Life

Most historians believe that Mozi was a member of the lower artisan class who managed to climb his way to an official post. It is known, however, that his parents were not affectionate towards him and showed him very little love. Mozi was a native of the State of Lu (today's Tengzhou, Shandong Province), although for a time he served as a minister in the State of Song. Like Confucius, Mozi was known to have maintained a school for those who desired to become officials serving in the different ruling courts of the Warring States.

Mozi was a carpenter and was extremely skilled in creating devices (see Lu Ban). Though he did not hold a high official position, Mozi was sought out by various rulers as an expert on fortification. He was schooled in Confucianism in his early years, but he viewed Confucianism as being too fatalistic and emphasizing too much on elaborate celebrations and funerals which he felt were detrimental to the livelihood and productivity of common people. He managed to attract a large following during his lifetime which rivaled that of Confucius. His followers—mostly technicians and craftspeople—were organized in a disciplined order that studied both Mozi's philosophical and technical writings.

According to some accounts of the popular understanding of Mozi at the time, he had been hailed by many as the greatest hero to come from Henan. His passion was said to be for the good of the people, without concern for personal gain or even for his own life or death. His tireless contribution to society was praised by many, including Confucius' disciple Mencius. Mencius wrote in Jinxin (孟子盡心 Mengzi Jinxin) that Mozi believed in love for all mankind. As long as something benefits mankind, Mozi will pursue it even if it means hurting his head or his feet. Zhang Tai Yan said that in terms of moral virtue, even Confucius and Laozi cannot compare to Mozi.

Mozi travelled from one crisis zone to another throughout the ravaged landscape of the Warring States, trying to dissuade rulers from their plans of conquest. According to the chapter "Gongshu" in Mozi, he once walked for ten days to the State of Chu in order to forestall an attack on the State of Song. At the Chu court, Mozi engaged in nine simulated war games with Gongshu Ban, the chief military strategist of Chu, and overturned each one of his stratagems. When Gongshu Ban threatened him with death, Mozi informed the king that his disciples had already trained the soldiers of Song in his fortification methods, so it would be useless to kill him. The Chu king was forced to call off the war. On the way back, however, the soldiers of Song, not recognizing him, would not allow Mozi to enter their city, and he had to spend a night freezing in the rain. After this episode, he also stopped the State of Qi from attacking the State of Lu. He taught that defense of a city does not depend only on fortification, weaponry and food supply; it is also important to keep talented people close by and to put trust in them.

Philosophy

Mozi's moral teachings emphasized introspection, self-reflection and authenticity, rather than obedience to ritual. He observed that we often learn about the world through adversity ("Embracing Scholars" in Mozi). By reflecting on one's own successes and failures, one attains true self-knowledge rather than mere conformity to ritual ("Refining Self" in Mozi). Mozi exhorted people to lead a life of asceticism and self-restraint, renouncing both material and spiritual extravagance.

Like Confucius, Mozi idealized the Xia Dynasty and the ancients of Chinese mythology, but he criticized the Confucian belief that modern life should be patterned on the ways of the ancients. After all, he pointed out, what we think of as "ancient" was actually innovative in its time, and thus should not be used to hinder present-day innovation ("Against Confucianism, Part 3" in the Mozi). Though Mozi did not believe that history necessarily progresses, as did Han Fei Zi, he shared the latter's critique of fate (lang=zh命, mìng). Mozi believed that people were capable of changing their circumstances and directing their own lives. They could do this by applying their senses to observing the world, judging objects and events by their causes, their functions, and their historical bases. ("Against Fate, Part 3") This was the "three-prong method" Mozi recommended for testing the truth or falsehood of statements. His students later expanded on this to form the School of Names.

Mozi tried to replace what he considered to be the long-entrenched Chinese ideal of strong attachments to family and clan structures with the concept of "impartial caring" or "universal love" (lang=zh兼愛, jiān ài). He argued directly against Confucians, who had philosophized that it was natural and correct for people to care about different people in different degrees. Mozi, in contrast, argued that people in principle should care for all people equally, a notion that philosophers in other schools found absurd, as they interpreted this notion as implying no special amount of care or duty towards one's parents and family.

