Youth

The Yongle Emperor was born Zhu Di (朱棣) on 2 May 1360, the fourth son of the new leader of the central Red Turbans, Zhu Yuanzhang. Zhu Yuanzhang would later rise to become the Hongwu Emperor, the first emperor of the Ming dynasty. According to surviving Ming historical records, Zhu Di's mother was the Hongwu Emperor's primary consort, Empress Ma, the view Zhu Di himself maintained. Some contemporaries maintained, however, that Zhu Di's mother was one of his father's concubines, who might be of Korean origin, and that the official records were changed during his reign to list him as a son of the Empress Ma in order to sanction his succession on the "death" of the Jianwen Emperor.

The Mongols circulated a legend found in Altan Tobchi that the Yongle Emperor was the son of a Mongol empress who was pregnant with a Mongol child and captured after the Ming took over Beijing, and that she prayed that her pregnancy would be extended miraculously so the Hongwu Emperor would not suspect the child wasn't his, and that her pregnancy was extended by a miracle to 13 months instead of 9 months. This legend is disproven by the fact that it was only in 1368 when Beijing was captured and entered by the Hongwu Emperor's army while 2 May 1360 was the birthdate of the Yongle Emperor (Zhu Di) which was much earlier than the capture of Beijing. The Ming circulated a similar story regarding Yuan Emperor Huizong's paternity with Chinese Emperor Gong of Song. According to the Ming story Emperor Gong of Song had an affair with Yuan Empress Mailaiti, a descendant of Arslan Khan of the Karluks, a wife of Yuan Emperor Mingzong. Zhao Xian allegedly fathered Yuan Emperor Huizong with Mailaiti.

Zhu Di grew up as a prince in a loving, caring environment. His father supplied nothing but the best education and, trusting them alone, reestablished the old feudal principalities for his many sons. Zhu Di was created Prince of Yan, a location important for being both the former capital of the Mongol-led Yuan dynasty and the frontline of battle against Northern Yuan dynasty, a successor state to the Yuan dynasty. When Zhu Di moved to Beiping, the former Khanbaliq of Yuan, he found a city that had been devastated by famine and disease, but he worked with his father's general Xu Da who was also his own father-in-law to continue the pacification of the region. The official Ming histories portray a Zhu Di who impressed his father with his energy, daring, and leadership amid numerous successes; nonetheless, the Ming dynasty suffered numerous reverses during his tenure and the great victory at Buir Lake was won not by Zhu Di but by his brother's partisan Lan Yu. Similarly, when the Hongwu Emperor sent large forces to the north, they were not placed under Zhu Di's command.

Rise to power

The Hongwu Emperor was long-lived and survived his first heir, Zhu Biao, the Crown Prince. He worried about his succession and issued a series of dynastic instructions for his family, the Huang Ming Zu Xun. These instructions made it clear that the rule would pass only to children from the Emperor's primary consort, excluding the Prince of Yan in favour of Zhu Yunwen, Zhu Biao's son. When the Hongwu Emperor died on 24 June 1398, Zhu Yunwen succeeded his grandfather as the Jianwen Emperor. In direct violation of the dynastic instructions, the Prince of Yan attempted to mourn his father in Nanjing, bringing a large armed guard with him. The imperial army was able to block him at Huai'an and, given that three of his sons were serving as hostages in the capital, the prince withdrew in disgrace.

The Jianwen Emperor's harsh campaign against his weaker uncles (dubbed 削蕃, lit. "Weakening the Marcher Lords") made accommodation much more difficult, however: Zhu Di's full brother, Zhu Su (朱橚), was arrested and exiled to Yunnan; the Prince of Dai Zhu Gui (朱桂) was reduced to a commoner; the Prince of Xiang Zhu Bai (朱柏) committed suicide under duress; the Princes of Qi and Min, Zhu Fu (朱榑) and Zhu Pian (朱楩) respectively, were demoted all within the later half of 1398 and the first half of 1399. Faced with certain hostility, Zhu Di pretended to fall ill and then "went mad" for a number of months before achieving his aim of freeing his sons from captivity to visit him in the north in June 1399. On 5 August, Zhu Di declared that the Jianwen Emperor had fallen victim to "evil counselors" (奸臣) and that the Hongwu Emperor's dynastic instructions obliged him to rise in arms to remove them, a conflict known as the Jingnan Campaign.

In the first year, Zhu Di survived the initial assaults by superior forces under Geng Bingwen (耿炳文) and Li Jinglong (李景龍) thanks to superior tactics and capable Mongol auxiliaries. He also issued numerous justifications for his rebellion, including questionable claims to have been the son of Empress Ma and bold-faced lies that his father had attempted to name him as the rightful heir, only to be thwarted by bureaucrats scheming to empower Zhu Biao's son. Whether because of this propaganda or for personal motives, Zhu Di began to receive a steady stream of turncoat eunuchs and generals who provided him with invaluable intelligence allowing a hit-and-run campaign against the imperial supply depots along the Grand Canal. By 1402, he knew enough to be able to avoid the main hosts of the imperial army while sacking Xuzhou, Suzhou, and Yangzhou. The betrayal of Chen Xuan gave him the imperial army's Yangtze River fleet; the betrayal of Li Jinglong and the prince's half-brother Zhu Hui (朱橞) opened the gates of Nanjing on 13 July. Amid the disorder, the imperial palace quickly caught fire: Zhu Di enabled his own succession by claiming three bodies charred beyond recognition as the Jianwen emperor, his consort, and their son but rumours circulated for decades that the Jianwen Emperor had escaped in disguise as a Buddhist monk.

Having captured the capital, Zhu Di now left aside his former arguments about rescuing his nephew from evil counsel and voided the Jianwen Emperor's entire reign, taking 1402 as the 35th year of the Hongwu era. His own brother Zhu Biao, whom the Jianwen Emperor had posthumously elevated to emperor, was now posthumously demoted; Zhu Biao's surviving two sons were demoted to commoners and placed under house arrest; and the Jianwen Emperor's surviving younger son was imprisoned and hidden for the next 55 years. After a brief show of humility where he repeatedly refused offers to take the throne, Zhu Di accepted and proclaimed that the next year would be the first year of the Yongle era. On 17 July 1402, after a brief visit to his father's tomb, Zhu Di was crowned emperor of the Ming Empire at the age of 42. He would spend most of his early years suppressing rumours and outlaws.

Becoming the emperor

With many scholar-bureaucrats in Nanjing refusing to recognise the legitimacy of his claim to the throne, the Yongle Emperor began a thorough purge of them and their families, including women and children. Other supporters of the Jianwen Emperor's regime were extirpated throughout the country, while a reign of terror was seen due to eunuchs settling scores with the two prior administrations.

Chinese law had long allowed for the execution of families along with principals: The Classic of History records insubordinate officers being threatened with it as far back as the Shang dynasty. The Hongwu Emperor had fully restored the practice, punishing rebels and traitors with death by a thousand cuts as well as the death of their grandparents, parents, uncles and aunts, siblings by birth or by bond, children, nephews and nieces, grandchildren, and all cohabitants of whatever family, although children were sometimes spared and women were sometimes permitted to choose slavery instead. Four of the purged scholars became known as the Four Martyrs, the most famous of whom was Fang Xiaoru, the former tutor to the Jianwen Emperor: threatened with execution of all nine degrees of his kinship, he fatuously replied "Never mind nine! Go with ten!" and alone in Chinese history he was sentenced to execution of 10 degrees of kinship: along with his entire family, every former student or peer of Fang Xiaoru that the Yongle Emperor's agents could find was also killed. It was said that as he died, cut in half at the waist, Fang used his own blood to write the character 篡 ("usurper") on the floor and that 872 other people were executed in the ordeal.

The Yongle Emperor followed traditional rituals closely and held many popular beliefs. He did not overindulge in the luxuries of palace life, but still used Buddhism and Buddhist festivals to help calm civil unrest. He stopped the warring between the various Chinese tribes and reorganised the provinces to best provide peace within the Ming Empire. The Yongle Emperor was said to be an "ardent Buddhist" by Ernst Faber.

Due to the stress and overwhelming amount of thinking involved in running a post-rebellion empire, the Yongle Emperor searched for scholars to serve in his government. He had many of the best scholars chosen as candidates and took great care in choosing them, even creating terms by which he hired people. He was also concerned about the degeneration of Buddhism in China.

Reign

Relations with Tibet

Tibetan Buddhism was patronised by Yongle.

In 1403, the Yongle Emperor sent messages, gifts, and envoys to Tibet inviting Deshin Shekpa, the fifth Gyalwa Karmapa of the Kagyu school of Tibetan Buddhism, to visit the imperial capital – apparently after having a vision of the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. After a long journey, Deshin Shekpa arrived in Nanjing on 10 April 1407 riding on an elephant towards the imperial palace, where tens of thousands of monks greeted him.

Deshin Shekpa convinced the Yongle Emperor that there were different religions for different people, which does not mean that one is better than the others. The Karmapa was very well received during his visit and a number of miraculous occurrences were reported. He also performed ceremonies for the imperial family. The emperor presented him with 700 measures of silver objects and bestowed the title of 'Precious Religious King, Great Loving One of the West, Mighty Buddha of Peace'. A khatvanga in the British Museum was one of the objects given to the Karmapa by the Yongle Emperor.

Aside from the religious matter, the Yongle Emperor wished to establish an alliance with the Karmapa similar to the one the 13th- and 14th-century Yuan khans had established with the Sakyapa. He apparently offered to send armies to unify Tibet under the Karmapa but Deshin Shekpa demurred, as parts of Tibet were still firmly controlled by partisans of the former Yuan dynasty.

Deshin Shekpa left Nanjing on 17 May 1408. In 1410, he returned to Tsurphu where he had his monastery rebuilt following severe damage from an earthquake.

Selecting an heir

When it was time for him to choose an heir, the Yongle Emperor wanted to choose his second son, Zhu Gaoxu. Zhu Gaoxu had an athletic-warrior personality which contrasted sharply with his elder brother's intellectual and humanitarian nature. Despite much counsel from his advisers, the Yongle Emperor chose his older son, Zhu Gaozhi (the future Hongxi Emperor), as his heir apparent mainly due to advice from Xie Jin. As a result, Zhu Gaoxu became infuriated and refused to give up jockeying for his father's favour and refusing to move to Yunnan Province, where his princedom was located. He even went so far as to undermine Xie Jin's counsel and eventually killed him.

National economy and construction projects

After the Yongle Emperor's overthrow of the Jianwen Emperor, China's countryside was devastated. The fragile new economy had to deal with low production and depopulation. The Yongle Emperor laid out a long and extensive plan to strengthen and stabilise the new economy, but first he had to silence dissension. He created an elaborate system of censors to remove corrupt officials from office that spread such rumors. The emperor dispatched some of his most trusted officers to reveal or destroy secret societies, bandits, and loyalists to his other relatives. To strengthen the economy, he fought population decline, using the most he could from the existing labour force, and maximising textile and agricultural production.

The Yongle Emperor also worked to reclaim production rich regions such as the Lower Yangtze Delta and called for a massive reconstruction of the Grand Canal. During his reign, the Grand Canal was almost completely rebuilt and was eventually moving imported goods from all over the world. The Yongle Emperor's short-term goal was to revitalise northern urban centres, especially his new capital at Beijing. Before the Grand Canal was rebuilt, grain was transferred to Beijing in two ways; one route was simply via the East China Sea, from the port of Liujiagang (near Suzhou); the other was a far more laborious process of transferring the grain from large to small shallow barges (after passing the Huai River and having to cross southwestern Shandong), then transferred back to large river barges on the Yellow River before finally reaching Beijing. With the necessary tribute grain shipments of four million shi (one shi equal to 107 liters) to the north each year, both processes became incredibly inefficient. It was a magistrate of Jining, Shandong who sent a memorandum to the Yongle Emperor protesting the current method of grain shipment, a request that the emperor ultimately granted.

