Etymology

The most common name used by most historians is Baekje, meaning "hundred counties", but was originally founded by Onjo as 十濟, which figuratively means "tens of counties". Only during the reign of Geunchogo (肖古王) was it renamed as Baekje. It is also attested as 居陀羅 Kudara, meaning "great place", which could have been a possible endonym that was later on borrowed into Old Japanese.

History

Founding

Baekje was mainly composed of the native Han (Hanja: 韓人) and the Koreanic Yemaek (Hanja: 濊貊族) from Goguryeo and Buyeo. Those from the Lelang Commandery (Korean: Nakrang, Hanja: 樂浪) came in through trade and conquest, and a small number of Jin (Hanja: 辰人) were also admitted into the polities of Baekje.

According to the Samguk sagi, Baekje was founded in 18 BCE by King Onjo, who led a group of people from Goguryeo south to the Han River basin. Jumong had left his son Yuri in Buyeo when he left that kingdom to establish the new kingdom of Goguryeo. Jumong became Divine King Dongmyeong, and had two more sons with Soseono, Onjo and Biryu. When Yuri later arrived in Goguryeo, Jumong promptly made him the crown prince. Realizing Yuri would become the next king, Soseono left Goguryeo, taking her two sons Biryu and Onjo south to found their own kingdoms with their people, along with ten vassals. She is remembered as a key figure in the founding of both Goguryeo and Baekje.

Onjo settled in Wiryeseong (present-day Hanam), and called his country Sipje (십제, 十濟, meaning "Ten Vassals"), while Biryu settled in Michuhol (present-day Incheon), against the vassals' advice. The people of Wiryeseong lived prosperously, but the salty water and marshes in Michuhol made settlement difficult.

Biryu then went to his brother Onjo, asking for the throne of Sipje. When Onjo refused, Biryu declared war, but lost. In shame, Biryu committed suicide, and his people moved to Wiryeseong, where King Onjo welcomed them and renamed his country Baekje ("Hundred Vassals").

King Onjo moved the capital from the south to the north of the Han river, and then south again, probably all within present Seoul, under pressure from other Mahan states. King Gaeru is believed to have moved the capital north of the river to Bukhansanseong in 132, probably in present-day Goyang to the northwest of Seoul.

Through the early centuries of the Common Era, sometimes called the Proto–Three Kingdoms period, early Baekje gradually gained control over the other Mahan tribes.

Expansion

The Baekje Kingdom, which initially belonged to the Mahan confederacy, first integrated the Han River (Korea) basin area, then overthrew Mokji state, the dominant country, and then integrated Mahan as a territorial state.

During the reign of King Goi (234–286), Baekje became a full-fledged kingdom, as it continued consolidating the Mahan confederacy. In 249, according to the ancient Japanese text Nihonshoki, Baekje's expansion reached the Gaya confederacy to its east, around the Nakdong River valley. Baekje is first described in Chinese records as a kingdom in 345. The first diplomatic missions from Baekje reached Japan around 367 (According to the Nihon Shoki: 247).

King Geunchogo (346–375) expanded Baekje's territory to the north through war against Goguryeo, while annexing the remaining Mahan societies in the south. During Geunchogo's reign, the territories of Baekje included most of the western Korean Peninsula (except the two Pyeongan provinces), and in 371, Baekje defeated Goguryeo at Pyongyang. Baekje continued substantial trade with Goguryeo, and actively adopted Chinese culture and technology. Buddhism became the official state religion in 384.

Baekje also became a sea power and continued mutual goodwill relationships with the Japanese rulers of the Kofun period, transmitting continental cultural influences to Japan. The Chinese writing system, Buddhism, advanced pottery, ceremonial burial, and other aspects of culture were introduced by aristocrats, artisans, scholars, and monks throughout their relationship.

During this period, the Han River basin remained the heartland of the country.

Ungjin period

In the 5th century, Baekje retreated under the southward military threat of Goguryeo, and in 475, the Seoul region fell to Goguryeo. Baekje's capital was located at Ungjin (present-day Gongju) from 475 to 538.

Isolated in mountainous terrain, the new capital was secure against the north but also disconnected from the outside world. It was closer to Silla than Wiryeseong had been, however, and a military alliance was forged between Silla and Baekje against Goguryeo.

Most maps of the Three Kingdoms period show Baekje occupying the Chungcheong and Jeolla provinces, the core of the country in the Ungjin and Sabi periods.