Overlooked by those critics, however, is a passage in the chapter on "Self-Cultivation" which states, "When people near-by are not befriended, there is no use endeavoring to attract those at a distance." This point is also precisely articulated by a Mohist in a debate with Mencius (in the Mencius), where the Mohist argues in relation to carrying out universal love, that "We begin with what is near." Also, in the first chapter of the writings of Mozi on universal love, Mozi argues that the best way of being filial to one's parents is to be filial to the parents of others. The foundational principle is that benevolence, as well as malevolence, is requited, and that one will be treated by others as one treats others. Mozi quotes a popular passage from the Book of Odes to bring home this point: "When one throws to me a peach, I return to him a plum." One's parents will be treated by others as one treats the parents of others. Also of note is the fact that Mozi differentiated between "intention" and "actuality", thereby placing a central importance on the will to love, even though in practice it may very well be impossible to bring benefit to everyone.

In addition, Mozi argued that benevolence comes to human beings "as naturally as fire turns upward or water turns downward", provided that persons in positions of authority illustrate benevolence in their own lives. In differentiating between the ideas of "universal" (jian) and "differential" (bie), Mozi said that "universal" comes from righteousness while "differential" entails human effort. Furthermore, Mozi's basic argument concerning universal love asserts that universal love is supremely practical, and this argument was directed against those who objected that such love could not be put into practice.

Mozi also held a belief in the power of ghosts and spirits, although he is often thought to have only worshipped them pragmatically. In fact, in his discussion on ghosts and spirits, he remarks that even if they did not exist, communal gatherings for the sake of making sacrificial offering would play a role in strengthening social bonds. Furthermore, for Mozi the will of Heaven (lang=zh天, tiān) was that people should love one another, and that mutual love by all would bring benefit to all. Therefore, it was in everyone's interest that they love others "as they love themselves". Heaven should be respected because failing to do so would subject one to punishment. For Mozi, Heaven was not the "amoral", mystical nature of the Taoists. Rather, it was a benevolent, moral force that rewarded good and punished evil. Similar in some ways to the Abrahamic religions, Mozi believed that all living things live in a realm ruled by Heaven, and Heaven has a will which is independent from and higher than the will of man. Thus he writes that "Universal love is the Way of Heaven", since "Heaven nourishes and sustains all life without regard to status." ("Laws and Customs" in Mozi) Mozi's ideal of government, which advocated a meritocracy based on talent rather than background, also followed his idea of Heaven.

Anti-fatalism (非命)- Mozi opposed to Confucian "Destiny" thought, class differences and other ideas. Mozi put forward to promote people's victory, things in the subjective attitude to life, encourage people to work hard to change their fate and inequality in the world. In Confucius's opinion, a person's life and death, wealth and poverty are completely related to destiny and personal power can not be changed.

Ethics

Mohist ethics is considered a form of consequentialism, according to which the morality of an action, statement, teaching, policy, judgment, and so on, is determined by the consequences that it brings about. In particular, Mozi thought that actions should be measured by the way they contribute to the benefit of all members of society. With this criterion, Mozi denounced things as diverse as offensive warfare, expensive funerals, and even music and dance, which he saw as serving no useful purpose. According to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Mohist consequentialism, dating back to the 5th century BC, is the "world's earliest form of consequentialism, a remarkably sophisticated version based on a plurality of intrinsic goods taken as constitutive of human welfare". Consequentialist theories vary over exactly which consequences are relevant, though they all share the same basic outcome-based structure. With Mozi's overwhelming focus on "benefit" (利 li) among other ends, and his explicit focus on making moral evaluations in light of them, Mozi's ethics indeed shares this consequentalist structure. For interpreting Mozi, however, there is some debate over how to understand the consequences Mozi seems most concerned with, and therefore over which kind of consequentialism to ascribe to him.

