jiajing Emperor did increase the provincial quotas in some cases, he rejected other requests.

In regards to the civil service examinations, the Ministry of Rites under Yan expressed concern about the quality of candidates' examination essays. In 1537–38, due to intense competition, these essays had become excessively wordy and contained views that diverged from orthodox Neo-Confucianism, as well as unwarranted criticism of state ceremonies and security policies. The ministry was particularly troubled by the fact that examiners were positively evaluating these essays. The situation was most severe in Guangdong Province, where both students and examiners looked to the works of Lun Wenxu (1467–1513) and the esteemed philosopher Chen Xianzhang (1428–1500) as models. As a result, the emperor approved the ministry's proposal to purge provincial examination boards and to dismiss or arrest examiners in Guangdong, as well as in Huguang, South Zhili, Jiangxi, and Henan. Students were also warned against using or referencing the works of unorthodox philosophers, including Chen Xianchang, his disciple Zhan Ruoshui (1466–1560), and Wang Yangming (1472–1529). Academies founded by these philosophers or their disciples were placed under state supervision or shut down. Zhan Ruoshui, who was then the minister of personnel in Nanjing, was not affected by these actions as officials from the ministries of personnel and rites agreed that he was not personally at fault.

Other matters

In 1537, one of the censors proposed strict measures against Buddhism, including reducing the number of monasteries, confiscating their property, and forcing monks ordained without state consent to return to secular life. Although the emperor held a negative view of Buddhists and was sympathetic to the proposal, Yan argued for a more moderate approach. He believed that forcing thousands of monks back into secular life would only add to the already large population of vagrants and homeless people, potentially causing unrest. Additionally, he pointed out that the confiscated property would likely benefit the families of officials rather than the state treasury. As a compromise, Yan suggested gradually restricting Buddhism by halting repairs on temple buildings and prayer halls, ceasing the ordination of new monks, and encouraging existing monks to return to secular life. The emperor ultimately approved this proposal.

The Ministry of Rites was responsible for addressing the issue of a large number of untrained and unlicensed physicians practicing in Beijing. There was a constant disagreement over the appropriate number of cooks needed for imperial ceremonies. The Office of Scrutiny for Revenue argued that the current number of 4,000 was excessive and suggested dismissing some of them, but the Court of Imperial Entertainments objected, stating that the official number was actually over 6,800 and that there was a shortage of almost 3,000. Eventually, Yan was able to reach a compromise with the emperor, resulting in the hiring of only a few dozen new cooks. Additionally, the emperor approved Yan's proposal to not return runaway cooks to Beijing, as it would unnecessarily burden the taxpayers.

The handling of petitions and disputes among princes of the imperial family was a delicate matter that required careful consideration. Additionally, the ministry was responsible for interpreting and recording signs from Heaven, both favorable and unfavorable. In more serious instances, such as the lightning strike that caused a fire in one of the palaces of the Forbidden City in 1537, the comet of 1539, or the lightning strike on the imperial ancestral temple in 1541, it was clear that Heaven was expressing its anger, but the exact cause was uncertain. It could have been due to negligence, corruption, or injustice within any ministry or office. In these situations, officials were instructed to perform atonement ceremonies, reflect on their actions, and undergo audits.

Grand Secretary

In the early 1540s, Xia Yan lost the emperor's trust and support. Although he had previously participated in Taoist ceremonies organized by the emperor in the 1530s, he became cold towards them in the 1540s. The emperor saw this change in attitude as an attack on his authority. Yan Song took advantage of this opportunity to remove his rival. As a result, in August 1542, the emperor dismissed Xia from the Grand Secretariat. This left only Zhai Luan, who lacked a decisive personality, in the Grand Secretariat. In September, the emperor appointed Yan as the new grand secretary.

Yan was known for showering the emperor with attention and diligence, in stark contrast to Xia. He also showed strong support for the emperor's interest in Taoism. While he openly endorsed Taoist prayers, he remained cautious about life-extending potions and offers to transform common metals into gold and silver. Despite his caution, he did recommend some Taoist alchemists to the emperor, but he always advised that their medicines be carefully examined. The emperor saw Yan as a father figure–a generation older, tall, always elegantly dressed, and full of energy. Yan carried out the emperor's instructions meticulously, seeking his approval for all matters. He also resorted to dishonest methods to eliminate his opponents, which harmed his reputation.