Sabi period

In 538, King Seong moved the capital to Sabi (present-day Buyeo County), and rebuilt his kingdom into a strong state. Temporarily, he changed the official name of the country as the Nambuyeo (; ; lit. "Southern Buyeo"), a reference to Buyeo to which Baekje traced its origins. The Sabi period witnessed the flowering of Baekje culture, alongside the growth of Buddhism.

Under pressure from Goguryeo to the north and Silla to the east, Seong sought to strengthen Baekje's relationship with China. The location of Sabi, on the navigable Geum River, made contact with China much easier, and both trade and diplomacy flourished during his reign and continuing on into the 7th century.

In the 7th century, with the growing influence of Silla in the southern and central Korean peninsula, Baekje began its decline.

Fall and restoration movement

In 660, the coalition troops of Silla and Tang China attacked Baekje, which was then allied with Goguryeo. A heavily outmanned army led by General Gyebaek was defeated in the Battle of Hwangsanbeol near Nonsan. The capital Sabi fell almost immediately thereafter, resulting in the annexation of Baekje by Tang China. Tang government set up Ungjin Commandery for the purpose of governing the Baekje area. King Uija and his son Buyeo Yung were sent into exile in China while at least some of the ruling class fled to Japan. The fall of Sabi resulted in one of the infamous episodes in Korean history, as countless Baekje court ladies, concubines and women of the nobility committed suicide by jumping off a cliff near Sabi rather than be captured by the Silla-Tang Alliance. To memoralize this tragic event in history, a pavilion stands at the so-called "Rock of the Falling Flowers" commemorating Baekje's defeat and the suicide of the kingdom's court ladies and concubines who jumped off the cliff.

Baekje forces attempted a brief restoration movement but faced Silla–Tang joint forces. A Buddhist monk Dochim and the former Baekje general Buyeo Boksin rose to try to revive Baekje. They welcomed the Baekje prince Buyeo Pung back from Japan to serve as king, with Juryu (주류, 周留, in modern Seocheon County, South Chungcheong) as their headquarters. They put the Tang general Liu Renyuan (劉仁願) under siege in Sabi. Emperor Gaozong sent the general Liu Rengui, who had previously been demoted to commoner rank for offending Li Yifu, with a relief force, and Liu Rengui and Liu Renyuan were able to fight off the Baekje resistance forces' attacks, but were themselves not strong enough to quell the rebellion, and so for some time the armies were in stalemate.

Baekje requested Japanese aid, and King Pung returned to Baekje with a contingent of 10,000 soldiers. Before the ships from Japan arrived, his forces battled a contingent of Tang forces in Ungjin County.

In 663, Baekje revival forces and a Japanese naval fleet convened in southern Baekje to confront the Silla forces in the Battle of Baekgang. The Tang dynasty also sent 7,000 soldiers and 170 ships. After five naval confrontations, all of which the Silla-Tang joint fleet won, that took place in August 663 at Baekgang, considered the lower reaches of Geum River or Dongjin river, the Silla–Tang forces emerged victorious, and Buyeo Pung escaped to Goguryeo.

Social and political structure

The establishment of a centralized state in Baekje is usually traced to the reign of King Goi, who may have first established patrilineal succession. Like most monarchies, a great deal of power was held by the aristocracy. King Seong, for example, strengthened royal power, but after he was slain in a disastrous campaign against Silla, the nobles took much of that power away from his son.

The ruler titles of Baekje were *eraγa (於羅瑕), mostly used by the nobility, and *k(j)ə-n kici (鞬吉支), as he would be called by the commoners. The queen consort was called *oluk (於陸) and pasɨkasɨ (벗〯갓) meaning "woman companion".

The Hae clan and the Jin clan were the representative royal houses who had considerable power from the early period of Baekje, and they produced many queens over several generations. The Hae clan was probably the royal house before the Buyeo clan replaced them, and both clans appear descended from the lineage of Buyeo and Goguryeo. The "Great Eight Families" (Sa, Yeon, Hyeop, Hae, Jin, Guk, Mok, and Baek) were powerful nobles in the Sabi era, recorded in Chinese records such as Tongdian.

Central government officials were divided into sixteen ranks, the six members of the top rank forming a type of cabinet, with the top official being elected every three years. In the Sol rank, the first (Jwapyeong) through the sixth (Naesol) officials were political, administrative, and military commanders. In the Deok rank, the seventh (Jangdeok) through the eleventh (Daedeok) officials may have headed each field. Mundok, Mudok, Jwagun, Jinmu and Geuku from the twelfth to the sixteenth, may have been military administrators.