Some believe the best descriptor to be state consequentialism. According to this reading, Mohist ethics makes moral evaluations based on how well the action, statement, etc., in question contributes to the stability of a state. Such state-related goods include social order, material wealth, and population growth. By centering his ethical theory around the promotion of such state-related ends, Mozi shows himself to be a state consequentialist. Unlike hedonistic utilitarianism, which views pleasure as a moral good, "the basic goods in Mohist consequentialist thinking are ... order, material wealth, and increase in population". During Mozi's era, war and famines were common, and population growth was seen as a moral necessity for a harmonious society. Mozi opposed wars because they wasted life and resources while interfering with the fair distribution of wealth, yet he recognized the need for strong urban defenses so he could maintain the harmonious society he desired. The "material wealth" of Mohist consequentialism refers to basic needs like shelter and clothing, and the "order" of Mohist consequentialism refers to Mozi's stance against warfare and violence, which he viewed as pointless and a threat to social stability. Stanford sinologist David Shepherd Nivison, in The Cambridge History of Ancient China, writes that the moral goods of Mohism "are interrelated: more basic wealth, then more reproduction; more people, then more production and wealth ... if people have plenty, they would be good, filial, kind, and so on unproblematically". In contrast to Jeremy Bentham, Mozi did not believe that individual happiness was important; the consequences of the state outweigh the consequences of individual actions.

Alternative readings locate the main focus of Mozi's consequentialism in the welfare of the people themselves rather than that of the state as a whole. Such interpretations as Chris Fraser's argue that it is a mistake to view Mozi's focus on the collective well-being of a population as a focus on the well-being of the state itself rather than its constituents. In this way, Mozi tended to evaluate actions based on whether they provide benefit to the people, which he measured in terms of an enlarged population (states were sparsely populated in his day), a prosperous economy, and social order. Indeed these are collective goods rather than individual ones, which is a major difference between Mohist consequentialism and modern, Western versions. However, this reading emphasizes that collective goods are better considered as aggregated individual goods rather than as state goods.

This consequentialist structure supports Mohist ethics and politics, which survives in the form of 10 core doctrines. These doctrines are as follows:

• Promoting the Worthy

• Identifying Upward

• Universal Love (sometimes called "Inclusive Care")

• Condemning Aggression

• Moderation in Use

• Moderation in Burials

• Heaven's Intent

• Understanding Ghosts

• Condemning Music

• Condemning Fatalism

Each of these doctrines is justified on the grounds that it produces the best consequences for society, and that all people stand to benefit from adopting them. Promoting the worthy, for example, encourages people in positions of power to hire competent and worthy subordinates to fill posts, rather than hire friends and relatives instead. The reasoning here is that someone better qualified for the job will perform better and enable society as a whole to benefit. Identifying upward refers to the idea that people in subordinate positions in society must look to their superiors as models for their own conduct. Provided that the superiors are indeed morally competent and worthy of emulation, the rest of society will always have a reliable guide for their own actions, thereby giving rise to social benefits.

Universal love refers to the basic normative attitude the Mohists encourage us to adopt towards others. The idea is that people ought to consider all others as being part of their scope of moral concern. Indeed this is perhaps the most infamous of Mohist doctrines, and was criticized early on by philosophers such as Mengzi, who held that the doctrine was akin to renouncing one's family. However, close readings of the texts by modern scholars have shown the demands of Mohist universal love to be much more mild and reasonable. Additionally, given the accretional nature of the texts, the audience of such texts may have changed depending upon the Mohists' social influence, and so the demands for universal love made on rulers, for example, is considerably higher than that made on the masses. At its most basic, however, the doctrine merely encourages a general attitude of care towards others. However, this does not require that we renounce all forms of special relationships we have with our families and friends. In fact, the Mohists introduce the problem that universal love is meant to solve by lamenting the fact that fathers and sons don't care for each other, and so must instead adopt an attitude of universal love. Conversely, the Mohists hope, when people adopt an attitude of universal love, society as a whole will benefit.

Dovetailing with this idea is that of condemning aggression. The main targets of this doctrine are undoubtedly the rulers of the various warring states in China, who regularly embarked on expansionist military campaigns in order to increase their territory, power, and influence. However, such campaigns were enormously taxing on the population, disrupting regular farming cycles by conscripting able-bodied people for these military ends. Additionally, the practices is ethically wrong for the same reason that robbery and murder are wrong. In fact, according to Mozi, the two are actually one and the same; for what is an expansionist war of aggression other than robbery and murder on a grand scale? And yet, Mozi laments, those rulers who execute robbers and murderers engage in the very same practices. With respect to universal love, indeed part of the reason why rulers believe it is acceptable to invade and conquer other states while it is not acceptable for their own subjects to rob and steal from one another is that the people in neighboring states are not part of the rulers' scope of moral concern. If rulers were to instead include these people and refrain from wars of aggression, all states, those attacking and those defending, will benefit.