In late November 1542, shortly after appointing Yan as grand secretary, the Jiajing Emperor permanently relocated from the Forbidden City to the West Park, which he transformed into a Taoist paradise for immortals. A select group of his closest aides, including the grand secretaries, resided with him in the West Park. Yan held the second-highest position in the Grand Secretariat, reporting to Zhai Luan. In the fall of 1544, Zhai's two sons were accused of cheating on the civil service examinations, leading to an investigation that uncovered numerous irregularities within the examination board. Although no specific charges were found against Zhai and his sons, the emperor dismissed Zhai from his position and barred him from the civil service. As a result, Yan became the head of the Grand Secretariat. In an attempt to counterbalance Yan's influence, the emperor recalled Xia to the Grand Secretariat in October 1545, and he assumed control. The two statesmen had a mutual dislike for each other, and Xia refused to consult with Yan or acknowledge his appointments. Feeling threatened, Yan formed an alliance with Xia's opponents and the emperor's favorites, including Marquis Cui Yuan, General Lu Bing, and Marquis Qiu Luan.

In February 1548, Xia supported the campaign to Ordos without Yan's knowledge, ultimately bearing full responsibility for it. However, when the emperor withdrew his support for the campaign due to reports of discontent in neighboring Shaanxi Province and unfavorable omens, Xia's enemies, including Yan, seized the opportunity to level a series of accusations against him. As a result, Xia was dismissed from his position in February 1548 and executed in October of the same year. Following Xia's downfall, Yan once again assumed the role of senior grand secretary.

As senior grand secretary, Yan held the most influential position in the government, despite the emperor having other favorites. These included Duke Guo Xun, Duke Zhu Xizhong, and the Taoist Tao Zhongwen. During the 1550s, the Grand Secretariat consisted of Yan Song, Xu Jie (grand secretary from 1552 to 1568), and Li Ben (grand secretary from 1549 to 1561). Xu was known for his energy and decisiveness, while Li often deferred to his colleagues' strong personalities when it came to discussions about governing the empire. The emperor often played the grand secretaries against each other, and the bureaucracy was further influenced by bribes organized by Yan Song's son, Yan Shifan. With his father's support, Yan Shifan was appointed to various positions, including vice minister of the seal office, chief minister of the Court of Imperial Sacrifice, and junior vice minister of works. He was knowledgeable in economic, administrative, and strategic matters, but his self-confidence sometimes bordered on arrogance. While Yan Song spent most of his time with the emperor in the West Park, Yan Shifan managed his father's household and eventually took over the latter's administrative duties as his father aged.

As a statesman, Yan Song was highly capable and even his harshest critics praised his diligence, responsibility, courtesy, and modesty. His equally competent son aided him in governing the empire. Together, they prioritized appointing and promoting qualified officials, while also removing any who posed a threat to their position. Despite facing numerous political crises and challenges, Yan Song managed to navigate them by delegating decision-making and responsibility to the appropriate ministries and offices; thus, the Ministry of Rites was responsible for handling matters related to the Mongols, while the Ministry of War dealt with their expulsion. Yan Song only retained control over personnel matters and occasionally policy decisions. He also avoided getting involved in the government's biggest issue at the time–state finances–leaving it to the ministries of revenue and works. In conflicts with the Mongols in the 1550s and pirates on the southeastern coast, Yan Song preferred a diplomatic approach, seeking compromise and negotiation. He often placed his support in a single regional representative with broad authority, through whom he could influence the situation. In contrast, Xu Jie corresponded with multiple local dignitaries. Thus, when defending the Beijing region against Mongol raids in 1550-1551, Yan Song backed General Qiu Luan; in addressing pirate problems on the southeast coast, he relied on Minister Zhao Wenhua and Supreme Commander Hu Zongxian.

Downfall and death

Yan Song and Yan Shifan were infamous for their corruption and clientelism. They were heavily criticized for undermining traditional administrative practices, and Yan Shifan was specifically accused of corruption. As a result, they had many enemies who were determined to overthrow them, but the Yans fiercely defended themselves. In some cases, the emperor executed officials who spoke out against Yan Song and his son. Despite the accusations, Yan Song vehemently denied any wrongdoing and convinced the emperor that they were simply a result of factional conflicts. The emperor, who was always quick to believe the worst of officials, accepted Yan Song's defense, even though the accusations were often vague, lacked evidence, or were clearly implausible.