According to the Samguk Yusa, during the Sabi period, the chief minister (Jaesang) of Baekje was chosen by a unique system. The names of several candidates were placed under a rock (Cheonjeongdae) near Hoamsa temple. After a few days, the rock was moved and the candidate whose name had a certain mark was chosen as the new chief minister. Whether this was a form of selection by lot or a covert selection by the elite is not clear. This council was called the Jeongsaamhoeui (政事巖會議, The council of rocks with state affairs).

Military

The town leaders and its subjects participated in the military of Baekje on a local level, and loot and captives were distributed among them. The subjects usually worked in the supply division. The position of Jwajang led the military. Geunchogo established the division of central military and local militaries. The people of Baekje usually served in the military for three years. As Baekje entered the Sabi period, the military was divided into the royal private guard, the capital central military and the local military. The royal private guard handled matters such as protecting the palace. The weapons available to the soldiers were diverse.

Archaeology

The first ever bone remains of Baekje people were found in the eungpyeongri tombs in buyeo, which made possible reconstructions of appearances of Baekje people possible, and the tombs seem to have no sign of being looted.

Language and culture

Baekje was established by immigrants from Goguryeo who spoke what could be a Buyeo language, a hypothetical group linking the languages of Gojoseon, Buyeo, Goguryeo, and Baekje. In a case of diglossia, the indigenous Samhan people, having migrated in an earlier wave from the same region, probably spoke a variety of the same language. Kōno Rokurō has argued that the kingdom of Baekje was bilingual, with the gentry speaking a Puyŏ language and the common people a Han language. A view was proposed by Alexander Vovin, who noted that Japonic languages were spoken in the Tamna Kingdom on modern-day Jeju before the arrival of Koreanic, noting the presence of a Japonic substratum in the Jeju language.

Wooden tablets dated to the late Baekje era have been discovered by archaeologists, and some of them involve the rearrangement of Classical Chinese words according to native syntax. From this data, the word order of Baekje appears to have been similar to that of Old Korean. However, no uncontroversial evidence of non-Chinese grammatical morphemes has been found. Compared to Silla tablets, Baekje tablets are far more likely to employ conventional Classical Chinese syntax and vocabulary without any native influence.

Buddhism, a religion originating in what is now India, was transmitted to Korea via China in the late 4th century. The Samguk yusa records the following 3 monks among first to bring the Buddhist teaching, or Dharma, to Korea: Malananta (late 4th century) – an Indian Buddhist monk who brought Buddhism to Baekje in the southern Korea, Sundo – a Chinese Buddhist monk who brought Buddhism to Goguryeo in northern Korea and Ado monk who brought Buddhism to Silla in central Korea.

Baekje artists adopted many Chinese influences and synthesized them into a unique artistic tradition. Buddhist themes are extremely strong in Baekje artwork. The beatific Baekje smile found on many Buddhist sculptures expresses the warmth typical of Baekje art. Taoist influences are also widespread. Chinese artisans were sent to the kingdom by the Liang dynasty in 541, and this may have given rise to an increased Chinese influence in the Sabi period.

The tomb of King Muryeong (501–523), although modeled on Chinese brick tombs and yielding some imported Chinese objects, also contained many funerary objects of the Baekje tradition, such as the gold crown ornaments, gold belts, and gold earrings. Mortuary practices also followed the unique tradition of Baekje. This tomb is seen as a representative tomb of the Ungjin period.

Delicate lotus designs of the roof-tiles, intricate brick patterns, curves of the pottery style, and flowing and elegant epitaph writing characterize Baekje culture. The Buddhist sculptures and refined pagodas reflect religion-inspired creativity. A splendid gilt-bronze incense burner ( Baekje Geumdong Daehyeongno) excavated from an ancient Buddhist temple site at Neungsan-ri, Buyeo County, exemplifies Baekje art.

Little is known of Baekje music, but local musicians were sent with tribute missions to China in the 7th century, indicating that a distinctive musical tradition had developed by that time.

Foreign relations

Relations with China

In 372, King Geunchogo paid tribute to the Jin dynasty of China, located in the basin of the Yangtze River. After the fall of Jin and the establishment of Song dynasty in 420, Baekje sent envoys seeking cultural goods and technologies.

Baekje sent an envoy to Northern Wei of Northern Dynasties for the first time in 472, and King Gaero asked for military aid to attack Goguryeo. Kings Muryeong and Seong sent envoys to Liang several times and received titles of nobility.