Moderation in use and moderation in burials are the main Mohist ideas about frugality. In one's own projects, utility ought to be the only consideration. The Mohists took particular offense to the practice of extremely lavished funerals and demanding mourning rituals. Such funerals and rituals would potentially bankrupt an entire clan, at least temporarily, and disrupt its farming practices. For the dead in higher positions of authority, this disruption would affect an even greater number of people. Again, the point here is to promote benefit across society, and the Mohists believe that adopting frugal practices will do so.

Mozi's ideas about ghosts and spirits follow from their religious beliefs in a morally consistent universe. Heaven, it is argued, is the ultimate moral standard, while ghosts and spirits serve as Heaven's enforcers. Both doctrines, when adopted, promote societal benefit both by enabling people to rely upon an objective standard to guide their actions (namely, Heaven), and by acting as a sort of cosmic authority capable of enacting rewards and punishments.

Mozi's condemnation of music rests on the same economic considerations as their general ideas of frugality. In ancient China, grand musical ceremonies established by rulers would place enormous financial and human strains on populations, and so Mozi condemned such ceremonies for this reason. It's worth noting that Mozi did not object to music in principle—"It's not that I don't like the sound of the drum" ("Against Music")—but only because of the heavy tax burden such activities placed on commoners and also due to the fact that officials tended to indulge in them at the expense of their duties.

Finally, the Mohists rejected the idea of fatalism, or the idea that there is fate. The Mohists reject this idea on the grounds that it encourages lazy and irresponsible behavior. When people believe that there is fate, and that the consequences of their actions lie beyond their control, people will not be encouraged to improve themselves, nor will they be willing to take responsibility for disasters. As a result, society will suffer, and so the doctrine that there is fate ought to be rejected.

Works and influence

"Mozi" is also the name of the philosophical anthology written and compiled by followers of Mozi. The text was formed by an accretional process that took place over a period of hundreds of years, beginning perhaps during or shortly after Mozi's lifetime, and lasting until perhaps the early Han dynasty. During the Han dynasty, as Confucianism came to be the official school of political thought, Mohism gradually lost both its adherents and influence while simultaneously being partly incorporated into more mainstream political thought. The text was eventually neglected, and only 58 of the text's original 71 books (pian) survive, some of which, notably the later Mohist Canons, contain significant textual corruptions and are fragmentary in nature. The anthology can be divided into 5 main groups, which are determined on the basis of both chronological and thematic features:

• Books 1-7 consist of short, miscellaneous essays containing summaries of Mohist doctrines, anecdotes about Mozi, and ideals about meritocratic government. Some appear to be relatively late texts, expressing mature Mohist political and ethical thought on some topics.

• Books 8-37 contain the Mohists' key essays on the ten "core" Mohist doctrines. Though they exhibit explicit thematic unity, textual evidence suggests that the Mohists revisited their core doctrines throughout their activity, responding to objections and addressing issues unresolved in earlier, often shorter and simpler expositions.

• Books 38-39 are a series of polemics against the Ru (Confucians). They are often grouped with books 8-37, though they do not expound a positive doctrine, and their purpose is entirely critical.

• Books 40-45 are often referred to as the "dialectical books." These are often considered "later Mohist" writings, though actual chronological details about them are difficult to glean. They are written in an idiosyncratic style, and focus on a broad range of issues that go well beyond those of the Mohist core doctrines, including logic, epistemology, optics, geometry, and ethics.

• Books 46-51 are dialogues. They are probably later, and likely fictional, exhibiting Mozi in conversation with various interlocutors.

• Books 52-71 are chapters on military affairs, specifically focusing on preparing for defensive warfare.

The Mozi is a rich source of insight into early Chinese dynastic history, culture, and philosophy. The text frequently cites ancient classics, such as the Shang Shu, and at times departs from the received version, giving scholars insight into the textual development of such classics as well.

The texts portray Mozi as a mouthpiece for Mohist philosophy and not much else. This picture contrasts that of Confucius and Mencius found in the Lunyu (Analects) and Mengzi respectively, wherein the thinkers in question are portrayed as expressing emotions, chiding students, and even making mistakes. (Consider Mengzi's disastrous advice to the King of Qi to invade the state of Yan.) To contrast, Mozi has little if any personality in the text, instead serving only as a mouthpiece for Mohist philosophy.