The Yongle Emperor ambitiously planned to move his capital to Beijing. According to a popular legend, the capital was moved when the emperor's advisers brought the emperor to the hills surrounding Nanjing and pointed out the emperor's palace showing the vulnerability of the palace to artillery attack.

The emperor planned to build a massive network of structures in Beijing in which government offices, officials, and the imperial family resided. After a painfully long construction time (1407–1420), the Forbidden City was finally completed and became the imperial capital for the next 500 years.

The Yongle Emperor finalised the architectural ensemble of his father's Ming Xiaoling Mausoleum in Nanjing by erecting a monumental "Square Pavilion" (Sifangcheng) with an eight-metre-tall tortoise-borne stele, extolling the merits and virtues of the Hongwu Emperor. In fact, the Yongle Emperor's original idea for the memorial was to erect an unprecedented stele 73 metres tall. However, due to the impossibility of moving or erecting the giant parts of that monuments, they have been left unfinished in Yangshan Quarry, where they remain to this day.

Even though the Hongwu Emperor may have meant for his descendants to be buried near his own Xiaoling Mausoleum (this was how the Hongwu Emperor's heir apparent, Zhu Biao was buried), the Yongle Emperor's relocation of the capital to Beijing necessitated the creation of a new imperial burial ground. On the advice of fengshui experts, the Yongle Emperor chose a site north of Beijing, where he and his successors were to be buried. Over the next two centuries, thirteen emperors in total were laid to rest in the Ming Tombs.

Religion and philosophy

The Yongle Emperor was a Chinese traditionalist. He promoted Confucianism, retained traditional ritual ceremonies, and respected the classical culture. Although he did not personally favour Taoism and Buddhism, his policy of tolerance was popular and helped maintain unity. The Yongle Emperor sought to eradicate Mongol culture from China; the use of popular Mongol names, habits, language, and clothing were forbidden.

The Yongle Emperor sponsored a mosque each in Nanjing and Xi'an; both survive. Repairs to mosques were encouraged and conversion to other uses was forbidden.

He commissioned Grand Secretary Xie Jin to write the Yongle Encyclopedia, a compilation of Chinese civilization. It was completed in 1408 and was the world's largest general encyclopedia until being surpassed by Wikipedia in late 2007.

Military campaigns

Wars against the Mongols

Mongol invaders were still causing many problems for the Ming Empire. The Yongle Emperor prepared to eliminate this threat. He mounted five military expeditions into the Mongol steppes and crushed the remnants of the Yuan dynasty that had fled north after being defeated by the Hongwu Emperor. He repaired the northern defences and forged buffer alliances to keep the Mongols at bay in order to build an army. His strategy was to force the Mongols into economic dependence on the Chinese and to launch periodic initiatives into Mongolia to cripple their offensive power. He attempted to compel Mongolia to become a Chinese tributary, with all the tribes submitting and proclaiming themselves vassals of the Ming Empire, and wanted to contain and isolate the Mongols. Through fighting, the Yongle Emperor learned to appreciate the importance of cavalry in battle and eventually began spending much of his resources to keep horses in good supply. The emperor spent his entire life fighting the Mongols. Failures and successes came and went, but after the emperor's second personal campaign against the Mongols, the Ming Empire was at peace for over seven years.

Tang Taizong was cited by Yongle as his model for being familiar with both China and the steppe people.

The "Heavenly Qaghan" Tang Emperor Taizong was imitated by Yongle as was the Tang's multi-ethnic nature.

Conquest of Vietnam

Vietnam was a significant source of difficulties during the Yongle Emperor's reign. In 1406, the emperor responded to several formal petitions from members of the Trần dynasty, however on arrival to Vietnam, both the Trần prince and the accompanying Chinese ambassador were ambushed and killed. In response to this insult, the Yongle Emperor sent two armies led by Zhang Fu and Mu Sheng to conquer Vietnam. As the Trần royal family were all executed, Vietnam was integrated as a province of China, just as it had been up until 939. With the Ho monarch defeated in 1407, the Chinese began a serious and sustained effort to sinicise the population. Various ancient sites such as pagoda Bao Minh were looted and destroyed. On 2 December 1407, the Yongle Emperor gave orders to Zhang Fu that innocent Vietnamese were not to be harmed, ordering family members of rebels to be spared such as young males if they themselves were not involved in rebellion. In early 1418, Lê Lợi, who founded the Lê dynasty, started a major rebellion against Ming rule. By the time the Yongle Emperor died in 1424, the Vietnamese rebels under Lê Lợi's leadership had captured nearly the entire province. By 1427, the Xuande Emperor gave up the effort started by his grandfather and formally acknowledged Vietnam's independence on condition they accept vassal status.

Diplomatic missions and exploration of the world

As part of his desire to expand Chinese influence throughout the known world, the Yongle Emperor sponsored the massive and long term treasure voyages led by admiral Zheng He. While Chinese ships continued travelling to Japan, Ryukyu, and many locations in Southeast Asia before and after the Yongle Emperor's reign, Zheng He's expeditions were China's only major sea-going explorations of the world (although the Chinese may have been sailing to Arabia, East Africa, and Egypt since the Tang dynasty or earlier). The first expedition was launched in 1405 (18 years before Henry the Navigator began Portugal's voyages of discovery). The expeditions were under the command of Zheng He and his associates (Wang Jinghong, Hong Bao, etc.). Seven expeditions were launched between 1405 and 1433, reaching major trade centres of Asia (as far as Tenavarai (Dondra Head), Hormuz and Aden) and northeastern Africa (Malindi). Some of the ships used were apparently the largest sail-powered wooden ships in human history.

The Chinese expeditions were a remarkable technical and logistical achievement. The Yongle Emperor's successors, the Hongxi and Xuande Emperors, felt that the costly expeditions were harmful to the Ming Empire. The Hongxi Emperor ended further expeditions and the descendants of the Xuande Emperor suppressed much of the information about Zheng He's treasure voyages.

On 30 January 1406, the Yongle Emperor expressed horror when the Ryukyuans castrated some of their own children to become eunuchs to serve in the Ming imperial palace. The emperor said that the boys who were castrated were innocent and did not deserve castration, and he returned the boys to Ryukyu and instructed them not to send eunuchs again.

In 1411, a smaller fleet, built in Jilin and commanded by another eunuch Yishiha, who was a Jurchen, sailed down the Sungari and Amur Rivers. The expedition established a Nurgan Regional Military Commission in the region, headquartered at the place the Chinese called Telin (特林; now the village of Tyr, Russia). The local Nivkh or Tungusic chiefs were granted ranks in the imperial administration. Yishiha's expeditions returned to the lower Amur several more times during the reigns of the Yongle and Xuande Emperors, the last one visiting the region in the 1430s.

After the death of Timur, who intended to invade China, relations between the Ming Empire and Shakhrukh's state in Persia and Transoxania state considerably improved, and the states exchanged large official delegations on a number of occasions. Both the Ming Empire's envoy to Samarkand and Herat, Chen Cheng, and his counterpart, Ghiyasu'd-Din Naqqah, recorded detailed accounts of their visits to each other's states.

One of the Yongle Emperor's consorts was a Jurchen princess, which resulted in many of the eunuchs serving him being of Jurchen origin, notably Yishiha.

The Yongle Emperor instituted a Ming governor on Luzon during Zheng He's voyages and appointed Ko-ch'a-lao (許柴佬; Xu Chailao) to that position in 1405. China also had vassals among the leaders in the archipelago. China attained ascendancy in trade with the area in the Yongle Emperor's reign. The local rulers on Luzon were "confirmed" by the governor or "high officer" appointed by the Yongle Emperor.

States in Luzon, Sulu (under King Paduka Pahala), Sumatra, and Brunei all established diplomatic relations with the Ming Empire and exchanged envoys and sent tribute to the Yongle Emperor.

The Yongle Emperor exchanged ambassadors with Shahrukh Mirza, sending Chen Cheng to Samarkand and Herat, and Shahrukh sent Ghiyāth al-dīn Naqqāsh to Beijing.

Death

On 1 April 1424, the Yongle Emperor launched a large campaign into the Gobi Desert to chase an army of fleeing Oirats. Frustrated at his inability to catch up with his swift opponents, Yongle fell into a deep depression and then into illness, possibly owing to a series of minor strokes. On 12 August 1424, the Yongle Emperor died. He was entombed in Changling (長陵), a location northwest of Beijing.

Legacy

The Yongle Emperor is generally regarded to have had a lifelong pursuit of glory, power, and wealth. He respected and worked hard to preserve Chinese culture by designing monuments such as the Porcelain Tower of Nanjing, while undermining and expelling from Chinese society people from foreign cultures. He deeply admired and wished to save his father's accomplishments and spent a lot of time proving his claim to the throne. His reign was a mixed blessing for the Chinese populace. The Yongle Emperor's economic, educational, and military reforms provided unprecedented benefits for the people, but his despotic style of government set up a spy agency. Despite these negatives, he is considered an architect and keeper of Chinese culture, history, and statecraft and an influential ruler in Chinese history.

He is remembered very much for his cruelty, just like his father. He killed most of the Jianwen Emperor's palace servants, tortured many of his nephew's loyalists to death, killed or by other means badly treated their relatives. He ordered 2,800 concubines, servant girls and eunuchs who guarded them put to death as the Yongle Emperor tried to suppress a sex scandal which threatened to humiliate him. His successor freed most of the survivors.

Family

Consorts and Issue:

• Empress Renxiaowen, of the Xu clan (仁孝文皇后 徐氏; 1362–1407), personal name Yihua (儀華)

　• Princess Yong'an (永安公主; 1377–1417), personal name Yuying (玉英), first daughter

　　• Married Yuan Rong, Marquis Guangping (袁容) in 1395, and had issue (one son, three daughters)

　• Zhu Gaochi, the Hongxi Emperor (仁宗 朱高熾; 16 August 1378 – 29 May 1425), first son

　• Princess Yongping (永平公主; 1379 – 22 April 1444), second daughter

　　• Married Li Rang, Marquis Fuyang (李讓) in 1395, and had issue (one son)

　• Zhu Gaoxu, Prince of Han (漢王 朱高煦; 30 December 1380 – 6 October 1426), second son

　• Zhu Gaosui, Prince Jian of Zhao (趙簡王 朱高燧; 19 January 1383 – 5 October 1431), third son

　• Princess Ancheng (安成公主; 1384 – 16 September 1443), third daughter

　　• Married Song Hu, Marquis Xining (宋琥) in 1402, and had issue (one son)

　• Princess Xianning (咸寧公主; 1385 – 27 July 1440), fourth daughter

　　• Married Song Ying, Marquis Xining (宋瑛; d. 1449) in 1403, and had issue (one son)

• Noble Consort Zhaoyi, of the Zhang clan (昭懿貴妃 張氏)

• Noble Consort Zhaoxian, of the Wang clan (昭獻貴妃 王氏; d. 1420)

• Consort Huang

• Consort Kangmuhui, of the Wu clan (康穆惠妃 吳氏)

　• Zhu Gaoxi (朱高爔; 18 January 1392 – January/February 1392), fourth son

• Consort Gongxianxian, of the Kwon clan of Andong (恭獻賢妃 安東權氏; 1391–1410)

• Consort Kangjinghui, of the Choi clan (康靖惠妃 崔氏; 1395–1424)

• Consort Kanghuili, of the Han clan of Cheongju (康惠麗妃 清州韓氏; d. 12 August 1424)

• Consort Zhaoshunde, of the Liu clan (昭順德妃 劉氏)

• Consort Kangyishun, of the Li clan (康懿順妃 李氏)

• Consort Huimushun, of the Guo clan (惠穆順妃 郭氏)

• Consort Zhenjingshun, of the Zhang clan (貞靜順妃 張氏)