Tomb of King Muryeong is built with bricks according with Liang's tomb style.

Relations with Japan

Cultural impact and military assistance

To confront the military pressure of Goguryeo to its north and Silla to its east, Baekje (Kudara in Japanese) established close relations with Japan. According to the Korean chronicle Samguk sagi, Baekje and Silla sent some princes to the Japanese court as hostages. Whether the princes sent to Japan should be interpreted as diplomats as part of an embassy or literal hostages is debated. Due to the confusion on the exact nature of this relationship (the question of whether the Baekje Koreans were family or at least close to the Japanese Imperial line or whether they were hostages) and the fact that the Nihon Shoki, a primary source of material for this relationship, is a compilation of myth, makes it difficult to evaluate. The Samguk sagi, which also documents this, can also be interpreted in various ways and at any rate it was rewritten in the 13th century, easily seven or eight centuries after these particular events took place. Adding to the confusion is the discovery (in Japan) that the "Inariyama sword, as well as some other swords discovered in Japan, utilized the Korean 'Idu' system of writing". The swords "originated in Paekche and that the kings named in their inscriptions represent Paekche kings rather than Japanese kings". The techniques for making these swords were the apparently similar to styles from Korea, specifically from Baekje. In Japan, the hostage interpretation is dominant.

Other historians, such as those who collaborated on 'Paekche of Korea and the Origin of Yamato Japan' and Jonathan W. Best, who helped translate what was left of the Baekje annals, have noted that these princes set up schools in Yamato Japan and took control of the Japanese naval forces during the war with Goguryeo, taking this as evidence of them being more along the lines of diplomats with some kind of familial tie to the Japanese imperial family and as evidence against any hostage status.

As is with many long-past histories and competing records, very little can be definitively concluded. Further research has been difficult, in part due to the 1976 restriction on the study of royal tombs in Japan (to include tombs such as the Gosashi tomb, which is allegedly the resting place of Empress Jingū). Prior to 1976, foreign researchers did have access, and some found Korean artifacts in Japanese dig sites. Recently in 2008, Japan has allowed controlled limited access to foreign archaeologists, but the international community still has many unanswered questions. National Geographic has written that Japan "the agency has kept access to the tombs restricted, prompting rumors that officials fear excavation would reveal bloodline links between the "pure" imperial family and Korea – or that some tombs hold no royal remains at all."

In any case, these Koreans, diplomats and royal relatives or not, brought to Japan knowledge of the Chinese writing system, Buddhism, iron processing for weapons, and various other technologies. In exchange, Japan provided military support.

According to mythical accounts in the controversial Nihon Shoki, Empress Jingū extracted tribute and pledges of allegiance from the kings of Baekje, Silla, and Goguryeo. At the height of Japanese nationalism in the early 20th century, Japanese historians used these mythical accounts along with a passage in the Gwanggaeto Stele to establish ideological rationale to the imperialist outcry for invasion of Korea. Other historians have pointed out that there is no evidence of this Japanese account in any part of Korea, in addition to not being in any viable text in China or Korea. Regarding the Gwanggaeto Stele, because the lack of syntax and punctuation the text can be interpreted 4 different ways. Due to this problem in interpretation, nothing can be concluded. Also complicating the matter is that in the Nihongi a Korean named Amenohiboko is described in Nihon Shoki as a maternal predecessor of , This is highly inconsistent and difficult to interpret correctly.

Scholars believe that the Nihon Shoki gives the invasion date of Silla and Baekje as the late 4th century. However, by this time, Japan was a confederation of local tribes without sophisticated iron weapons, while the Three Kingdoms of Korea were fully developed centralized powers with modern iron weapons and were already utilizing horses for warfare. It is very unlikely that a developing state such as Yamato had the capacity to cross the sea and engage in battles with Baekje and Silla. The Nihon Shoki is widely regarded to be an unreliable and biased source of information on early relations with Korea, as it mixes heavy amounts of supposition and legend with facts.

Some Japanese scholars interpret the Gwanggaeto Stele, erected in 414 by King Jangsu of Goguryeo, as describing a Japanese invasion in the southern portion of the Korean peninsula. However, Mohan claims that Goguryeo fabricated the Japanese invasion in order to justify its conquest of Baekje. If this stele was a dedication to a Korean king, it can be argued that it would logically highlight Korea's conquests and not dedicate it to a strange incident regarding Japan. In any case, because of these various possible interpretations, the circumstances surrounding the stele are still highly debated and inconclusive.

