Early life

Zhu Yunwen, the future Jianwen Emperor, was born on 5 December 1377. He was the second son of Zhu Biao, who himself was the eldest son of the Hongwu Emperor, the founder and first emperor of the Ming dynasty. Zhu Yunwen's mother was Lady Lü. Upon establishing the Ming dynasty and assuming the imperial title in 1368, the Hongwu Emperor had designated Zhu Biao as his heir to the throne. In 1382, the death of Zhu Yunwen's elder brother left him as the eldest surviving son of Zhu Biao. According to historian Chan Hok-lam, he was a mature and straightforward child, earning the favor of his grandfather.

In May 1392, Zhu Biao died at the age of thirty-seven after several months of illness, whereupon the court discussed his succession. The primogeniture viewpoint advocated by scholars from the Hanlin Academy and high officials prevailed, and as the eldest surviving son, Zhu Yunwen was named the new crown prince on 28 September 1392. He spent the next six years carefully preparing for his future role as emperor. Historian Frederick W. Mote describes Zhu Yunwen as being, like his father, not physically fit and preferring scholarly pursuits. As crown prince, he criticized the Hongwu Emperor's excessively harsh laws and penal pronouncements, such as punishments like tattooing, amputation of limbs, cutting off the nose, and castration, advocating for their abolition. He was known for his polite demeanor and adherence to Confucian values, such as ren (benevolence) and xiao (filial piety). The Hongwu Emperor had doubts about his grandson's ability to rule, as he believed he lacked toughness. Therefore, the emperor ensured a smooth transition to his heir by carrying out purges of potentially dangerous generals in the first half of the 1390s.

Accession

The Hongwu Emperor died on 24 June 1398 and on 30 June 1398, Zhu Yunwen took the throne as the Jianwen Emperor. Consistent with his Confucian principles, he was deeply concerned about the harshness of his grandfather's policies, and as a result, he aimed to bring about significant changes in the political landscape. The era name of his reign, Jianwen, means "establishing civility" and represents a sharp change in tone from Hongwu ("vastly martial"), the era name of his grandfather's reign. Instead of relying on accomplished generals or members of the imperial family, he turned to Confucian scholars for guidance. His closest advisors were Huang Zicheng, Qi Tai, and Fang Xiaoru, all of whom were idealistic reformers, but they lacked practical experience in governing the country.

Reforms

During the reign of the Jianwen Emperor, the civilian part of the administration gained more influence, while that of the military commanders and the emperor's uncles declined. The ministers were elevated from the second rank to the first in the hierarchy of rank classes, placing them on equal footing with the highest-ranking generals (the military commissioners). After the abolition of the Central Secretariat in 1380, there had been no central office in the Ming administration to coordinate the work of ministries and other civil offices. As a result, all of these offices were directly under the emperor's control. The Jianwen Emperor relied on Huang Zicheng, Qi Tai, and Fang Xiaoru to lead the government, discussing policies with them and overseeing their implementation by the ministries. Although they effectively acted as chancellors (; chengxiang), they did not hold the official title. This reform proved beneficial for the administration of the empire, but it went against the edict of the Hongwu Emperor, which strictly prohibited the restoration of the chancellery in any form due to concerns about the potential threat from the authority and autonomy of the chancellor.

The number of departments and officials in the ministries was changed, and the status and number of positions in the Hanlin Academy and the Imperial University were increased. The Jianwen Emperor also strengthened the influence of Hanlin scholars in educating princes by creating new positions in the Household Administration of the Heir Apparent. A series of changes were made to the powers and titles of offices, following the patterns of the ancient Zhou dynasty ( – 256 BC).

The Jianwen Emperor reduced the excessive land taxes imposed on Jiangnan, specifically Suzhou and Songjiang prefectures. For example, Suzhou prefecture, despite accounting for merely 1.36% of the empire's land, was subjected to a tax of 2.81 million dan of grain in 1393. This amount represented a disproportionate 9.5% of the empire's total tax revenue of 29.4 million dan. In 1400, land taxes in Jiangnan were significantly curtailed. The following year, the emperor further reformed the system by limiting the tax exemptions for Taoist and Buddhist clergy, compelling them to surrender any land exceeding a specified amount for redistribution to the needy. However, the government did not have sufficient time to fully implement these comprehensive changes before its fall.