• Consort Zhongjingxian, of the Yu clan (忠敬賢妃 喻氏; d. 1421)

• Consort Gongshunli, of the Chen clan (恭順麗妃 陳氏)

• Consort Duanjingshu, of the Yang clan (端靜淑妃 楊氏)

• Consort Gonghexian, of the Wang clan (恭和賢妃 王氏)

• Consort Zhaosuxian, of the Wang clan (昭肅賢妃 王氏)

• Consort Zhaohuishun, of the Wang clan (昭惠順妃 王氏)

• Consort Huimushun, of the Qian clan (惠穆順妃 錢氏)

• Consort Anshunhui, of the Long clan (安順惠妃 龍氏)

• Unknown

　• Princess Changning (常寧公主; 1387 – 5 April 1408), fifth daughter

　　• Married Mu Xin (沐昕; 1386–1453), the fourth son of Mu Ying, on 20 June 1403, and had issue (one son)

Ancestry

早期經歷

元順帝至正二十年（1360年）四月十七日（5月2日），朱棣生于應天府（今南京）。

洪武三年（1370年），朱棣十歲，受封燕王。曾居鳳陽，對民情頗有所知。洪武十三年（1380年），朱棣就藩北平府，之後多次受命參與北方軍事活動，兩次率師北征，曾招降蒙古乃兒不花，並曾生擒北元大將索林帖木兒，加強了他在北方軍隊中的影響。朱元璋晚年，長子太子朱標、次子秦王朱樉、三子晉王朱棡皆早朱元璋去世，而後朱元璋於洪武三十一年（1398年）閏五月駕崩後，四子朱棣不僅在軍事實力上，而且在家族尊序上都成為諸王之首。

靖難之役

建文帝削藩

建文帝朱允炆登基後，為了提防燕王謀反，於洪武三十一年十二月派工部侍郎張昺為北平布政使，都指揮使謝貴、張信為北平都指揮使。隨後又命都督宋忠屯兵駐開平，並調走北平原屬燕王管轄的軍隊。

建文元年（1399年），朱棣裝病，使建文帝把作為人質的朱棣三子朱高熾、朱高煦、朱高燧回燕藩；之後由於屬下被朝廷處死，遂裝瘋。由於王府長史葛誠告知朝廷，裝瘋被發覺。

時燕王遣使入金陵奏事，使者被齊泰等審訊，被迫供出燕王的異狀，於是朝廷下密旨，令張昺、謝貴逮捕燕王府的官屬，張信逮捕燕王本人。但張信經過考慮，將此事告知朱棣。於是朱棣和僧人姚道衍等進行舉兵的謀劃，令張玉、朱能將八百勇士帶入府中潛伏，以待變故。

燕王起兵

張昺、謝貴得到皇帝密詔後，七月初四帶兵包圍了燕王府。朱棣假意將官屬全部捆縛，請二人進王府查驗。二人進府後，朱棣派出府內的死士將其擒獲，並連同府內叛變的葛誠、盧振一同斬殺。當日夜裡，朱棣攻下北平九門，遂控制北平城。

燕王朱棣起兵，援引《皇明祖訓》，號稱清君側，指建文帝身邊的齊泰和黃子澄為奸臣（謀害皇室親族），需要鏟除，稱自己的舉動為「靖難」（意為「平定災難」），並上書建文帝。

燕軍控制北平後，七月初六，通州主動歸附；七月初八，攻破薊州，遵化、密雲歸附；七月十一，攻破居庸關；七月十六，攻破懷來，擒殺宋忠等；七月十八，永平府（今河北盧龍縣，屬秦皇島市）歸附。七月二十七，為防止大寧軍隊從松亭關偷襲北平，用反間計使松亭關內訌，守將卜萬下獄。至此，北平周圍全部掃清。燕軍兵力增至數萬。

燕軍攻破懷來後，由於領地相距太近，七月二十四日，谷王朱橞逃離封地宣府（今屬張家口，距北京約150公里，距懷來約60公里），奔京師。八月，齊泰等顧慮遼王、寧王幫助燕王，建議召還京師；遼王從海路返京，而寧王不從，遂削寧王護衛。宋忠失敗後，部將陳質退守大同。代王本欲起兵呼應朱棣，被陳質所控制，未果。

七月，朱棣反書到京，朱允炆削朱棣宗室屬籍，廢為庶人。決定起兵討燕。在真定（今河北正定）置平燕布政使司。

耿炳文率軍在八月十三日到達真定，並分兵於河間、鄚州（河北任丘北約30里）、雄縣，為犄角之勢。在經過觀察後，八月十五日，燕軍趁中秋夜敵軍不備，偷襲雄縣；成功後又利用伏擊擊敗了鄚州的援兵，遂攻克鄚州，收編剩餘的部隊。八月二十四日，燕軍到達無極縣。從樵夫和中央軍被俘士兵處得知敵情，於是燕軍發動決戰。

二十五日，燕軍趁耿炳文送使臣出城時偷襲中央軍，炳文逃回城中後，怒而迎戰。在燕軍主力與耿炳文軍相持時，朱棣親自率軍襲擊其側翼，耿炳文大敗潰逃，中央軍投降三千多人。中央軍狼狽逃回城中，城池差點失守。部將李堅、甯忠、顧成等被俘；士兵被殺、被俘數萬人（後放還）。耿炳文率殘部不到十萬人在真定堅守不出，燕軍攻城三天不克。八月二十九日，燕軍返回北平。顧成降燕之後，留在北平協助燕世子朱高熾守城。

耿炳文戰敗，朱允炆開始擔憂戰事，考慮換將。黃子澄說曹國公李景隆是名將李文忠之子，建議他接任；齊泰反對，但建文不聽。八月三十日，拜李景隆為大將軍，誓師出征，並召回耿炳文。李景隆以德州為大本營，調集各路兵馬包括耿炳文敗兵，增兵至五十萬人，九月十一日進至河間。

朱棣聽說朝廷以五十萬傾國之兵交付李景隆，大喜過望，說：「李景隆不會用兵，給他五十萬大軍，根本是自取滅亡。趙括之失必然重演，我軍必勝。」

大勝李景隆

九月初一江陰侯吳高率遼東兵攻打永平郡，九月廿五，攻陷永平郡，決定趁勢偷襲大寧（今內蒙古寧城）以獲得其精銳部隊；另一方面利而誘之，將中央軍引至「空城」北平下。九月廿八，出師。。十月初六，燕軍經小路到達大寧城下。朱棣單騎入城），見寧王朱權，向朱權求救。在居大寧期間，朱棣令手下吏士入城結交並賄賂大寧的軍官等。十月十三，朱棣提出告辭，朱權在郊外送行，伏兵盡起，大寧軍紛紛叛變，歸附朱棣。於是朱權與王妃、世子等一同隨朱棣前往北平，而大寧的全部軍隊（包括其騎兵精銳朵顏三衛）都被朱棣收編。大寧成為空城。朱棣實力大增。十月十九，燕軍在會州整編，分立五軍（中前左右後）。十月廿一，入松亭關。

十一月初五，渡白河（時已結冰，渡河處在今北京順義區東），打敗李景隆的哨探陳暉部隊萬餘人。李景隆大敗。李景隆令鄭村壩所有軍隊輕裝撤退。。燕軍輕易擊潰城下的敵軍，獲得大量物資。。此戰中央軍喪師十餘萬。十一月初九，朱棣回到北平城，再次上書，惠帝不應。。十二月十九日，朱棣出師攻打大同。十二月廿四，抵達廣昌，守將楊宗投降。建文二年（1400年）正月初一，燕軍抵達蔚州，守將王忠、李遠投降。二月初二，燕軍攻大同。李景隆前來救援。李景隆走出紫荊關後，燕軍從居庸關返回北平。中央軍兵力、裝備大量損失，士氣受到重創。

建文二年四月，李景隆從德州，郭英、吳傑等從真定誓師北伐兵力增至六十萬。燕軍亦出。四月二十日，燕軍渡過玉馬河。四月廿四，燕軍戰鬥失利。。次日（四月廿五），再次交戰。。。四月廿七，燕軍進攻德州。初九，燕軍進入德州。五月十五，燕軍攻濟南，李景隆逃走。燕軍遂圍濟南。十月，朝廷召李景隆回南京。黃子澄、練子寧、葉希賢等上書，請求立斬李景隆。朱允炆不聽。。鄭村壩之戰和白溝河之戰，使得兩軍攻守形勢逆轉。

燕軍圍濟南。右參政鐵鉉、盛庸堅守。朱棣射信入城招降，未果。五月十七，燕軍掘開河堤，放水灌城。鐵鉉決定派千人詐降，誘朱棣進城。朱棣圍城攻打三個月。六月，惠帝遣使求和，朱棣不聽。七月，平安進軍河間，擾亂燕軍糧道。八月十六，朱棣撤兵回北平。盛庸、鐵鉉追擊，大敗燕軍，收復德州。

建文二年十月，朱棣決定再度南下，十月廿七到達滄州。燕軍僅用兩天就攻下滄州，徐凱等投降。燕軍自長蘆渡河，十一月初四到達德州。朱棣招降盛庸未果，遂南下。十一月，燕軍到達臨清，焚其糧船。燕軍從館陶渡河，先後到達東阿、東平，威脅南方，迫使盛庸南下。盛庸在東昌（今山東聊城）決戰。十二月廿五，燕軍至東昌。朱棣仍然親自率軍衝鋒，盛庸開陣將朱棣誘入，然後合圍，張玉被中央軍包圍戰死。次日，燕軍再次戰敗，遂北還。在擊退中央軍的阻截後，建文三年正月十六，燕軍返回北平。

朱棣與姚廣孝商議，姚廣孝強烈支持再次出兵。二月十六，朱棣再次出師。三月二十日，燕軍探知盛庸在夾河（今河北省衡水市武邑縣附近，漳河支流）駐紮，於是駐紮在距對方四十里的地方。三月廿二，燕軍進兵夾河。。朱棣率領一萬騎兵和五千步兵攻擊盛庸軍左翼，不能入。此時燕將譚淵望見已經開戰，於是主動出兵攻打。朱棣、朱能等則趁中央軍調動產生的混亂，趁暮色向中央軍後方猛攻，斬殺莊得。此戰殺傷相當，但燕軍損失了大將譚淵。當夜，朱棣率領十餘人在盛庸營地附近露宿；次日（三月廿三）清晨，發現被中央軍包圍。朱棣再次利用禁殺之旨，引馬鳴角，穿過敵軍，揚長而去。中央軍愕然，不敢射箭。

朱棣回到營中，鼓勵眾將「兩軍相當，將勇者勝」，於是再次會戰，雙方互有勝負。戰鬥打了七八個小時後，盛庸大敗，損失了數萬人，退回德州。吳傑、平安引兵準備會合盛庸，聞庸已敗，退回真定。夾河之戰結束。夾河之戰重新確立了燕軍的優勢。閏三月初四，朱允炆因夾河之敗，再次罷免齊泰、黃子澄，謫出京城，暗中令其募兵。

擊敗盛庸後，朱棣進軍真定。。閏三月初九，兩軍會於藳城交戰。。次日，復戰，南軍不能支，大敗而去。。朱棣將射成刺蝟的軍旗送回北平，令世子朱高熾妥善保存，以警示後人。從白溝河、夾河到藳城，燕軍三次得大風相助而勝，朱棣認為這是天命所在，非人力所能為。夾藳之戰再次使南軍損失慘重，正面戰場戰事稍緩和。南軍改為通過談判、反間、襲擊後方等方式間接作戰。擊敗平安後，燕軍南下，先後經過順德、廣平、大名，並駐紮於大名。諸郡縣望風而降。