Chinese scholars participated in the study of the Stele during the 1980s. Wang Jianqun interviewed local farmers and decided that no intentional fabrication occurred, adding that the lime on the Stele was pasted by local copy-making workers to enhance readability. Xu Jianxin of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences discovered the earliest rubbed copy which was made before 1881. He also concluded that there was no evidence the Japanese had intentionally damaged any of the characters on the Stele.

Today, most Chinese and Japanese scholars contradict the conspiracy theories, based on the study of the Stele itself and advocate Japanese intervention in the era, although its size and effect are disputed.

In the project of writing a common history textbook, Kim Tae-sik of Hongik University (Korea) denied Japan's theory. But, Kōsaku Hamada of Kyushu University (Japan) reported their interpretations of the Gwanggaeto Stele text, neither of them adopting the intentionally damaged stele theory in their interpretations.

The fall of Baekje and military support from Japan

Some members of the Baekje nobility and royalty emigrated to Japan even before the kingdom was overthrown. In response to Baekje's request, Japan in 663 sent the general Abe no Hirafu with 20,000 troops and 1,000 ships to revive Baekje with Buyeo Pung (known in Japanese as Hōshō), a son of Uija of Baekje who had been an emissary to Japan. Around August 661, 10,000 soldiers and 170 ships, led by Abe no Hirafu, arrived. Additional Japanese reinforcement, including 27,000 soldiers led by Kamitsukeno no Kimi Wakako (上毛野君稚子) and 10,000 soldiers led by Iohara no Kimi (廬原君) also arrived at Baekje in 662.

This attempt, however, failed at the Battle of Baekgang, and the prince escaped to Goguryeo. According to the Nihon Shoki, 400 Japanese ships were lost in the battles. Only half of the troops were able to return to Japan.

The Japanese army retreated to Japan with several thousand Baekje refugees. The former royal family members were initially treated as "foreign guests" (蕃客) and were not incorporated into the political system of Japan for some time. Buyeo Pung's younger brother Seon'gwang (Zenkō in Japanese) ( or ) used the family name Kudara no Konikishi ("King of Baekje") (they are also called the Kudara clan, as Baekje was called Kudara in Japanese).

Legacy

Baekje was briefly revived in the Later Three Kingdoms of Korea period, as Unified Silla collapsed. In 892, General Kyŏn Hwŏn established Later Baekje, based in Wansan (present-day Jeonju). Later Baekje was overthrown in 936 by King Taejo of Goryeo.

In contemporary South Korea, Baekje relics are often symbolic of the local cultures of the southwest, especially in Chungnam and Jeolla. The gilt-bronze incense burner, for example, is a key symbol of Buyeo County, and the Baekje-era Buddhist rock sculpture of Seosan Maaesamjonbulsang is an important symbol of Seosan City.

Baekje is believed to have introduced the man'yōgana writing system to Japan, of which the modern hiragana and katakana scripts are descendants. Kojiki and the Nihon shoki both state this, and though direct evidence is hard to come by, most scholars tend to accept this idea.

On 17 April 2009, Ōuchi Kimio (大內公夫) of Ōuchi clan visited Iksan, Korea to pay tribute to his Baekje ancestors. The Ōuchi are descendants of Prince Imseong.

In 2010, Baekje Cultural Land was opened to visitors. The theme park aims to preserve Baekje architecture and culture.

Baekje Historic Areas, which feature locations with remains of the period, was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 2015.

歷史

建國

傳說公元前18年，高句麗太祖朱蒙的兒子溫祚與沸流帶領一批高句麗人南下到漢江盆地建立起百濟國。最早記載百濟的是《三國志》中提到馬韓地區的眾多城邦之一伯濟。朱蒙因受迫害而逃離扶餘，來到了卒本地區，在那裡與當地首領延陀勃的女兒召西奴結婚，並創立了高句麗王國。當朱蒙在扶餘所生的兒子到達高句麗後，找到了他的親生父親並成為王儲，就是日後的琉璃王。朱蒙與召西奴所生的兩個兒子沸流和溫祚認識到琉璃王繼位後，他們在高句麗將無法立足。因此兩兄弟決定離開高句麗並與他們的追隨者一起南下。