Reduction of the princes power

The Jianwen government aimed to reduce the influence of the emperor's uncles, the sons of the Hongwu Emperor, especially Zhu Di, Prince of Yan; Zhu Su, Prince of Zhou; Zhu Gui, Prince of Dai; Zhu Bo, Prince of Xiang; Zhu Fu, Prince of Qi; and Zhu Pian, Prince of Min. Their father had granted them the title of prince (; wang), along with significant income and privileges. They were stationed in various provinces and had their own personal guards, which could range from 3,000 to 15,000 men. Some of them even led the Ming armies in the 1390s, particularly on the northern border. The most powerful and eldest among them was Zhu Di, the fourth son of the Hongwu Emperor. The princes saw the Jianwen Emperor's efforts as a personal threat and a violation of the laws of the Hongwu Emperor, which everyone, including the emperor, was obliged to obey.

The policy of "reducing the feudatories" (; xuefan) was supported by Qi Tai and Huang Zicheng, who cited past dynastic experiences, such as the Rebellion of the Seven States during the Han dynasty. Princedoms were either directly suppressed or had their powers limited for both real and perceived offenses. The government forbade the princes from participating in public life, directly contradicting the late Hongwu Emperor's laws which stipulated that they, at the head of the government's armies, should serve as strategic strongholds against Mongol invasions and internal uprisings.

The first victim of the new order was Zhu Su, based in Kaifeng, a city in central China, and a close friend of Zhu Di. In the fall of 1398, the Jianwen Emperor stripped him of his title and exiled him to the southeastern Chinese province of Yunnan. However, Zhu Su was subsequently brought back to Nanjing, where his coerced testimony amplified charges of a princely conspiracy. This resulted in the house arrest of Zhu Gui in Datong in February 1399, and directly caused Zhu Bo to set fire to his own palace in Jingzhou, burning himself and his family to death on 1 June 1399. In the following two months, in June and July, Zhu Fu (based in Qingzhou) and Zhu Pian (based in Yunnan) were also stripped of their titles. The main long-term target of the government's measures was Zhu Di. He was based in Beijing and had shown himself to be a capable military leader and energetic administrator during campaigns against the Mongols. Since 1392, when he was not named as a successor, he considered himself unjustly neglected.

Civil war

Conflict with Zhu Di

The Jianwen Emperor's government was cautious towards Zhu Di, which gave him the opportunity to prepare and gather forces, although his power was systematically limited. Zhu Di's personal guard of 15,000 men was transferred outside of Beijing, and the generals serving in the northeast, close to Zhu Di, were gradually replaced by commanders loyal to the Jianwen Emperor.

In June 1399, the emperor finally granted Zhu Di's request to return his sons, who had been in Nanjing since the Hongwu Emperor's funeral, to Beijing. This event removed Zhu Di's inhibitions. The immediate pretext for his rebellion was the arrest of two of his lower officials for "subversive activity". With the support of Beijing's provincial dignitaries, Zhu Di responded by occupying the counties and prefectures around Beijing, calling the war a campaign to clear away disorders.

Zhu Di justified his actions by stating his desire to end internal disorder and confusion, defend the Hongwu Emperor's statutes and laws defining the duties of princes, and honor his deceased father. He accused the emperor and his ministers of persecuting the princes, who were falsely accused of preparing an uprising. He presented his rebellion as a reasonable act of self-defense. He also stated that he had no interest in the throne, but as the eldest surviving son of the deceased founder of the dynasty, he felt obligated to restore the law and legality that had been subverted by the emperor's advisers and ministers, whom he described as treacherous and wicked.

Course of the war

At the beginning of the war, Zhu Di had a force of 100,000 men and controlled the immediate vicinity of Beijing. In contrast, the Ming government had three times the number of soldiers and significantly more resources, but the government's superiority was not as clear-cut as it seemed. Zhu Di was a decisive and exceptionally capable commander, leading elite units that included a large number of Mongol cavalry. This contrasted with the imperial party, which was weakened by the indecision and poor coordination of its commanders, as well as the conflicting views between those who supported aggressive tactics and those who favored a more conciliatory approach. Additionally, the emperor and his closest ministers lacked military experience.

In August 1399, the emperor appointed Geng Bingwen as the commander of the troops tasked with suppressing the rebellion. Geng Bingwen led 130,000 troops to Zhending, a city southwest of Beijing, but was ultimately defeated by Zhu Di in late September, resulting in heavy losses for the imperial army. Upon Geng's defeat, Li Jinglong replaced him as the new commander of the imperial army and took advantage of Zhu Di's absence from Beijing to lay siege to the city in November 1399. Zhu Di quickly returned and forced the imperial army to retreat.