朱棣聽說齊黃被貶，上書和談，表示「奸臣竄逐而其計實行，不敢撤兵」。朱允炆得書，與方孝孺討論，方孝孺表示可以藉此機會遣使回報，拖延時間，並懈怠其軍心；同時令遼東等軍隊攻其後方，以備夾攻。於是（四月）惠帝令大理寺少卿薛嵓去見朱棣，傳詔並秘密在軍中散佈相關消息。薛嵓見朱棣，說「朝廷言殿下旦釋甲，暮即旋師。」朱棣表示這連三尺小兒也騙不過。薛嵓無言以對。五月初一，盛庸、吳傑、平安等分兵騷擾燕軍餉道。朱棣遣使者進京表示盛庸等不肯罷兵，必有主使。惠帝聽從方孝孺的意見，將其下獄（一說誅殺），和談破裂。

朱棣見和談破裂，從濟寧南下，成功焚燒大量中央軍糧船，京師大震，德州陷入窘境。

七月，燕軍進攻彰德，林縣投降。七月初十，平安自真定趁虛攻北平，擾其耕牧。朱高熾固守。朱棣分兵回援；（九月十八）平安與戰不利，退回真定。由於河北戰事不利，方孝孺想出了反間計，利用朱高熾（長子）和朱高煦（次子）的矛盾，先寫一封信給守北平的高熾，令其歸順朝廷，許以燕王之位；然後派人告訴朱棣和高煦（隨軍）世子密通朝廷，以使燕軍北還。但朱高熾得到信後，根本沒有拆開，將朝廷使者連人帶信一起送往朱棣處。反間計失敗。

七月十五，盛庸令大同守將房昭入紫荊關威脅保定，據易州西水寨以窺北平。朱棣回兵救援。朱棣分兵守保定，並包圍房昭的山寨。十月初二，燕軍與真定援兵和房昭軍決戰，房昭退回大同。十月廿四，燕軍回到北平。之後又擊敗了襲永平的遼東敵軍。

建文三年冬，南京有宦官因犯錯被處罰，逃到朱棣處，告知南京守備空虛。朱棣遂決定直接率兵南下，臨江一決。道衍亦支持不再與盛庸、平安等糾纏，直趨京師。

攻克南京

1401年（建文三年十二月初二），燕師復出。十二月十二，到達蠡縣（約在保定以南50公里）。建文四年（1402年）正月，燕軍南下至館陶渡河，長驅直入。正月十四，陷東阿；正月十五，陷東平；正月十七，陷汶上；正月廿七，陷沛縣（進江蘇）；正月三十，到達徐州。惠帝見燕軍再次出動，三年十二月令駙馬都尉梅殷（惠帝的姑父，顧命大臣）任總兵官，鎮淮安。建文四年正月初一，將遷往蒙化的朱橚（廢周王）召回南京。命魏國公徐輝祖率兵援山東。

二月初一，何福、平安、陳暉進兵濟寧，盛庸進兵淮上。二月廿一，朱棣擊敗徐州的出戰軍隊，徐州自此閉城死守。朱棣繼續南下。三月初一，燕軍進逼安徽宿州。三月初九，抵達渦河（今安徽蚌埠市懷遠縣以北）。平安帶兵來追；但三月十四日在淝河中了朱棣所設的伏兵，只得退回宿州。三月廿三，朱棣遣將斷徐州餉道，鐵鉉等率兵圍攻，互有勝負。四月十四，燕軍進達睢水之小河，搭浮橋。次日，平安、何福領軍奪橋，雙方隔河殭持。數日後，中央軍糧盡，朱棣決定偷襲。半夜，渡河繞至敵後；四月廿二，雙方戰於齊眉山（靈壁縣西南三十里），中央軍大勝，斬燕將李斌。

燕軍陷入窘境。四月廿三，燕軍眾將要求北返，朱棣不同意，說「欲渡河者左，不欲者右。」大部份人站於左側，朱棣怒。朱能這時強力支持朱棣，表示「漢高祖十戰九不勝，卒有天下」，堅定了燕軍堅持的決心。

這時，朝廷訛傳燕軍已兵敗，京師不可無良將，遂召回徐輝祖。四月廿五，考慮到在河邊不易防守，何福移營，與平安在靈壁（一作靈璧）深溝高壘作長遠之計。由於糧道被燕軍阻礙，平安親自率兵六萬護衛糧草。四月廿七，朱棣率精銳襲擊平安，將其一分為二；何福全軍出動救援，朱高煦也率伏兵出現，何福敗走。

中央軍缺糧，何福與平安決定次日（廿九）突圍而出，在淮河取得給養，號令為三聲炮響；次日，燕軍攻打靈壁墻壘，進攻信號正巧也是三聲炮響。於是中央軍以為是己方號炮，紛紛奪路而逃；燕軍趁勢進攻，中央軍全軍覆沒。靈壁之戰就此意外結束。此戰燕軍生擒了陳暉、平安、馬溥、徐真、孫成等三十七員敵將，四名內官（宦官），一百五十員朝廷大臣，獲馬二萬餘匹，降者不計其數。只有何福單騎逃走。

靈璧之戰後，燕軍向東南方向直線前進。五月初七下泗州，朱棣謁祖陵。盛庸在淮河設下防線阻礙燕軍渡河，朱棣在嘗試取道淮安、鳳陽受阻後，遣朱能、丘福率士兵數百人繞道上游乘漁船渡河，五月初九從後方突襲盛庸，盛庸敗走。燕軍遂克盱眙。

五月十一，燕軍向揚州方向前進，五月十七到達天長（揚州西北50公里）。守揚州的監察御史王彬本想抵抗，但屬下反叛，趁其沐浴時綁縛之。五月十八，揚州不戰而降。隨後高郵歸降。

揚州失陷，金陵震動。朱允炆驚慌不已，與方孝孺商議後，先後定下如下幾個救急方法：下罪己詔；號召天下勤王；派練子寧、黃觀、王叔英等外出募兵；召回被貶黜的齊泰、黃子澄；遣人許以割地求和，拖延時間。。

五月廿二，朱允炆遣慶成郡主（朱元璋的侄女、朱棣的堂姐）與朱棣談判，表示願意割地。朱棣說「此奸臣欲姑緩我，以俟遠方之兵耳。」郡主無言以對，遂返。

六月初一，燕軍準備從浦子口渡江，但遇到了盛庸最後的抵抗。燕軍戰不利，此時朱高煦引兵來援，殊死力戰，擊敗盛庸。隨後南軍的一支水軍部隊降燕，燕軍遂於六月初三自瓜洲渡江，並再次擊敗退守此地的盛庸。六月初六，燕軍至鎮江，守將率城投降。

六月初八，燕軍駐紮於龍潭（距京師金陵東約30公里），朝廷大震。朱允炆徘徊殿間，召方孝孺問計。方孝孺表示城中尚有二十萬兵，應堅守待援；即使真戰敗，國君為社稷而死，是理所應當的。可以再派大臣、在京諸王前往談判以拖延時間。於是六月初九，派李景隆、茹瑺等見朱棣，再次談判；朱棣表示割地無名，只要奸臣。六月初十，遣谷王朱橞（建文元年逃回京城）、安王朱楹等第三次前往談判，無果。

六月十二，外出募兵的大臣們仍未返回，朱允炆只得派在京諸王和武臣們守衛各門。時左都督徐增壽（徐達子，輝祖弟）謀內應，被一群文官圍毆。

篡位奪權

次日（1402年7月13日），燕軍抵金陵。徐增壽作內應，事敗，被朱允炆親自誅殺於左順門。守衛金川門（位於南京城西北面）的朱橞和李景隆望見朱棣麾蓋，開門迎降。

燕軍進南京，朱允炆見事不可為，遂在皇宮放火。馬皇后死於大火，朱允炆本人不知所終；此後其下落成為謎團。朱棣入城。

南京稱帝

朱棣進入南京，出榜安民，成為了明朝第三位皇帝。朱棣進城之時，翰林院編修楊榮迎於馬首，說：「殿下先謁陵乎？先即位乎？」一語點醒朱棣。次日（建文四年六月十四日）起，諸王及文武群臣多次上表勸進，朱棣不允。

數日後（七月十七日），朱棣謁明孝陵，並於當日登基即位，改元永樂，是為明成祖。明成祖重建奉天殿（舊殿被朱允炆所焚），刻玉璽。同年十一月十三日，封王妃徐氏為皇后。

朱棣登基稱帝後，對靖難功臣進行了封賞。封王兩人，為：朱能（東平武烈王）；張玉（河間忠武王）。

封公二十二人，為：丘福（淇國公）；徐增壽（定國公）；陳亨（涇國公）；郭亮（興國公）；李彬（茂國公）；李遠（莒國公）；柳升（融國公）；徐忠（蔡國公）；袁容（沂國公）；鄭亨（漳國公）；姚廣孝（榮國公）；張信（鄖國公）；王聰（漳國公）；顧成（夏國公）；張武（潞國公）；陳珪（靖國公）；薛祿（鄞國公）；王真（寧國公）；吳允誠（涼國公）；李讓（景國公）；孟善（滕國公）；張輔（英國公）。

封侯十五人，為：陳瑄（平江侯）；何福（寧遠侯）李濬（襄城侯）；孫岩（應成侯）；房寬（思恩侯）；王友（清遠侯）；王忠（靖安侯）；劉榮（廣寧侯）；火真（同安侯）；王寧（永春侯）；宋晟（西寧侯）；郭義（安陽侯）；譚淵（崇安侯）；柳升（安遠侯）；薛綬。

封伯十八人，為：陳賢（榮昌伯）；陳旭（雲陽伯）；劉才（廣恩伯）；張興（安鄉伯）；房勝（富昌伯）；徐理（武康伯）；徐祥（興安伯）；金玉（會安伯）；高士文（建平伯）；陳志（遂安伯）；唐雲（新昌伯）；茹瑺（忠誠伯）；王佐（順昌伯）；許誠（永新伯）；薛斌（永順伯）；薛貴（安順伯）；趙彞（忻城伯）；朱榮（武進伯）。

明成祖登基後不承認建文年號，七月初一（一說六月十八日），將建文元、二、三、四年改為洪武三十二至三十五年，次年改元永樂元年。凡建文年間貶斥的官員，一律恢復職務（如靖難初期因離間被貶的江陰侯吳高被再次起用，守大同）；建文年間的各項改革一律取消；建文年間制定的各項法律規定，凡與太祖相悖的，一律廢除。但一些有利於民生的規定也被廢除，如建文二年下令減輕洪武年間浙西一帶的極重的田賦，至此又變重。

殘害建文舊臣

明成祖在靖難之役結束後，為了佐証他「清君側」的起兵宣言，向金陵軍民發布公告：「諭知在京師的軍民人等，我先前一向守望我藩的封地，卻因奸臣弄權作威作福，導致我家骨肉被其殘害，所以不得不起兵誅殺他們，乃是要扶持社稷和保安宗親、藩王。今次研擬安定京城，有罪的奸臣我不敢赦免，無罪者我也不敢濫殺，如有小人藉機報復，擅作綁縛、放縱、掠奪等事情因而禍及無辜，並非我的本意。」

建文四年六月廿五，明成祖誅殺齊泰、黃子澄、方孝孺等建文帝大臣（幾乎都是文官），滅其族，史稱壬午殉難。其中據野史記載，方孝孺被誅十族（九族加朋友門生），受牽連而死者共873人，充軍等罪者千餘人，當中被救的倖存者有假借余姓逃過一劫的方孝孺的幼子方德宗。而因黃子澄受牽連的有345人。景清降後密謀行刺，事敗，八月十二被殺，滅九族；後屠其家鄉，謂「瓜蔓抄」。