As Yan Song aged, he became increasingly reliant on Yan Shifan, who not only wrote decrees but also interpreted the emperor's wishes. By 1560, Yan Song was already eighty years old and no longer able to fulfill his own duties. The following year, his wife died and his son was unable to come to the palace due to mourning. This left Yan Song unable to carry out his duties without his son's assistance. On 31 December 1561, a fire broke out in the emperor's Yongshou Palace in the West Park, forcing the emperor to move to the smaller Yuxi Palace on the west bank of Lake Taiye. Yan Song suggested relocating the emperor to an uninhabited palace in southern Beijing, where Emperor Yingzong had once been held under house arrest. He argued that rebuilding Yongshou Palace would be costly. The emperor angrily rejected this idea and was supported by Xu Jie, who believed that the reconstruction could be done using materials intended for the construction of the Forbidden City. Xu Jie's son, Xu Fan, was put in charge of the reconstruction and completed it by the end of April. After this incident, the emperor began to distance himself from Yan Song, only consulting him on Taoist ceremonies and leaving matters of government to Xu Jie. The emperor's new Taoist confidant, Lan Daoheng, also opposed Yan Song, and Lu Bing deserted Yan.

After facing further accusations from the censors, Yan Song was dismissed in June 1562 and sent home, though he was still honored. Yan Shifan was exiled to a distant border region, along with his two sons (Yan Hao, who was an officer of the Embroidered Uniform Guard, and Yan Hong, who was a drafter in the Granf Secretariat). Only one of Yan Song's grandsons was allowed to remain with him. Xu Jie was appointed as the new senior grand secretary. Despite the emperor's respect for Yan Song, he believed that his son was the root of all the problems, and at the suggestion of a censor to rehabilitate those who had been punished in the past two decades for attacking Yan Song, the emperor responded by imprisoning the official in question.

Yan Shifan defied orders and did not go into exile, instead managing to escape his guards and return to his family residence in Yuanzhou. His actions did not escape the attention of Liu Run, a high-ranking censor in Nanjing. In December 1564, Liu Run accused Yan Shifan of having connections with the Wokou pirates and plotting an uprising. As a result, the emperor ordered the arrest of Yan Shifan and an investigation into the matter. Despite his son Yan Shaoting's attempts to warn the family, Yan Shifan was arrested in April 1564 and taken to Beijing. During the investigation, Yan Shifan was accused of plotting an armed uprising with pirates and Mongols, and the emperor ordered a re-examination of the case. The re-examination confirmed the charges, leading to the execution of Yan Shifan and several others. Only a small number of the Yan family's servants were punished, while Yan Song and all of his relatives with official status, positions, and ranks were stripped of their titles. Additionally, the state confiscated all of the family's property, including 33,000 liang (1.2 tons) of gold, 2 million liang (74 tons) of silver, valuable items, houses, 57 estates, and 27,300 mu (1,500 ha) of fields and gardens.

Nearly blind, lonely, and impoverished, Yan lived for some time in a hut built next to his parents' tomb. He did not survive long after his family's fall from grace, dying in 1565.

References

• Yan_Song (Wikipedia)

生平

早年

成化十六年，嚴嵩生于分宜縣，當時嚴家家道中落，很難維持生計，經常需要依靠娘家接濟。嚴嵩自幼聰穎好學，悟性很高。其父嚴淮是位久考未成，自然把一切的希望都放在兒子身上，於是便悉心的栽培、教導，五歲開始在嚴氏祠啟蒙。當嚴嵩八歲後，他就由于其聰慧才智得到了分宜縣知縣莫立之的重視，莫立之將他安排進縣學，並免除了所有的學費。後又有江西提學使經過分宜，面試嚴嵩後將嚴嵩進補為廩膳生。十歲時，縣試拔擢超群。弘治十一年（1498年），中式戊午科江西鄉試第十六名舉人，時年十九歲。

入仕

嚴嵩在二十五歲時，終於完成父親的心願，於弘治十八年（1505年）考中乙丑科進士，全國第五名，入選翰林院庶吉士，授編修。當他正懷著壯志雄心，嚴嵩因母喪又得了一場大病，迫使他退官回籍。在嚴嵩退官的八年間，正是宦官劉瑾權傾天下之時。

高升

劉瑾與其黨羽被滅後，武宗正德十一年（1516年），經楊廷和舉薦，嚴嵩北上順天府，正式復官。在此後的十多年內，嚴嵩先後在北京與南京的翰林院任職。歷任翰林院侍講，署南京翰林院事，嘉靖四年（1525年）召為國子監祭酒。嘉靖七年（1528年），任禮部右侍郎。遷吏部左侍郎，嘉靖十一年（1532年）進南京禮部尚書，改吏部。嚴嵩在南京任官五年，嘉靖十五年（1536年）因賀萬壽節返回北京。當時，明廷要重修《宋史》，輔臣請求讓嚴嵩任禮部尚書兼翰林學士。