In 1400, there were numerous rebel attacks and government army counterattacks. The Imperial forces were unable to utilize their numerical advantage or mobilize additional troops, allowing Zhu Di to strengthen his position in the north. The emperor, who was dissatisfied with Li Jinglong, dismissed him and appointed Sheng Yong as the new commander of the anti-rebellion forces. Zhu Di, following the advice of his supporters in Nanjing, opted for a war of attrition. He disrupted the imperial army's communications in southern Beijing and western Shandong through small raids from the autumn of 1400.

The government army used firearms and rocket weapons to kill tens of thousands of rebels at Dongchang in Shandong in January 1401. During the retreat to Beijing, Zhu Di narrowly escaped capture. In late February, the rebels launched an attack, and they crushed the government armies in April and May. In response, the emperor promoted Ru Chang and Li Jinglong, who were leaders of a faction advocating for a peaceful settlement, but Zhu Di rejected their offer for negotiations. The insurgents continued to raid the enemy's supply lines throughout the summer, while the fronts in Shandong and southern Beijing were moving back and forth.

Zhu Di launched an offensive in January 1402. On the advice of the Nanjing eunuchs, he advanced westward instead of through the fortified cities along the Grand Canal, where the government forces were stronger. This strategic decision proved successful as the government forces in the west were weaker, allowing the rebels to disrupt their lines. The government's attempt to stop the rebel advance by sending reinforcements led by General Xu Huizu to the north failed. The rebels continued their southward march, and captured Xuzhou, a city in the north of the strategically important Zhili, by the beginning of March. As a result, the government was forced to withdraw its troops from Beijing and Shandong provinces to defend Zhili.

Fall of Nanjing and aftermath

From April to June 1402, the rebel army engaged in fierce battles and successfully advanced from Xuzhou to the banks of the Yangtze River. Chen Xuan, the commander of the government fleet, defected to the rebels, giving them an open road to Nanjing. The emperor, who was gathering forces to defend the capital, was unable to stop the rebels. Taking advantage of the chaos, members of a faction advocating for peace opened the gates of Nanjing to the rebels on 13 July 1402. In the ensuing clashes, the imperial palace was burned down. Three bodies found at the burnt palace were later announced to be those of the emperor, his wife, and their eldest son. Beginning in the Jiajing era (1522–1567), non-state historians who were sympathetic to the Jianwen Emperor propagated a folk legend in their writings that he survived the palace fire and lived in anonymity as a Buddhist monk.

Zhu Di ascended the throne as the Yongle Emperor on 17 July, presenting himself as the direct successor of the Hongwu Emperor. He denied legitimacy to his overthrown nephew and canceled his reforms. The Jianwen Emperor's younger son, Zhu Wengui, and other relatives spent the rest of their lives in prison. The Jianwen Emperor's followers were punished, and his closest advisers were executed. Although the Yongle Emperor hoped that Fang Xiaoru, known for his integrity and honesty, would join his side and bring confidence to the new government, he was resolutely rejected. As punishment, the emperor not only executed Fang's relatives but also his pupils. The purges, executions, imprisonments, and exiles affected tens of thousands of people.

Legacy

In an attempt to erase the memory of the Jianwen Emperor, the era of Jianwen was retroactively cancelled and the era of Hongwu was extended from 1399 to 1402. Many official documents from his government were destroyed, and private notes were also eliminated. Historians' views on the Jianwen Emperor during the Yongle Emperor's reign were closely tied to the legitimacy of his own rule, and they also criticized his reforms for deviating from the principles of the dynasty's founder. The Yongle Emperor fully restored the harsh laws of the Hongwu Emperor that had been abolished by the Jianwen Emperor.

The official history of the Hongwu Emperor's reign, known as Taizu Shilu ("Veritable Records of Emperor Taizu"), was compiled from 1399 to 1402, but was rewritten by 1403 and again between 1411 and 1418. The Yongle Emperor's historians portrayed the Jianwen Emperor as a weak and immoral ruler who showed little interest in governing and was surrounded by corrupt and treacherous ministers. Later scholars paint the Jianwen Emperor as an honest and benevolent leader who followed the advice of devoted Confucians and worked to correct the cruelties of his predecessor. The Wanli Emperor restored his reign to the official history of the dynasty in October 1595, but it was not until July 1644 that the Hongguang Emperor of the Southern Ming dynasty gave him a temple name. The Hongguang Emperor bestowed upon him the temple name Huizong (; 'Magnanimous Ancestor') and the posthumous name Emperor Rang (; 'Abdicated Emperor'). However, the Qing dynasty, which succeeded the Ming, did not recognize the Hongguang Emperor as legitimate and did not consider his decisions valid. In September 1736, the Qianlong Emperor of the Qing dynasty granted the Jianwen Emperor the posthumous name Emperor Gongmin Hui.