此外，眾多建文舊臣如卓敬、暴昭、練子寧、毛泰、郭任、盧植、戴德彞、王艮、王叔英、謝升、丁志方、甘霖、董鏞、陳繼之、韓永、葉福、劉端、黃觀、侯泰、茅大芳、陳迪、鐵鉉等等也都被酷刑處死或自盡，史稱：「忠憤激發，視刀鋸鼎鑊甘之若飴，百世而下，凜凜猶有生氣。」他們的家屬和親人也被牽連，死者甚眾。被流放、逼作妓女及被其它方式懲罰的人也不少。明仁宗即位後，大部份人始獲赦免，而餘下的人的後代卻遲至明神宗時始獲赦免。建文帝被朱棣篡位後，朝野為之盡忠死節者甚眾，不及備載。

在大肆誅殺之外，當月，明成祖將忠於建文帝的魏國公徐輝祖下獄，但顧及其父是中山王徐達，其姊即成祖仁孝文皇后，還是釋放了他，僅削其爵位。輝祖死後，其子嗣魏國公爵。黃觀被明成祖所嫉恨，其狀元的身份被革去，故明代保持三元及第記錄的只有商輅一人。耿炳文、盛庸、平安（靈壁之戰降）、何福、梅殷等將領投降後都受到迫害自殺身亡。

鞏固統治

再次削藩

永樂初，明成祖為了安撫諸位藩王，穩定國內局勢，同時表示自己和建文帝的不同，曾先後複周、齊、代、岷諸親王舊封；建文帝的弟弟吳王朱允熥、衡王朱允熞、徐王朱允𤐤尚未就藩，明成祖皆降為郡王，同年又將已就藩的朱允熥、朱允熞召到燕京，以不能匡正建文帝為由廢為庶人，軟禁于鳳陽，僅留朱允𤐤奉祀懿文太子，而朱允𤐤不久也于永樂四年死于火災。當其皇位較鞏固時，繼續實行削藩。周、齊、代、岷諸王再次遭到削奪；遷寧王于南昌；徙谷王于長沙，旋廢為庶人；削遼王護衛。

在政治上，明成祖繼續實行太祖的徙富民政策，以加強對豪強地主的控制。明成祖時期，完善了文官制度，在朝廷中逐漸形成了後來內閣制度的雛形。永樂初開始設置內閣，選資歷較淺的官僚入閣參與機務，解決了廢罷中書省後行政機構的空缺。朱棣重視監察機構的作用，設立分遣御史巡按天下的制度，鼓勵官吏互相訐告。他善利用宦官出使、專征、監軍、分鎮、刺臣民隱事。

明成祖即位之初，對洪武、建文兩朝政策進行了某些調整，提出「為治之道在寬猛適中」的原則。他利用科舉制及編修書籍等籠絡地主、士人，宣揚儒家思想以改變明初過事佛、道教之風，選擇官吏力求因才而用，為當時政治、經濟、軍事、文化等方面的發展奠定了思想和組織基礎。

重設錦衣衛與設立東廠

在全國局勢穩定之後，明成祖為了加強對大臣的監控，恢復洪武時廢罷的錦衣衛。同時，明成祖又設置鎮守內臣的東廠衙門，廠衛合勢，強化專制統治。

永樂十八年（1420年），明成祖為了鎮壓政治上的反對力量，覺得錦衣衛不足以達成目的，決定設立一個稱為「東緝事廠」，簡稱「東廠」的新衙門，地點位於燕京（今北京）東安門之北，一說東華門旁。（今北京東城區東廠胡同，據說系原東廠所在地。）

東廠的行政長官為欽差掌印太監，全稱職銜為：欽差總督東廠官校辦事太監，簡稱提督東廠，尊稱為「廠公」或「督主」。初設時由司禮監掌印太監兼任，後因事務繁雜，改由司禮監秉筆太監中位居第二、第三者擔任。東廠的屬官有掌刑千戶、理刑百戶各一員，由錦衣衛千戶、百戶來擔任，稱貼刑官。隸役（稱掌班、領班、司房，共四十餘人）、緝事（稱役長和番役）等軍官由錦衣衛撥給。

修改《大明律》

明初《大明律》明令：「凡樂人搬做雜劇戲文，不許妝爾扮帝王后妃、忠臣節烈、先聖先賢神像，違者杖一百。官民之家容扮者與同罪」，以壓迫雜劇創作，明成祖即變本加厲，以極刑來禁止此類雜劇的印賣：「但有褻瀆帝王聖賢之詞曲、駕頭雜劇，非該律所載者，敢有收藏、傳誦、印賣，一時拿送法司究治」，「但這等詞曲，出榜後，限他五日，都要乾淨，將赴官燒毀了，敢有收藏的，全家殺了」。

永樂盛世

遷都北京

明成祖十分重視經營北方，加之自己興起于北平（今北京），明成祖在南京即位後，于永樂元年改北平為行在，設六部，增設北京周圍衛所，逐漸建立起北方新的政治、軍事中心。永樂七年（1409年），明成祖開始了營建北京天壽山長陵，以示立足北方的決心。與此同時，爭取與蒙古族建立友好關係。韃靼、瓦剌各部先後接受明政府封號。永樂八年（1410年）至二十二年（1424年），朱棣親自率兵五次北征，鞏固了北部邊防。永樂五年（1407年）開工修建北京宮殿也就是紫禁城（但後來部分宮殿被李自成放火燒毀，清初又重新修復），直至永樂十八年(1420)始完工。永樂十九年（1421年），明成祖正式遷都，定鼎北京。

發展經濟

明成祖注意社會經濟的恢復與發展，認為「家給人足」、「斯民小康」是天下治平的根本。他大力發展和完善軍事屯田制度和鹽商開中則例，保証軍糧和邊餉的供給。在中原各地鼓勵墾種荒閒田土，實行遷民寬鄉，督民耕作等方法以促進生產，並注意蠲免賑濟等措施，防止農民破產，保証了賦役征派。

明成祖對各地方官吏要求極為嚴格，要求凡地方官吏必須深入了解民情，隨時向朝廷反映民間疾苦。永樂十年(1412年)，朱棣命令入朝覲見的地方官吏五百餘人各自陳述當地的民情，還規定「不言者罪之，言有不當者勿問』。之後，永樂帝宣布「諭戶部，凡郡縣有司及朝使目擊民艱不言者，悉逮治。」即地方官或中央派出的民情觀察員，如果看到民間疾苦而不實報的，要逮捕法辦。對民間發生了災情，地方上要及時賑濟，做到「水旱朝告夕振，無有雍塞」。通過這些措施，永樂時「賦入盈羨」，達到有明一代最高峰，史稱永樂盛世。

經營邊疆

西南邊疆，永樂十一年（1413年），平定思南、思州土司叛亂後，設立貴州布政使司。為加強對烏思藏（今西藏）地區的控制，朱棣派遣官吏迎番僧入京，給予封賜，尊為帝師。不過，史學界對明朝是否實際統治了西藏存在較大的爭議。

永樂年間，明朝在藏區建立一套僧官制度，僧官分教王、西天佛子、大國師、國師、禪師、都綱、喇嘛等，每級依受封者的身份、地位進行分封。如明成祖即位的當年，即派侯顯前往烏思藏迎請噶瑪噶舉派的第五世噶瑪巴活佛，後封其為「大寶法王」。1406年，明成祖又遣使入藏封烏思藏帕竹第五任第悉扎巴堅贊為「闡化王」。明封八王中的兩大法王、五大教王都是永樂時期封授的。此外，明成祖依僧官制度還進行了大規模的分封，由此明朝對藏區的各政教勢力由上至下各級首領的分封基本完成。但明朝並未在烏思藏等地區駐軍。亦有學者通過對比元朝對于西藏的實際管轄，認為明朝上面這些對藏人名義上的封授並不能被認為擁有在西藏的實際政治權力。《劍橋中國明代史》亦指出：「無論是在經濟領域，還是在政治領域，西藏人都未覺得他們是明朝廷臣民。另外，他們無須中國（明朝）居中調解而維持著與其他國家和民族的關係。」

東北邊疆，永樂七年（1409年）在女真地區，設立奴兒幹都司。明成祖永樂元年（1403年）派邢樞等傳諭奴兒干，正式招撫諸部，擴大明朝東疆。永樂二年（1404年），置奴兒干等衛所，其後在當地相繼建衛所達一百三十餘。永樂七年（1409年）明政府設置奴兒干都指揮使司管轄奴兒干地區的所有軍事建制機構。永樂九年（1411年）正式開始行政管轄權。都司的主要官員初為派駐數年而輪調的流官，後為當地部落領袖所世襲。明成祖為了安撫東北女真各部，在歸附的海西女真（位於松花江上游）與建州女真（位於松花江、牡丹江之間）設置衛所，並派宦官亦失哈安撫位於黑龍江下游的野人女真。亦失哈並于1413年視察了庫頁島，宣示了明朝對此地的主權。在奴兒幹都司官衙所在地附近建有永寧寺，立有永寧寺碑，清代曹廷杰于1885年曾拓回碑文。同時，明成祖撤去大寧都司，將寧王朱權內遷南昌，授予兀良哈蒙古的朵顏、泰寧和福余三個衛所自治權，但不允許三衛蒙古人南遷到大寧地區駐牧。明成祖還于1406年和1422年對兀良哈蒙古進行鎮壓，以維持這一地區的穩定。

轄區內主要居民為蒙古、女真、吉里迷（尼夫赫人）、苦夷（阿伊努人）、達斡爾等族人民，分置衛所，以各族首領為各衛所都督、都指揮、指揮、千戶、百戶、鎮撫等職，給予印信。據《明史》記載，奴兒干都司有衛三百八十四，所二十四，站七，地面七，寨一。都司治所奴兒幹城（元朝征東元帥府舊地，今俄羅斯尼古拉耶夫斯克特林），在黑龍江下游東岸，下距黑龍江口約兩百公里，上距吉林船廠約兩千五百公里。明宣宗即位後，奴兒干都司于宣德九年（1434年）正式廢棄，共持續25年。

西北邊疆，永樂四年（1406年）設立哈密衛。此前，察合台的後裔肅王兀納失里於明洪武十三年（1380年），開始向明朝納貢，被明太祖封為哈密國王。其子脫脫向明成祖朝貢，永樂四年（1406年）三月，明成祖宣布設立哈密衛，以其頭目馬哈麻火者等為指揮、千百戶等官，又以周安為忠順王長史，劉行為紀善，輔導。之後，哈密國成為設有明朝羈縻衛所的王國，忠順王是哈密國王，哈密衛指揮使掌握哈密兵權，另有漢人長史。

同時，明成祖還多次派遣吏部驗封司員外郎陳誠、中官李達等官員出使西域。隨後西域的帖木兒帝國、吐魯番、失剌斯、俺都準、火州也與明朝多次互派使者往來，加強了政治、駐軍和貿易往來，全國統一形勢得到進一步發展和鞏固。

明成祖很重視河工，永樂九年（1411年）朱棣於疏浚會通河為保證北京糧食與各項物資的需要。朱棣命開漕運。漕運在元朝至元年間即有，然而卻因會通河一段水淺而無法大量載運物資，於是元朝均以海運為主。明朝初期，傳餉遼東、北平的途徑也均以海運為主。洪武二十四年，黃河在原武絕口，會通河於是被淤。

永樂年間，明成祖遷都北京，採用河路、海路並運。當時海運危險且多有損失；而河運卻經過淮河轉沙河，然後經過黃河進入衛河，於此轉入北京，陸運須經過八個衛所，勞民傷財。濟寧州同知潘叔正上疏建議浚通會通河，使得元朝運河恢復。於是，朱棣命宋禮、刑部侍郎金純、都督周長前往治理。會通河首要問題為水源不足，宋禮採用汶上老人白英的建議，修築埋城與戴村壩，橫截汶水向南，經河面最高端南旺分水，流入運河，且使黃河不會影響漕運。同年八月還京，論首功，受上賞。

次年，因御史許堪進言衛河水患，朱棣再命宋禮前往治理。宋禮在魏家灣分支黃河，洩水入土河，於是從德州西北開一支支流，到海豐、大沽流入大海。此時，宋禮以海運損失巨大、勞民傷財，上言請求停止海運，而恰逢平江伯陳瑄治理長江、淮河等告竣。於是河運從此昌盛，可運大型物資。永樂十三年，朱棣遂終止海運。