當時明世宗沉迷道教，好長生不老之術，對政事漠不關心，朝中事務皆交由朝臣處理。禮部尚書夏言得到世宗的寵信，又是嚴嵩的同鄉，於是嚴嵩拼命討好夏言。

一日嚴嵩在家中設宴，並邀請夏言，但夏言辭不赴宴，於是嚴嵩跑到夏言家門前，撩起衣袍，跪在夏府前。夏言不好意思再三謝絕，便到嚴嵩家中赴宴。自此以後，嚴嵩成為了夏言的知己，夏言向多方推薦嚴嵩。有了夏言的引薦，嚴嵩自此步步高升，並深得世宗喜愛。嘉靖十五年（1536年），夏言升任內閣首輔，嚴嵩升任禮部尚書。後加太子太保。

夏言自視甚高，漸不為明世宗所喜。一日世宗將沉香水葉冠賜予夏言、嚴嵩等大臣，夏言並不戴上；但嚴嵩每次出朝都會戴此冠，還特地用輕紗籠住以示鄭重。世宗見狀，越喜嚴嵩而嫌夏言。

嚴嵩晉升為太子太傅，羽翼已豐，開始攻擊夏言，又慫恿世宗罷黜夏言。夏言罷官後，嚴嵩為所欲為，嘉靖二十二年（1543年），吏部尚書許贊、禮部尚書張璧與嚴嵩一同參與機務，但世宗遇事只召嚴嵩。嘉靖二十四年（1545年）十二月，許贊以老病去職，張璧去世，世宗再度起用夏言。這時夏言知道嚴嵩的為人，處處小心防範。嚴嵩表面上對夏言謙恭，但懷恨在心。日後嚴嵩再以青詞奪回世宗的信任。

後來，嚴嵩握著韃靼入侵中原的機會，迫害夏言。嘉靖二十三年（1544年），韃靼入侵河套（今寧夏和內蒙古境內賀蘭山以東，狼山和大青山以南），陝西總督曾銑發兵奪回河套，並上呈奏疏，建議從府谷黃甫到定邊修築一段邊牆，再水陸並進，逼韃靼退兵，此舉得到夏言的支持。夏言向朝廷舉薦曾銑，並與之商討計劃。

明世宗決心奪回河套，並褒揚曾銑。此時嚴嵩買通皇帝近待，稱其「輕啟邊釁」，並指使邊將仇鸞誣稱曾銑掩敗不報，剋扣軍餉，賄賂首輔夏言。嚴嵩更在世宗面前說兩人奪回河套別有用意，世宗果然相信。

嘉靖二十七年（1548年）三月，曾銑被殺，妻子流放兩千里，夏言下獄，後來嚴嵩利用傳言，使世宗「得知」夏言毀謗自己，同年十月，夏言被斬首，夏言的親信或貶或罰。

權傾

夏言死後，嚴嵩獨攬大權，而明世宗一心修道，無心處理政務，所有政事悉由嚴嵩裁決。此時除了嚴嵩、道士和左右近侍外，無人能見世宗一面。

嘉靖二十七年（1548年）嚴嵩成為內閣首輔後，繼續小心侍奉世宗，「帝以剛，嵩以柔。帝以驕，嵩以謹。帝以英察，嵩以樸誠」，世宗賜「忠勤敏達」銀印。後來，嚴嵩年老，提拔其子嚴世蕃協助掌權，嚴世蕃成為工部侍郎。嚴世蕃收買世宗左右宦官，匯報皇帝的日常生活、起居飲食。大臣視為「大丞相」與「小丞相」。有大臣譏稱「皇上不能沒有嚴嵩，嚴嵩不能沒有兒子。」

嚴嵩父子權傾天下二十年，天下怨恨。嚴世蕃甚至在家中寶庫內大笑說「朝廷無我富！」眾多大臣加以彈劾，皆賴世宗包庇。

末路

嘉靖四十一年，有山東道士藍道行以善於扶乩聞名於燕京，徐階將藍道行介紹給世宗，一日藍道行在扶乩時稱「今日有奸臣奏事」，剛好嚴嵩路過。世宗對嚴嵩父子日久生厭。嚴嵩失勢後，嚴世蕃被彈劾而流放，刑部尚書黃光升及大理寺卿張守直等要彈劾嚴世蕃害死楊繼盛和沈鍊。徐階將此條刪去，避免嘉靖皇帝疑心大臣們在責怪皇帝，但徐階祭出了殺手鐧，彈劾嚴世藩南通倭寇頭目汪直，北通蒙古，意圖叛變。嚴世蕃一得知此捏造之罪名，哭喊：「必死矣」，最終被判斬首。而嚴嵩則被沒收家產，削官還鄉，無家可歸，依附墓廬而活，並於兩年後病卒。