Mohism, like other schools of thought at the time, was suppressed under the Qin and died out completely under the Han, as its more radical adherents gradually dissolved and its most compelling ideas became absorbed by mainstream political thought. The influence of Mozi is still visible in many Han dynasty works written hundreds of years later. For example, the Confucian scholar Gongsun Hong describes the Confucian virtue of ren ("benevolence") in Mohist terms. Additionally, Mohist epistemology and philosophy of language had a profound influence on the development of classical Chinese philosophy in general. In fact, Mohism was so prominent during the Warring States period that philosophical opponents, including Mencius and some authors of the Daoist anthology, the Zhuangzi, lament the very prevalence and widespread influence of their ideas.

In modern times, Mohism has been given a fresh analysis. Sun Yat-Sen used "universal love" as one of the foundations for his idea of Chinese democracy. More recently, Chinese scholars under Communism have tried to rehabilitate Mozi as a "philosopher of the people", highlighting his rational-empirical approach to the world as well as his "proletarian" background. The body in the Mozi is constructed by'xing (形, 'body') -xin (心, 'heart') - qi ( 氣, 'energy')'which is in accord with the Pre-Qin thinkers' understanding to the body. While xing refers to the flesh-bloody part of human being, the concept of xin focuses on the aspect of cognition and is closely related to the concept of shan (善, 'goodness'), ai (愛, 'love'), zhi (志, 'will') and xing.

Some views claim that Mozi's philosophy was at once more advanced and less so than that of Confucius. Indeed the Mohists were radical political reformers who sought primarily to benefit the masses and challenge the practices of the ruling orthodoxy, often targeting a perceived wasteful aristocracy whom they referred to as "the gentlemen of the world." The Mohist idea of "universal love" embraced a broader idea of human community than that of the Confucians, arguing that the scope of individuals' moral concern should include all people. Opponents of this idea often claimed that "universal love" was akin to renouncing one's family, and indeed more strict Mohists living in Mohist communities as the school flourished may have exhibited such behavior. However, there is some scholarly debate over just how radical the provisions of universal love actually are, and, as can be seen from the example of Gongsun Hong above, the less radical components of the doctrine were eventually absorbed by mainstream thought.

Mozi is also famous for his ideas about frugality, such as those concerning moderating expenses and eliminating wasteful ceremonies including music and funerals. A common misconception is that the Mohists eschewed all forms of art, but of course the Mohists' targets are more specifically elaborate, state-sponsored rituals that would place incredible financial burdens upon a mostly peasant population. This can be seen from Xunzi's own arguments against Mozi in book 10 of the Xunzi "Enriching the State," where Xunzi argues against Mozi that prominent displays of wealth on the part of the state is necessary to maintaining social order.

Some modern-day supporters for Mozi (as well as Communism) make the claim that Mohism and modern Communism share a lot in terms of ideals for community life. Others would claim that Mohism shares more with the central ideas of Christianity, especially in terms of the idea of "universal love" (in Greek, "agape"), the "Golden Rule", and the relation of humanity to the supernatural realm. However, Mohism is undoubtedly a product of Warring States China, a period of tremendous political violence and turmoil. The Mohists were political reformers, but they did not seek to challenge the monarchical model of government that prevailed during that time, and sought instead to reform from within by encouraging governments to hire competent people to carry out political tasks, care for their people inclusively, eliminate frivolous government spending, and halt all wars of aggression.

In many ways the influence of Mohism was a victim of its own successes, and it is fairly easy to understand its decline. The Mohists' ideas about the importance of meritocracy and universal love were gradually absorbed by mainstream Confucian thinking. Their opposition to offensive warfare became irrelevant once the various Warring States were unified under the Qin and later Han dynasty, and their religious superstitions were eventually replaced with less supernatural accounts. So their most promising ideas were metabolized by the tradition, while their more radical and anachronistic ones were gradually discarded, leading to their demise during the Han dynasty.