Consorts and issue

• Empress Xiaominrang of the Ma clan (; 1378–1402)

　• Zhu Wenkui, Crown Prince Hejian (; 30 November 1396 – 1402), first son

　• Zhu Wengui, Prince of Runhuai (; 1401–1457), second son

References

• Jianwen_(era) (Wikipedia)

改元

• 洪武三十一年——閏五月初十日，明太祖駕崩；閏五月十六日，明惠宗繼位，有詔明年改元建文。

• 建文四年——六月十七日，明成祖繼位；六月十八日，有詔以今年為洪武三十五年，明年改元永樂。

明成祖革除建文年號爭議

明成祖朱棣是否曾「革除」建文年號，明清多數私家野史認為是確定無疑的，但也有不少著名學者如王世貞、顧炎武、潘檉章等持否定態度，顧炎武曾撰《革除辨》一文，明確否定朱棣「革除」建文年號的說法，影響巨大。由于明成祖沒有明詔宣布革除建文年號，現今一些學者認為革除年號不是朱棣的本意，而只是臣下所為；也有人認為明成祖通過重修《太祖實錄》和修纂《奉天靖難記》對建文朝歷史肆意篡改，實際上相當于革除了建文年號，只是又不願親自公開實施而承擔歷史責任。清初孔尚任藏有出自內府的《燕王靖難札付》五幅，其中《大明燕王令旨》落款時間為「建文元年十二月初二日」，複用墨塗抹建文等字，另書洪武三十二年；《燕王令旨》落款時間寫作「庚辰年九月十一日」，再後又有書札落款為「洪武三十四年閏三月」。此札付精確揭示了朱棣靖難起兵去除建文年號的詳細經過：建文元年靖難之役起兵初期，朱棣還尊奉建文年號；建文二年，朱棣開始不使用建文年號，改用幹支庚辰紀年；建文三年，朱棣去除建文年號，用洪武紀年，並追改建文年號。洪武三十五年（建文四年）六月庚午日，朱棣即位第二天，「命五府六部，一應建文中所改易洪武政令格條悉複舊制，遂仍以洪武紀年，今年稱洪武三十五年」，明確宣布使用洪武年號，楊永康認為朱棣同時也革除了建文年號，這是對建文三年就已事實上「去除」建文年號行為的正式認可和合法繼承。建文三年時的朱棣仍自稱「燕王」，尚沒有能「革除」年號的名分，朱棣即位後，正式通過「革除」加以確認，確立繼統的合法性，而恢復「洪武」年號，則彰示朱棣皇位得自朱元璋。宣德年間修成的《太宗實錄》前九卷收錄有《奉天靖難事跡》，即《奉天靖難記》的修改版本，當中使用建文一年、二年、三年、四年、洪武三十五年的紀年方式，這是因為宣德朝的政治背景已發生變化，史臣認為「革除」建文年號透露出來的「篡奪」之意太過明顯，纂修《太宗實錄》時創造出這種方式取代實際使用的洪武紀年，對朱棣「革除」史實有意曲筆隱晦，給後人的認識造成混亂。受《太宗實錄》誤導，萬曆朝臣在恢復建文年號的政治活動中，就明確否定了朱棣曾經「革除」建文年號一事。

大事記

• 建文3年五月十三日（日本應永8年，1401年） - 足利義滿派出遣明使。這是走向明日貿易的第一步。

重要人物

• 齊泰

• 黃子澄

• 方孝孺

• 鐵鉉

• 鄭洽

紀年對照表

同期存在的其他政權年號

• 越南

　• 建新（1398年－1400年）：陳朝—陳少帝之年號

　• 聖元（1400年）：胡朝—胡季犛之年號

　• 紹成（1401年－1403年）：胡朝—胡漢蒼之年號

• 日本

　• 應永（1394年－1428年）：後小松天皇、稱光天皇之年號

參考資料

• 建文 (維基百科)