永樂十三年（1415年）鑿清江浦，使大運河重新暢通，對南北經濟文化交流與發展起了重要的作用。

永樂年間，明成祖還派派夏原吉治水江南，疏浚吳淞。

永樂大典

在政治穩定、經濟繁榮、邊疆穩定的局面下，為整理知識，明成祖令解縉等人修書。編撰宗旨：「凡書契以來經史子集百家之書，至於天文、地誌、陰陽、醫卜、僧道、技藝之言，備輯為一書，毋厭浩繁！」，召集一百四十七人，首次成書于永樂二年（1404年），初名《文獻集成》；明成祖過目後認為「所纂尚多未備」，不甚滿意。永樂三年（1405年）再命姚廣孝、鄭賜、劉季篪、解縉等人重修，這次動用編寫人員朝野上下共二千一百六十九人，啟用了南京文淵閣的全部藏書，永樂五年（1407年）定稿進呈，明成祖看了十分滿意，親自為序，並命名為《永樂大典》，清抄至永樂六年（1408年）冬天才正式成書。

《永樂大典》由解縉、太子少傅姚廣孝和禮部尚書鄭賜監修，組織上設監修、總裁、副總裁、都總裁等職，負責各方面工作。監修：解縉、姚廣孝、鄭賜；總裁：副總裁：蔣用文、趙同友；都總裁：陳濟。

《永樂大典》修書過程對所收錄的書籍沒有做任何修改，採用兼收並取的方式，保持了書籍原始的內容。明成祖修大型類書《永樂大典》，在三年時間內即告完成。《永樂大典》有22877卷，其中凡例、目錄60卷，全書分裝為11095冊，引書達七八千種，字數約有三億七千多萬，且未有任何刪節，這是清朝《四庫全書》無法相提並論的。但成祖並未將《永樂大典》複寫刊刻，而決定只製作一份抄本，並于1409年完成。永樂年間修訂的《永樂大典》原書只有一部，現今存世的都是嘉靖年間的抄本。

鄭和七下西洋

明成祖時期，為了開展對外交流，擴大明朝的影響，同時確立自己即位的正統性，從永樂三年起，朱棣派三寶太監鄭和（初名馬三寶）率領船隊六次出使西洋（第七次在明宣宗宣德年間），所歷三十餘國，成為明初盛事。永樂時派使臣來朝者亦達三十餘國。浡泥王和蘇祿東王親自率使臣來中國，不幸病故，分別葬于南京（浡泥國王墓）和德州（蘇祿國王墓）。

永樂三年六月十五（1405年7月11日）明成祖命鄭和為正使，王景弘為副使率士兵二萬八千餘人出使西洋，造長44丈廣18丈大船62艘，從蘇州劉家河泛海到福建，再由福建五虎門楊帆，先到占城（今越南中南部地區），後向爪哇方向南航，次年6月30日在爪哇三寶壟登陸，進行貿易。時西爪哇與東爪哇內戰，西爪哇滅東爪哇，西爪哇兵殺鄭和士兵170人，西王畏懼，獻黃金6萬兩，補償鄭和死難士兵。隨後到三佛齊舊港，時舊港廣東僑領施進卿來報，海盜陳祖義兇橫，鄭和興兵剿滅賊黨五千多人，燒賊船十艘，獲賊船五艘，生擒海盜陳祖義等三賊首。鄭和船隊後到過蘇門答臘、滿刺加、錫蘭、古里等國家。在古里賜其王國王誥命銀印，並起建碑亭，立石碑「去中國十萬餘里，民物咸若，熙嗥同風，刻石于茲，永示萬世」。

永樂五年九月初二（1407年10月2日），鄭和回國，押陳祖義等獻上，陳祖義等被問斬。施進卿被封為舊港宣慰使。舊港擒賊有功將士獲賞：指揮官鈔一百錠，彩幣四表里，千戶鈔八十錠，彩幣三表里，百戶鈔六十錠，彩幣二表里；醫士，番火長鈔五十錠，彩幣一表里，錦布三匹。

永樂六年正月，明成祖命工部造寶船四十八艘。永樂六年九月十三日（1407年10月13日），命太監鄭和、王景弘，王貴通等出使古里，滿剌加，蘇門答剌，阿魯，加異勒，爪哇，暹羅，占城，柯枝，阿拔把丹，小柯蘭，南巫里，甘巴里等國，賜其國王錦綺紗羅，永樂七年夏（1409年）回國。第二次下西洋人數據載有27000人。

永樂七年九月（1409年10月），明成祖命正使太監鄭和、副使王景弘、候顯率領官兵二萬七千餘人，駕駛海舶四十八艘，從太倉瀏家港啟航，敕使占城，賓童龍，真臘，暹羅，假裡馬丁，交闌山，爪哇，重迦羅，吉里悶地，古里，滿剌加，彭亨，東西竺，龍牙迦邈，淡洋，蘇門答剌，花面，龍涎嶼，翠蘭嶼，阿魯，錫蘭，小葛蘭，柯枝，榜葛剌，不剌哇，竹步，木骨都束，蘇祿等國。費信、馬歡等人會同前往。滿剌加當時是暹羅屬國，正使鄭和奉帝命招敕，賜雙台銀印，冠帶袍服，建碑封域為滿剌加國，暹羅不敢擾。滿剌加九洲山盛產沉香，黃熟香；太監鄭和等差官兵入山採香，得直徑八九尺，長八九丈的標本6株。永樂七年，皇上命正使太監鄭和等齎捧詔敕金銀供器等到錫蘭山寺布施，並建立《布施錫蘭山佛寺碑》此碑現存于科倫坡博物館。鄭和訪問錫蘭山國時，錫蘭山國王亞烈苦奈兒「負固不恭，謀害舟師」，被鄭和覺察，離開錫蘭山前往他國。回程時再次訪問錫蘭山國，亞烈苦奈兒誘騙鄭和到國中，發兵五萬圍攻鄭和船隊，又伐木阻斷鄭和歸路。鄭和趁賊兵傾巢而出，國中空虛，帶領隨從二千官兵，取小道出其不意突襲亞烈苦奈兒王城，破城而入，生擒亞烈苦奈兒並家屬。

永樂九年六月十六（1411年7月6日），鄭和回國獻亞烈苦奈兒與永樂帝，朝臣齊奏誅殺，永樂帝憐憫亞烈苦奈兒無知，釋放亞烈苦奈兒和妻子，給予衣食，命禮部商議，選其國人中賢者為王。選賢者邪把乃耶，遣使齎引，誥封為錫蘭山國王，並遣返亞烈苦奈兒。永樂九年（1411年）滿剌加國王拜里米蘇剌，率領妻子陪臣540多人來朝，朝廷賜海船回國守衛疆土。從此「海外諸番，益服天子威德」。八月，禮部、兵部議奏，對錫蘭戰役有功將士754人，按奇功，奇功次等，頭功，頭功次等，各有升職，並賞賜鈔銀，彩幣錦布等。

永樂十一年十一月（1413年11月），明成祖命正使太監鄭和，副使王景弘等奉命統軍二萬七千餘人，駕海舶四十，出使滿剌加，爪哇，占城，蘇門答剌，柯枝，古里，南渤里，彭亨，吉蘭丹，加異勒，勿魯謨斯，比剌，溜山，孫剌等國。鄭和使團中包括官員868人，兵26800人，指揮93人，都指揮2人，書手140人，百戶430人，戶部郎中1人，陰陽官1人，教諭1人，舍人2人，醫官醫士180人，正使太監7人，監丞5人，少監10人，內官內使53人其中包括翻譯官馬歡，陝西西安羊市大街清真寺掌教哈三，指揮唐敬，王衡，林子宣，胡俊，哈同等。鄭和先到占城，奉帝命賜占城王冠帶。1413年鄭和船隊到蘇門答剌，當時偽王蘇幹剌竊國，鄭和奉帝命統率官兵追剿，生擒蘇幹剌送京伏誅。1413年鄭和艦隊在三寶壟停留一個月整休，鄭和費信常在當地華人回教堂祈禱。鄭和命哈芝黃達京掌管占婆華人回教徒。首次繞過阿拉伯半島，航行東非麻林迪（肯尼亞），永樂十三年七月初八（1415年8月12日）回國。同年11月，麻林迪特使來中國進獻「麒麟」（即長頸鹿）。

永樂十五年五月十五日（1417年6月）總兵太監鄭和受明成祖命，在泉州回教先賢墓行香，往西洋忽魯謨斯等國公幹，永樂十五年五月（1417年6月）出發，護送古里、爪哇、滿剌加、占城、錫蘭山、木骨都束、溜山、喃渤里、卜剌哇、蘇門答剌、麻林、剌撒、忽魯謨斯、柯枝、南巫里、沙里灣泥、彭亨各國使者及舊港宣慰使歸國。隨行有僧人慧信，將領朱真、唐敬等。鄭和奉命在柯枝詔賜國王印誥，封國中大山為鎮國山，並立碑銘文。忽魯謨斯進貢獅子，金錢豹，西馬；阿丹國進貢麒麟，祖法爾進貢長角馬，木骨都束進貢花福鹿、獅子；卜剌哇進貢千里駱駝、鴕雞；爪哇、古里進貢麾里羔獸。永樂十七年七月十七（1419年8月8日）回國。

宋末泉州市舶司提舉蒲壽庚之侄蒲日和，也與太監鄭和，奉敕往西洋尋玉璽，有功，加封泉州衛鎮撫。

永樂十九年正月三十日（1421年3月3日），鄭和奉明成祖命出發，往榜葛剌（孟加拉），史載「於鎮東洋中，官舟遭大風，掀翻欲溺，舟中喧泣，急叩神求佑，言未畢，……風恬浪靜」，中道返回，永樂二十年八月十八（1422年9月2日）回國。永樂二十二年，明成祖去世，仁宗朱高熾即位，以經濟空虛，下令停止下西洋的行動。

永樂二十二年七月十七日（1424年8月12日），明成祖去世，太子朱高熾即位，改元洪熙，是為明仁宗，于洪熙元年五月辛巳（1425年5月29日）去世，太子朱瞻基即位，改元宣德，是為明宣宗。宣德五年閏十二月初六（1430年1月），鄭和奉明宣宗命率領二萬七千餘官兵，駕駛寶船61艘，從龍江關（今南京下關）啟航，進行了第七次下西洋。開始返航後，鄭和因勞累過度于宣德八年（1433年）四月初在印度西海岸古里去世，遺體埋葬於古里，船隊由太監王景弘率領返航，宣德八年七月初六（1433年7月22日）返回南京。第七次下西洋人數據載有27550人。

南征安南

安南政變

明太祖朱元璋為與鄰近國家保持長久的和睦關係，便在其所主編的《皇明祖訓》中開列十五個「不征諸夷國名」，以警戒後世子孫切勿「倚中國富強，貪一時戰功，無故興兵，致傷人命」，越南（安南國）便是其中之一。1400年，安南陳朝權臣胡季犛篡位，建立胡朝，改國號為「大虞」。不久後自稱太上皇，由兒子胡漢蒼（即胡𡗨）即皇帝位。由於前朝陳氏原是向明朝稱臣，世世受明冊封，憑著篡奪得國的胡氏為免惹起明朝猜疑，便於1403年農曆四月丁未（西曆4月21日）遣使赴明，向剛起兵奪位的明成祖聲稱陳氏「宗嗣繼絕，支庶淪滅，無可紹承。臣，陳氏之甥，為眾所推」，欲藉此聲稱自己具有統治資格，要求明朝冊封。明成祖派楊渤到越南觀察後，當地陪臣耆老跟隨他向成祖上奏稱「眾人誠心推𡗨權理國事」，明廷一時再沒有懷疑的理由，便封胡漢蒼為「安南國王」。