Mohism and science

According to Joseph Needham, Mozi (collected writings of those in the tradition of Mozi, some of which might have been by Mozi himself) contains the following sentence: 'The cessation of motion is due to the opposing force... If there is no opposing force... the motion will never stop. This is as true as that an ox is not a horse.' which, he claims, is a precursor to Newton's first law of motion. Mozi also contains speculations in optics and mechanics that are similarly strikingly original, although their ideas were not taken up by later Chinese philosophers. The Mohist tradition is also highly unusual in Chinese thought in that it devoted time to developing principles of logic.

He is the first to describe the physical principle behind camera, also known as camera obscura.

Contemporary use in technology

In 2016, a joint Austrian-Chinese initiative between the experimental physics groups of Anton Zeilinger and former graduate student Jian-Wei Pan known as Quantum Experiments at Space Scale launched a quantum communications satellite nicknamed "Micius" or "Mozi" in homage to the philosopher's writings on optics.

生平

墨子曾學習儒術，因不滿「儒」之繁瑣，另立新說，聚徒講學。據說楚王曾計劃攻宋，墨子前往勸說楚王，並在與公輸般（魯班）的模擬攻防中取得勝利，楚王只得退兵。墨子的思想與主張見墨家。

《墨子·非儒篇》主要批駁以孔子為代表的儒家的禮義思想。墨子反對儒家婚喪之禮，實則是反對「親有差」。又指責儒家的禮樂與政事、生產皆無益，又通過晏嬰等之口，諷刺孔子與君與民都是口頭上講仁義，實際上鼓勵叛亂，惑亂人民。墨子一生過著簡樸的生活，「量腹而食，度身而衣」，主張「節用，節葬，非樂」，他的弟子也是「短褐之衣，藜藿之羹，朝得之，則夕弗得」，「摩頂放踵，利天下，為之」。

姓名考

歷史學界至今無法確定墨子的真實姓名，有以下各種說法。

墨氏，名翟

最傳統的說法是：墨子，墨氏，名翟，《呂氏春秋》、《淮南子》、《史記·孟子荀卿列傳》內都如是稱。司馬遷沒有給墨子立傳，僅在孟子、荀卿傳後，有簡略記載：「蓋墨翟宋之大夫，善守禦，為節用，或曰並孔子時，或曰在其後」。《元和姓纂》稱：「墨氏，孤竹君之後，本墨台氏，後改為墨氏，戰國時宋人。墨翟著書號墨子。」而《新唐書·藝文志》也沿用這種說法。童書業根據《廣韻·六脂》以及《姓氏急救篇》所引的《世本》文字「宋襄公子墨夷須為大司馬，其後有墨夷皋。」及《通志·氏族略》記載的「墨台氏，子姓，宋成公子墨台之後。」考証出，宋襄公之兄公子目夷（子魚），也就是《左傳·僖公二十二年》所記載的著名的子魚論戰故事的主人公，其名目夷又寫作墨夷或墨台，其後裔以墨夷為氏。童書業據此認為墨子為宋國公室子姓墨夷氏之後，因此墨子繼承了貴族身份為宋國大夫。

翟姓，名烏

南齊孔稚圭所著的《北山移文》則稱墨翟為「翟子」，元朝伊世珍所著的《瑯環記》也附和此說，並認為墨子姓翟名烏。清朝周亮工所著的《固樹屋書影》更具體地提出：「以墨為道，今以姓為名。」認為他姓翟，並將姓轉成名；而「墨」是一種學派。晚清學者江瑔所著的《讀子卮言》承襲周亮工的說法，並進一步說明，以為古代確實有「翟」這姓氏，但無「墨」姓，而且戰國諸子中儒、道、名、法、陰陽、縱橫、雜、農、小說等，都沒以姓作為學派名，因此墨應該是學派的名稱。

墨取自「刑罰」或「膚色」

近代學者錢穆從墨刑是古代刑名之一的角度展開研究，認為古人犯輕刑，則罰作奴隸苦工，故名墨為刑徒，實為奴役，而墨家生活菲薄，其道以自苦為極。墨子和弟子們都「手足胼胝，面目黎黑，役身給使，不敢問欲」，人人皆可使「赴火蹈刃，死不旋踵」。這樣，就被稱為墨了。而歷史上西漢淮南王英布遭黥刑後稱為黥布，也是一証。而翟確實是名，因《墨子》和《呂氏春秋》記載墨翟，往往稱「翟」。