歷史爭議

《明史》把嚴嵩列入奸臣傳，說他無他才略，「惟一意媚上，竊權罔利」。透過戲曲和其他文藝作品，嚴嵩的奸臣形象已深入民間。然而多年來，關於嚴嵩是否為大奸臣，仍然爭議不休，這些爭議主要圍繞著他是否專國擅政，逼害忠良，與及鉅貪惡富的指控。

嚴嵩雖然為世所譏，目為奸臣，但在故鄉江西分宜口碑較好。嚴嵩與夫人歐陽氏相敬如賓，一生不蓄姬侍，在故鄉尤樂善好施，口碑相當不錯。清朝理學家江西人李紱在明史館中也曾試圖為嚴嵩翻案，認為其不應入奸臣傳。至今日，嚴嵩故鄉分宜的學者，包括嚴曰文、嚴小平等人對嚴嵩的評價也相對正面。

亦有認為他也具有忠君愛民，知人善用的一面，而且政績卓著。如嚴嵩重用胡宗憲平東南沿海之倭患，取得了明顯的成效。

評價

清紀昀編撰《四庫總目提要·集部·別集類存目》時，評嚴嵩詩集《鈐山堂集》：「嵩雖怙寵擅權，其詩在流輩之中，乃獨為迥出。王世貞《樂府變》云：『孔雀雖有毒，不能掩文章。』亦公論也。然跡其所為，究非他文士有才無行可以節取者比，故吟詠雖工，僅存其目，以昭彰癉之義焉。」清潘德輿《養一齋詩話》卷一云：「王元美云：『孔雀雖有毒，不掩其文章。』 謂嚴嵩也。」

清張廷玉於《明史》說嚴嵩「無他才略，惟一意媚上，竊權罔利」的同時，也不得不承認他「為詩、古文辭，頗著清譽」。在當時文士眼中，嚴嵩頗有儒雅本色，何良俊說：「嚴介老之詩，秀麗清警，近代名家鮮有能出其右者，作文亦典雅嚴重，烏可以人而廢之。且憐才下士亦自可愛。」

史學家曹國慶認為嚴嵩在書法上成名，是他初入翰林院的時候。明代的翰林院網羅了天下的科舉人才，相當于中央的智囊團和書記處。嚴嵩的經義文章每每列為首選，他的詩詞唱酬之作也常在宴集中力拔頭籌，于是，人們在欣賞他的文章的同時，又領略了他的書法技藝，觀其文便可獲雙重享受。此後，由翰林院而及其他任上，由京師而及地方，士林中便多有以得其墨寶為榮者。鈐山歸隱的八年間，嚴嵩又精研了許多書法字貼，書法造詣精湛。至今在北京還留有他的書法遺蹟「六必居」等題額10多處。山海關的「天下第一關」（但是人皆諱言嚴嵩，說是蕭顯所題）、山東曲阜的「聖府」、杭州西湖岳飛廟的「滿江紅」（但落款後被改為夏言）同調詞等全國知名景點20多處還保留了他的書法遺蹟。嚴世蕃女嫁衍聖公，孔府至今留有嚴嵩求情在此坐冷板凳的「閣老凳」。

家庭

• 高祖父嚴孟衡、曾祖父嚴璉、祖父嚴廷獻、父嚴淮。母晏氏。重慶下（登第時祖父母俱在）。弟嚴嶽。

• 妻：歐陽氏

　• 子：嚴世蕃（1513年－1565年）

　　• 長孫女：嚴氏（1547年—1602年），夫衍聖公孔尚賢（1544年－1622年）

　　• 孫嚴紹庭（1547年—1617年）

　　　• 曾孫嚴雲從（1599年—1657年）

　• 義子：趙文華

軼事

明世宗好齋醮，移居西苑後，內閣輔臣更得輪班陪祀。嘉靖十九年（1540年）二月十五日，正好輪到嚴嵩陪祀，留宿西苑內舍，忽然，一頭大象破門而入，圍遶嚴嵩的床邊咆哮跺腳、徘徊不前，情況十分危急，嚇得嚴嵩只能坐在床上，並且心裡默念著程頤的渡漢江事。過了很久，養象的人趕來把大象牽走，嚴嵩才得以平安無事，於是便寫下《記象入室事》一詩。

其他

北京至聖堂的大匾，相傳是嚴嵩題寫。

電影《十奏嚴嵩》（1952）由名伶馬師曾、薛覺先及余麗珍主演。後來名伶靚次伯也於同名劇目主演嚴嵩聞名。

「平生報國惟忠赤，身死從人說是非」——嚴嵩遺言

注釋

參考資料

• 严嵩 (維基百科)