1404年農曆八月乙亥（西曆9月10日），陳朝遺臣裴伯耆到明廷，控訴胡季犛父子「弒主篡位，屠害忠臣」，要求明朝出兵「擒滅此賊，蕩除奸凶，復立陳氏子孫」 八月丁酉日（西曆10月2日），有一位自稱陳氏子孫，名叫陳天平的人（越南史籍寫作「陳添平」，《大越史記全書》稱他的身份本是「陳元輝家奴阮康」），從老撾入明，亦向明帝訴說胡氏篡位的經過，要求恢復陳氏統治。 其後，明成祖當著胡朝的來使面前，安排陳天平與他們會見，使一眾來使都錯愕下拜，甚至涕泣，適值裴伯耆在場，向來使責以大義，場面緊張。 明廷於是對越南政局多所幹涉，派員查核實情，胡朝明白勢不得已，唯有承認責任，要求「迎歸天平」。

另外，明越兩國又因領土問題出現外交風波。1405年，廣西省思明府土官及雲南省寧遠州土官向明廷控訴，轄境猛慢、祿州等地被越南所佔。為此，明廷於該年農曆二月，遣使責難胡朝，要求取得祿州，胡朝便被迫將古樓等五十九村交給明朝政府。

胡朝雖然願意息事寧人，但兩國關係仍然緊張。其後，胡朝所派到明廷的使節，都遭扣留，不許回國。明廷又派員入越，查探山川道路險要之地，以為日後南征的準備。 另外，胡朝的南鄰占城，曾於1404年遣使入明，聲稱遭到胡氏「攻擾地方，殺掠人畜」，並進一步「請吏治之」， 這亦引起了明廷的注意。

不過，明成祖仍未敢輕言出兵。1405年年底，雲南將領沐晟建議出兵，卻遭明成祖反駁說：「爾又言欲發兵向安南。朕方以布恩信，懷遠人為務。胡𡗨雖擾我邊境，令已遣人詰問，若能攄誠順命，則亦當弘包荒之量。」 至於陳天平的處置，明廷則決定送歸越南，並要求越人「以君事之」，奉為國主。 越南方面，胡朝有感於對明關係緊張，亦積極防備，重編軍制，在多邦城（陳仲金說位於山西省先豐縣古法社）加強防守，於各個河海要處裝插木樁陷阱，整頓軍庫，招募人民有巧藝者入伍。但胡朝君臣對明主戰或主和，意見分歧甚大，有官員認為只好「從他（明朝）所好，以緩師可也」，左相國胡元澄則認為只決定於「民心之從違耳」，對明作戰並無十足把握。

明軍南下

1406年，明朝派鎮守廣西都督僉事黃中領五千士兵（《大越史記全書》稱領兵十萬），護送陳朝王孫陳天平（陳添平）回越南（《明實錄》把事件列在該年農曆三月丙午，即西曆4月4日；《大越史記全書》則列入農曆四月八日，即西曆4月26日）。當進入越南境內的支棱隘時，遇上胡軍截擊，明軍不敵，陳天平及部份士兵被俘。陳天平經胡朝審訊後，被「處陵遲罪」。明成祖得悉後大怒，便「決意興師」。

同年年中，明成祖派總兵官朱能加封「征夷大將軍」，配印信。後來在行軍時病卒，由副將張輔代替）、左副將軍沐晟、右副將軍張輔、左參將李彬、右參將陳旭等領兵（《大越史記全書》稱共有八十萬人，中國學者郭振鐸、張笑梅認為可能有誇大），分兵兩路，開進越南的白鶴江會師，一邊向越南腹地步步推進，一邊發出檄文向越人呼籲胡季犛父子的行為是「肆逞凶暴，虐于一國」，並列出胡氏「兩弒前安南國王以據其國」、「賊殺陳氏子孫宗族殆盡」、「淫刑峻法，暴殺無辜，重斂煩徵，剝削不已」等二十款大罪，又稱明軍的到來是「吊爾民之困苦，復陳氏之宗祀」，以使民心動搖。果然，不少越人「厭胡氏苛政，罔有戰心」，有助明軍前進更為順利。農曆十二月丙申十一日（西曆1407年1月19日），胡軍的主力退守多邦城，明軍亦看準該城位於河邊，有較大面積的沙灘可供搶灘，於是分兵進攻，成功以火銃擊退胡軍象兵。其後，明軍攻入越南的重要城市東都昇龍，並大肆掠奪，「擄掠女子玉帛，會計糧儲，分官辦事，招集流民。為久居計，多閹割童男，及收各處銅錢，驛送金陵」。

明朝攻占安南

1407年年初，明軍攻破昇龍後，向胡朝的首都清化繼續前進，胡氏皇子胡元澄領軍退守黃江（在今越南河南省的一段紅河），與胡季犛、胡漢蒼會合。明將沐晟則進駐木凡江（在今越南河內市，與黃江相接）預備出擊。農曆二月，沐晟沿江兩岸擊敗胡元澄軍，追擊至悶海口（在今越南南定省），因軍中爆發疾疫，明軍移師到鹹子關立塞備戰。農曆三月，胡軍集合水步大軍七萬，號稱二十一萬，與明軍爆發鹹子關之戰。結果胡軍潰敗，大批兵士溺斃於該處河流，無數船隻及軍糧沉沒，胡氏父子敗逃，最終在農曆五月十一日（西曆6月16日）在奇羅海口（在今越南河靜省奇英縣）被明軍俘獲，胡朝滅亡，領土被明朝佔領。據當時的統計，越南土地人口物產資料為：府州四十八、縣一百六十八、戶三百一十二萬九千五百、象一百一十二、馬四百二十、牛三萬五千七百五十、船八千八百六十五。（※此一統計數字，按《明實錄》記載的1408年農曆六月的計算，則是「安撫人民三百一十二萬有奇；獲蠻人二百八萬七千五百有奇，糧儲一千三百六十萬石，象、馬、牛共二十三萬五千九百餘隻，船八千六百七十七艘，軍器二百五十三萬九千八百五十二件。」）

明朝設立交趾布政司

胡朝亡後，明成祖在農曆六月癸未朔（西曆7月5日）下詔，聲稱這次軍事行動是為了越南原本的陳氏王室著想，「期伐罪（指胡朝）以弔民，將興滅而繼絕」，並打算對「久染夷俗」的越人「設官兼治，教以中國禮法」，以達致「廣施一視之仁，永樂太平之治」。明廷又以陳朝子孫被胡氏殺戮殆盡，無可繼承，於是在越南設置交址都指揮使司、交址等處承宣布政使司及交址等處提刑按察使司等官署，將之直接管轄。

安南內屬後，安南人民不斷進行反抗，明軍多次進行鎮壓。永樂二十二年（1424年），明成祖去世，太子朱高熾明仁宗即位，次年明仁宗去世，太子朱瞻基即位，是為明宣宗。宣宗考慮到「數年以來，一方不靖，屢勤王師」， 便允許撤兵。黎利得勝後，就發佈阮廌所起草的《平吳大誥》，稱他自己的抗明鬥爭是「仁義之舉，要在安民，吊伐之師，莫先去暴」；提出中越兩國是「山川之封域既殊，南北之風俗亦異」，因而有必要脫離明朝統治，自行建國，於是建立後黎朝。

其後，1431年農曆正月五日（西曆2月12日），明封黎利為安南國王，從此朝貢不絕。

五次親征漠北

為了穩定北方邊境，對付蒙古勢力。永樂七年（1409年），明成祖朱棣派淇國公丘福率十萬大軍征討韃靼，由于輕敵，孤軍深入，中埋伏，全軍覆沒。為消除邊患，明成祖決心親征。明永樂八年（1410年）二月，明成祖調集50萬大軍。五月八日，明軍行至臚朐河（今克魯倫河，朱棣將之更名為「飲馬河」）流域，詢得韃靼可汗本雅失里率軍向西逃往瓦剌部，丞相阿魯台則向東逃。朱棣親率將士向西追擊本雅失里，五月十三日，明軍在斡難河（位于今蒙俄邊境）大敗本雅失里。朱棣打敗本雅失里後，揮師向東攻擊阿魯台，雙方在今蒙俄邊境之斡難河東北方向交戰，明軍殺敵無數，阿魯台墜馬逃遁。此時天氣炎熱，缺水，且糧草不濟，朱棣下令班師。韃靼部經過明軍的這次打擊，臣服了明朝，當年向明成祖進貢馬匹。成祖亦給予優厚的賞賜，其部臣阿魯台接受了成祖給他「和寧王」的封號。

明軍在永樂八年（1410年）第一次出征韃靼後，瓦剌部趁機迅速發展壯大，1413年，瓦剌軍進駐臚朐河（今克魯倫河），窺視中原。明成祖決心再次親征，調集兵力，籌集糧餉。永樂十二年（1414年）二月，明軍從北京出發，六月初三，明軍在三峽口（今蒙古烏蘭巴托東南）擊敗了瓦剌部的一股游兵，殺敵數十騎；初七日，明軍行至勿蘭忽失溫（今蒙古烏蘭巴托東南），瓦剌軍3萬之眾，依託山勢，分三路阻抗，朱棣派騎兵衝擊，引誘敵兵離開山勢，遂命柳升發炮轟擊，自己亦親率鐵騎殺入敵陣，瓦剌軍敗退，朱棣乘勢追擊，兵分幾路夾擊瓦剌軍的所撲，殺敵數千，瓦剌軍紛紛敗逃。此役，瓦剌受到了重創，此後多年不敢犯邊，同時，明軍也傷亡慘重。

瓦剌被明成祖打敗，韃靼趁此機會經過幾年的發展，勢力日益強盛起來，從而改變對明朝的依附政策，並侮辱或拘留沒明朝派去的使節，還時常對明朝邊境進行騷擾的劫掠。永樂十九年（1421年）冬初，韃靼圍攻明朝北方重鎮興和，殺死了明軍指揮官王祥，對此，朱棣決定第三次親征漠北。永樂二十年（1422年）三月，明成祖率軍從北京出發，出擊韃靼。其主力部隊至宣府（今河北宣化區）東南的雞鳴山時，韃靼首領阿魯台得知明軍來襲，乘夜逃離興和，避而不戰。七月，明軍到達煞胡原，俘獲韃靼的部屬，得知阿魯台已逃走，朱棣下令停止追擊。明軍在回師途中，擊敗兀良哈部，九月，回師北京。明成祖第三次出擊漠北，雖對韃靼部有一定的打擊，但成效不大，並沒徹底解決盤據漠北的蒙古三個部落對明朝邊境的滋擾。

永樂二十一年（1423年），韃靼首領阿魯台再次率部滋擾明朝邊境，明成祖聞悉後決定再次親征。明軍八月初出征，九月上旬，明軍到達沙城（今河北張北以北）時，阿魯台的部下阿失貼木兒率部投降明軍，並得知阿魯台被瓦剌打敗，其部已潰散，明軍暫時駐紮不前；十月，明軍繼續北上，在黃河以北擊敗韃靼西部的軍隊，韃靼王子也先土幹率部眾來降明，明成祖朱棣隨即封也先土幹為忠勇王，十一月，明軍班師回京。