也有人認為墨家「手足胼胝，面目黧黑」，「墨」即是「黧黑」。這有可能是對墨子刻苦自勵的一種形容詞。或者墨子根本是來自於印度或者阿拉伯的外族人。

里籍考

墨子生于何處，現有書籍並無明確記載，歷史上也有不同的說法，曾有宋人說，楚人說，魯人說，甚至有印度人說等。其中魯人說已經為墨學界絕大部分人所認可。

宋人說

• 《史記·孟子荀卿列傳》：「蓋墨翟，宋之大夫，善守御，為節用。或曰並孔子時，或曰在其後。」據此有學者稱其為宋人。此說一直流行到清代。

楚人說

• 清代畢沅注《墨子》時，據《呂氏春秋》高誘之注，並參照墨子諸多與魯陽文君的對話，推定其為魯陽人，即楚人。

魯人說

宋人說和楚人說遭到梁啓超的批駁。在《墨子學案》中，據《墨子·公輸》「歸而過宋」，力証非宋人。據《墨子·貴義》「墨子南遊于楚。」若墨子是楚國魯陽人，則當為「游郢」。方授楚《墨學源流》，張純一《墨子魯人說》都對墨子宋人說、楚魯陽人說進行了批判。姜寶昌《從<呂氏春秋>高誘注論到墨子為東魯人而非西魯人》：畢沅誤讀了高誘注。

清代孫詒讓作《墨子間詁》，在附文《墨子傳略》中，第一次提出墨子為魯國人。其主要依據為： 《墨子·貴義》「墨子自魯即齊」。《墨子·魯問》「以迎墨子于魯」。《呂氏春秋·愛類》「公輸般為雲梯，欲以攻宋，墨子聞之，自魯往」。

著名墨學研究學者張知寒在《墨子原為滕州人》、《墨子里籍新探》等論文中進一步考証，墨子出生地應為古代邾國的「濫邑」（現山東滕州境內），濫邑後來歸屬魯國。其主要依據有：墨子是宋國貴族目夷之後，史載滕州東南有目夷亭。墨子學說繼承了邾婁文化的傳統，而邾婁號稱「百工之鄉」，而墨子生活習慣和科技成就與此密切相關。該學說現得到絕大多數墨學研究者（匡亞明、任繼愈、楊向奎、張岱年、季羨林）的認同http://finance.ifeng.com/roll/20101126/2954862.shtml。

其他學說

胡懷琛撰《墨翟為印度人辨》、《墨子學辨》等論著，首次提出墨子為印度人。他認為墨並非姓，翟也不是姓，更不是名，而是「貊狄」或「蠻狄」之音轉；而且墨子長得黑，主張兼愛、非攻，顯示墨子應該是婆羅門。金祖同、陳盛良等人則提出墨子可能是穆罕默德時代以前的近東人士，衛聚賢考證墨子應為印度人或阿拉伯人。

弟子

早期墨家弟子很多，《公輸篇》：「墨子之說楚王曰：『臣之弟子禽滑厘等三百人』」，《淮南王書》「亦謂墨子服役者百八十人，皆可使赴火蹈刃，死不旋踵」，但現存有關墨子及墨家活動的資料很少，「而徒屬名籍亦莫能記述」。現存史料中可考之稱「鉅子」者有孟勝、田襄子、腹䵍等三人。其他包括：耕柱子、禽滑釐、縣子碩、公尚過、隨巢子、胡非子。

著作

現存《墨子》五十三篇，由墨子的各代門徒逐漸增補而成，是研究墨子和墨家學說的基本材料。近代有大量學者如錢臨照鑽研《墨經》，發現《墨經》幾乎涵蓋了哲學、邏輯學、心理學、政治學、倫理學、教育學、自然科學等多個學科內容。

思想

墨子主張非儒，反對儒家等級制度。 提倡科學兼愛非攻平等。墨子特別著重「利」和「功」，尤其是「國家百姓人民之利」，是評估一切價值的標準，合乎國家百姓人民之利的，才有價值；國家百姓人民之利，即是人民的「富庶」，凡能使人民富庶的事物，都是有用。其主張與效益主義相近。對百姓沒有直接用處或有害的事物都要將其節約，反對奢侈，主張節葬短喪，反對音樂；國家人民的最大問題，是國家人民的互相鬥爭，而互相鬥爭的起因，在於人民的互不相愛。墨子因而提出兼愛之說，兼愛能利人利己，為了阻止鬥爭，墨子提出「非攻」，反對戰爭，更付諸行動，研究防禦戰術，曾與魯班於攻防戰中較量。人沒有相愛的本能，為了促使人民兼愛，墨子提出種種的制裁，主張有神明在上，賞賜兼愛者與懲罰不兼愛的人，鬼神同樣賞善罰惡，人亦須自求多福，不應垂手而祈求神靈保祐。賞罰都是個人自招的，並非命定。

墨子也著重政治的制裁，要使世界和平，人民安樂，不但需要有一帝在天上，亦需要有一帝於人間。應以天子的號令為是非的絕對標準，除此之外不應再有其他標準，在下者一律服從，而天子又以「兼相愛交相利」為令，那麼天下人都會「兼相愛交相利」。天子代天發號施令，人民只可服從天子，天子可說兼君主與教皇於一身。《墨子·魯問》：「凡入國，必擇務而從事焉。國家昏亂，則語之尚賢、尚同；國家貧，則語之節葬、節用；國家熹音湛湎，則語之非樂、非命；國家淫僻無禮，則語之尊天、事鬼；國家務奪侵凌，則語之兼愛、非攻，故曰：擇務而從事焉。」

尚同：推舉賢人統治，由賢明的統治者來統一法的標準（法度）。

尚賢：尊重人才，把人才問題看成是國家政治中的頭等大事，主張賢者在位，能者稱職。

節葬：厚葬久喪會使國家貧窮、人民寡少、政治混亂，必須加以廢止。

節用：提倡極其刻苦樸素的生活，是極端救世的苦行學派，強調要做到不增加費用又要有利於人民。

非樂：從社會功利的角度出發，認為貴族所採用的禮樂制度，皆屬浪費而不實用，除加重人民負擔，也會影響國家經濟。

非命：不承認有「命定」的存在，認為人力定可勝過命運。如果人們相信命運，則只會使人們聽從命運的安排，進而懈志懶惰、喪失進取之心。

天志：認為天是有人格、有意志的，扮演主宰人倫秩序、施予賞善罰惡的能力與角色。

明鬼：墨子明鬼的目的，主要是想藉助超人間的權威以限制當時統治集團 的殘暴統治。

兼愛：認為天下之所以亂，是因為人們之間缺乏無分別的愛，只要人們平等互愛、視人如己，就不會有不孝慈、盜賊、侵奪之事。

非攻：主張兼愛天下，放棄戰爭，以為攻伐是不義且不利的事。

非儒: 此篇主要是批駁以孔子為代表的儒家的禮義思想。墨子反對儒家婚喪之禮，實則是反對「親有差」。又指責儒家的禮樂與政事、生產皆無益，又通過晏嬰等之口，諷刺孔子與君與民都是口頭上講仁義，實際上鼓勵叛亂，惑亂人民。

科學研究

墨子建立中國古代第一個邏輯學體系——墨家邏輯，主要以三物論為代表，三物分別為故、理、類。

墨子還是一個傑出的科學家，在力學、幾何學、代數學、光學等方面，都有重大貢獻，為當時諸子所望塵莫及。墨子在《墨經》精到地闡述了經典力學中力的概念和力矩原理，提出「力」、「動」與「止」的定義。關于槓桿原理，亦提出了「重」、「權」（力）、「稱頭」（重臂）、「稱尾」（力臂）等概念。《墨經》中提出了「端」、「尺」、「區」、「穴」等概念，大致相當于近代幾何學上的點、線、面、體。墨子和他的學生做了世界上最早的針孔成像實驗，在當時就知道了光的直線傳播。他也提出了「粒子論」的雛形，關于「端」的論述，指出「端」是不占有空間的，是物體不可再細分的最小單位。

墨子的科學成就被中外眾多學者稱讚。蔡元培認為：「先秦唯墨子頗治科學」。墨子號人力飛機便是向墨子的「刻木為鳶，飛之三日」致敬。為向墨子在光學領域的突出成就致敬，中國將全球首顆量子科學實驗衛星命名為「墨子號」。

注釋