永樂時全國形勢相對緩和，但由于國家支出過大，賦役征派繁重，使有些地區發生了農民流亡與起義，十八年山東發生的唐賽兒起義是其中規模較大的一支。明永樂二十二年（1424年）正月至七月，明軍對蒙古韃靼部的作戰。是年正月，韃靼部首領阿魯台率軍進犯明山西大同、開平（今內蒙古正蘭旗東北）等地。明成祖朱棣遂調集山西、山東、河南、陝西、遼東5都司之兵于京師（今北京）和宣府（今河北宣化）待命。四月三日，以安遠侯柳升、遂安伯陳英為中軍；武安侯鄭亨、保定侯盂瑛為左哨，陽武侯薛祿、新寧伯譚忠為右哨；英國公張輔、成國公朱勇為左掖，成山侯王通、興安伯徐亨為右掖；寧陽侯陳懋、忠勇王金忠（又名也先土幹）為前鋒，出兵北征。出征前戶部尚書夏元吉以國庫虛耗，曾勸他勿起戰事，但他不聽，反繫之大獄。二十五日，進至隰寧（今河北沽源南），獲悉阿魯台逃往答蘭納木兒河（今蒙古境內之哈剌哈河下游），明成祖令全軍急速追擊。六月十七日，進至答蘭納木兒河，周圍300餘里不見阿魯台部蹤影，遂下令班師。

朝政

內閣大臣

明成祖為填補太祖廢除丞相後導致六部之首的空缺，但又希望強化皇權，他設立內閣，內閣大學士計有解縉、黃淮、胡廣、楊榮、金幼孜、楊士奇、胡儼。明成祖時期湧現許多著名大臣，包括蹇義、鬱新、劉觀、鄭賜、宋禮、金純、夏原吉、呂震、金忠、沐春、沐晟、沐昂、張輔。

明成祖任用酷吏強化自己的統治，著名的包括陳瑛和紀綱。

明成祖時期的著名太監包括：鄭和：三寶太監七下西洋；王景弘：鄭和的副手；侯顯：有才辨，強力敢任，五使絕域，勞績與鄭和亞；亦失哈：鞏固北方邊防，晚年研究改造武器，如改造步槍（裝槍頭-為安裝刺刀的先驅）；王彥：原名王狗兒，尚寶監太監；昌盛：神宮監太監，貴州人。歷洪武-建文-永樂-洪熙-宣德五朝。

去世

永樂二十二年（1424年）七月，明成祖率領北征大軍班師返京。七月十五日，明成祖病重。十六日，行至榆木川（今內蒙古多倫），昏迷不醒。十八日，明成祖朱棣崩逝於榆木川（今中國內蒙古自治區錫林郭勒盟多倫縣），享壽六十四歲，在位二十二年。遺詔傳位皇太子。大學士楊榮、太監馬去等秘不發喪，暗中派御馬監少監海壽秘密回京，「奉遺命，馳訃皇太子」。太子朱高熾立即派皇太孫前往虎帳。八月十一日，皇太孫到達軍營後，始發佈帝崩消息。太子朱高熾即位，宣布次年改元洪熙，是為明仁宗。明成祖駕崩後，殉葬的有30餘位宮女，其中包括成祖的16位嬪妃。

明成祖駕崩後，謚體天弘道高明廣運聖武神功純仁至孝文皇帝，廟號太宗，十二月十九日，明成祖與仁孝文皇后徐氏合葬于長陵。嘉靖十七年（1538年）九月，明世宗朱厚熜改謚明成祖為啟天弘道高明肇運聖武神功純仁至孝文皇帝，改上廟號為成祖。

評價

• 《明史·成祖本紀》中評價明成祖：文皇少長習兵，據幽燕形勝之地，乘建文孱弱，長驅內向，奄有四海。即位以後，躬行節儉，水旱朝告夕振，無有壅蔽。知人善任，表里洞達，雄武之略，同符高祖。六師屢出，漠北塵清。至其季年，威德遐被，四方賓服，明命而入貢者殆三十國。幅隕之廣，遠邁漢、唐。成功駿烈，卓乎盛矣。然而革除之際，倒行逆施，慚德亦曷可掩哉。

• 蔡石山在其著作《永樂大帝：一個中國帝王的精神肖像》的開篇評價明成祖「明朝的永樂皇帝，駕崩于1424年8月12日，自從1402年7月17日登極以來——近乎八千零六十二天的在位期間——而且所有的証據也顯示，他從未浪費過一天」。在書末，他再次評價明成祖「毋庸置疑，永樂有過多的自我，而且擁有很多的美德：他是自信、直率的，能夠甄別和牢記有很強能力之人的貢獻，而且保護依靠他的那些人，尤其是他的家人。不過，他也有黑暗面，特徵就是不必要又未經思考的侵犯性，而這類侵犯性經常產生了暴虐和消耗」。

• 《朝鮮王朝實錄·世宗莊憲大王實錄》中評價明成祖「使臣言："前後選獻韓氏等女，皆殉大行皇帝。" 先是，賈人子呂氏入皇帝宮中，與本國呂氏以同姓，欲結好，呂氏不從，賈呂蓄憾。 及權妃卒，誣告呂氏點毒藥於茶進之，帝怒，誅呂氏及宮人宦官數百餘人。 後賈呂與宮人魚氏私宦者，帝頗覺，然寵二人不發，二人自懼縊死。 帝怒，事起賈呂，鞫賈呂侍婢，皆誣服云："欲行弒逆。" 凡連坐者二千八百人，皆親臨剮之，或有面詬帝曰："自家陽衰，故私年少寺人，何咎之有?" 後帝命畫工圖，賈呂與小宦相抱之狀，欲令後世見之，然思魚氏不置，令藏於壽陵之側。 及仁宗卽位，掘棄之。 亂之初起，本國任氏、鄭氏自經而死，黃氏、李氏被鞫處斬。 黃氏援引他人甚多，李氏曰："等死耳，何引他人為? 我當獨死。" 終不誣一人而死。 於是，本國諸女皆被誅，獨崔氏曾在南京，帝召宮女之在南京者，崔氏以病未至，及亂作，殺宮人殆盡，以後至獲免。 韓氏當亂，幽閉空室，不給飲食者累日，守門宦者哀之，或時置食於門內，故得不死。 然其從婢皆逮死，乳媼金黑亦繫獄，事定乃特赦之。 初，黃氏之未赴京也，兄夫金德章坐於所在房窓外，黃儼見之大怒，責之，及其入朝，在道得腹痛之疾，醫用諸藥，皆無效，思食汁菹。 儼問元閔生曰："此何物耶?" 閔生備言沈造之方，儼變色曰："欲食人肉，吾可割股而進，如此草地，何得此物?" 黃氏腹痛不已，每夜使從婢以手磨動其腹，到一夜小便時，陰出一物，大如茄子許，皮裹肉塊也。 婢棄諸廁中，一行衆婢，皆知而喧說。 又黃氏婢潛說："初出行也，德章贈一木梳。" 欽差皆不知之。 帝以黃氏非處女詰之，乃云："曾與姊夫金德章、隣人皂隸通焉。" 帝怒，將責本國，勑已成，有宮人楊氏者方寵，知之，語韓氏其故，韓氏泣乞哀于帝曰："黃氏在家私人，豈我王之所知也?" 帝感悟，遂命韓氏罰之，韓氏乃批黃氏之頰。 明年戊戌，欽差善才謂我太宗曰："黃氏性險無溫色，正類負債之女。" 歲癸卯，欽差海壽謂上曰："黃氏行路之時，腹痛至甚，吾等見則以鄉言言腹痛，必慙而入內。" 及帝之崩，宮人殉葬者，三十餘人，當死之日，皆餉之於庭。 餉輟，俱引升堂，哭聲震殿閣。 堂上置木小床，使立其上，掛繩圍於其上，以頭納其中，遂去其床，皆雉經而死。 韓氏臨死，顧謂金黑曰："娘吾去! 娘吾去!" 語未竟，旁有宦者去床，乃與崔氏俱死。 諸死者之初升堂也，仁宗親入辭訣，韓氏泣謂仁宗曰："吾母年老，願歸本國。" 仁宗許之丁寧，及韓氏旣死，仁宗欲送還金黑，宮中諸女秀才曰："近日魚、呂之亂，曠古所無。 朝鮮國大君賢，中國亞匹也。 且古書有之，初佛之排布諸國也，朝鮮幾為中華，以一小故，不得為中華。 又遼東以東，前世屬朝鮮，今若得之，中國不得抗衡必矣。 如此之亂，不可使知之。" 仁宗召尹鳳問曰："欲還金黑，恐洩近日事也，如何?" 鳳曰："人各有心，奴何敢知之?" 遂不送金黑，特封為恭人。 初，帝寵王氏，欲立以為後，及王氏薨，帝甚痛悼，遂病風喪心，自後處事錯謬，用刑慘酷。 魚、呂之亂方殷，雷震奉天、華蓋、謹身三殿俱燼。 宮中皆喜以為："帝必懼天變，止誅戮。" 帝不以為戒，恣行誅戮，無異平日。 後尹鳳奉使而來，粗傳梗槪，金黑之還，乃得其詳。」

家族

關於其生母的爭議

《明史》記載朱元璋前五個兒子、第二女和第四女都是馬皇后所生。根據《明實錄》第四子明太宗（即明成祖）生于至正二十年4月17日，第五子周定王生于至正二十一年7月9日。馬皇后這種過于頻繁的生育情況歷來都被懷疑，認為五位皇子並非是馬皇后所生。而且明人早就指出「或曰高皇后無子」。根據朝鮮使臣權近《奉使錄》記載，朱棣的生母不是馬皇后。

《南京太常志》：「孝陵神位，左一位淑妃李氏，生懿文太子、秦愍王、晉恭王。右一位碽妃，生成祖文皇帝，孫貴妃生周王。」但李淑妃的父親李傑投奔朱元璋時，才二十六歲，同時，朱標已在前一年出生。

朱彞尊《靜志居詩話》卷十三沈元華條：「奉先廟制（南京太廟奉先殿）高後南面，諸妃盡東列，西序惟碽妃一人，具載南京太常寺志。善高后從未懷妊，豈惟長陵，即懿文太子亦非后生也。」李清《三垣筆記》：「南太常志載成祖為碽妃所生，訝之。錢宗伯謙益有博學名，問之，亦不能決，以志言東側列妃嬪二十餘，西側止一碽妃。因啟寢殿驗之，入視果然，乃信。」

靖難後朱棣自稱是孝慈高皇后所生的嫡子。但談遷、朱彞尊、傅斯年、吳晗考証其生母為高麗人碽妃。另一個證據是明成祖建南京大報恩寺中對碽妃的供奉，中國古建築專家潘谷西的《中國古代建築史·元明卷》（第四卷）就持有這種觀點。

但是碽妃到中國的時候為1365年春，當時的朱棣已經5歲了（1360年四月十七日出生于應天府吳王宮），所以她不可能是成祖的生母。所謂的明《太常寺志》是被偽造和篡改過的，篡改者是張廷玉，這在民國時期就有人考証過了，吳晗認為張廷玉的取材是明朝政府的內部記錄，但也拿不出具體証據，「行歷不詳，只好闕疑。」。

劉繼莊說明成祖生母是蒙古人，甚至色目人。劉繼莊《廣陽雜記》，蒙古黃金史：明成祖母為甕氏，蒙古弘吉剌人，以其為元順帝妃，故隱其事。「宮中別有廟藏神主，世世祀之，不關宗伯。有司禮監為彭躬菴言之，少時聞燕之故老為此說，今乃信也。」以上都是明人的記載。但考証，徐達、常遇春1368年攻入元大都前，元順帝早帶著后妃北逃元上都，而1360年出生的明成祖此時已經九歲了，1369年常遇春攻破元上都，明成祖已經十歲，所以其生母也不可能是甕氏。

父母、兄弟、姐妹、皇后與嬪妃

子女

朱元璋為燕王宗室命名的二十字是：高瞻祁見祐，厚載翊常由；慈和怡伯仲，簡靖迪先猷。至明朝末年只傳到第十字「由」，明思宗朱由檢。

影視作品

電影

以下列出曾飾演「明成祖」的演員，以及劇中演出「明成祖」的電影：

電視劇

以下列出曾飾演「明成祖」的演員，以及劇中演出「明成祖」的電視劇：

紀錄片

以下列出曾飾演「明成祖」的演員，以及劇中演出「明成祖」的電視劇：