聽從追隨者建議，溫祚在慰禮城（現在的韓國河南市）建城，並立國號「十濟」。但是沸流不理睬這個建議，認為臨海而居更好，並在彌鄒忽建城（現在的韓國仁川廣域市）。可是在彌鄒忽的鹽水和沼澤對于大多數人來講難以忍受，與此同時慰禮城的百姓卻繁榮地生活著。沸流于是前往慰禮城並要當十濟國王。溫祚不同意。于是沸流對溫祚開戰，但輸給了溫祚。 因為羞愧，沸流自殺。彌鄒忽的百姓于是搬遷到慰禮城，溫祚也高興地接納了他們並改國號為「百濟」。有百姓濟海樂從的意思。

居于慰禮城的百濟由于被馬韓包圍，所以經常受到馬韓的侵擾。而他們的都城亦經常在漢江兩岸不斷搬遷。至今，首爾在漢江兩岸仍然留有北漢山城（鄰近青瓦台）及夢村土城（鄰近松坡區）的遺址。當時，他們稱呼今日首爾兩岸為「河北」及「河南」。直到今日，京畿道仍然留有河南市這個名稱，以見証昔日的歷史。

公元10年開始， 百濟在馬韓部落中保持強勢。根據高句麗建國神話的記載，建立百濟的是一部分高句麗頭人（召西奴、沸流、溫祚）與他們的百姓(扶餘人)。高句麗人到達半島南部後構成上層，而原住民馬韓則是國家中的下層。三國史記中百濟君王五次說自己源出朱蒙，王室以扶餘為姓，且一度改國號為南扶餘，高句麗故國原王南侵後百濟與高句麗決裂，不再和好。

百濟古爾王（234年－286年）的統治時期， 百濟鞏固了國家的制度。據《日本書紀》記載，249年，百濟向東擴展到洛東江上游與新羅、伽倻相鄰。晉朝永康元年（300）發生八王之亂，樂浪郡，帶方郡地方長官率眾奔赴遼東，嚮慕容家族請求內附。建興元年（313）高句麗南下侵略樂浪郡。帶方郡受孤立而瓦解，初被百濟吞併。其居民得到百濟的善待。後來樂浪郡、帶方郡在4世紀大多數時間成為高句麗、百濟爭霸的場所。後史書從345年開始將百濟稱為國家。據《日本書紀》記載，百濟367年第一次向日本派出外交使團。

近肖古王（346年－375年）時期，百濟通過與高句麗的戰爭向北擴展了疆土，同時向南消滅了殘存的馬韓部落。近肖古王時期，百濟到達其鼎盛時期，其疆土涵括了現在西朝鮮（除了平安北道和平安南道）的絕大部分。371年，百濟在平壤（原樂浪郡）打敗了高句麗。在戰爭中，殺死了故國原王。而故國原王之孫好太王392年即位後又戰勝百濟再次控制了這一區域。

這個時期百濟積極地吸收了中國文化和技術。384年，佛教成為百濟的國教。與此同時，百濟也發展成為海上強國，並與日本發展了良好的關係。中國的漢字、漢傳佛教、制陶技術和其它文化在這一時期從百濟傳入日本。

熊津時期

5世紀，高句麗南擴，並于427年遷都平壤。在高句麗的軍事威脅下，百濟開始喪失北方土地。475年， 高句麗攻下慰禮城（今韓國首爾），百濟喪失整個漢江流域，蓋鹵王被殺。蓋鹵王太子文周王被迫遷都于熊津（今韓國忠清南道公州市）。文周王在位期間，百濟王權不穩，發生內訌，文周王被兵官佐平解仇暗殺。文周王之子三斤王即位後，解仇掌控國家大權。直到東城王（479-500年）即位後，百濟王權才開始得到恢復。東城王在位期間，百濟開始與中國南齊建交，並與新羅聯姻共同對抗高句麗。武寧王時期（501-522年），百濟國力開始逐漸得到恢復。

大多數朝鮮三國的地圖都將百濟的疆土畫成包括今天的韓國忠清道和全羅道。這是百濟熊津時期和泗沘時期的核心地域。在這一時期百濟還宣稱曾短暫在中國（南朝宋）的遼西地區有過疆土。

百濟略有遼西的記載首見于南朝的《宋書》。此外，《梁書》和《南史》也有類似相同的內容。作為百濟史上的一個歷史事件，並沒有記載于朝鮮的史書，而卻記載在中國南朝的史書上，這確實是值得研究的課題。372年，中國南朝時東晉，北朝是前秦，前秦大多數時間占有今天遼寧省大部分領土。然後相繼後燕國，北燕，北魏對遼西地區有效控制，並有史載建制。百濟晉平郡晉平縣很有可能是大同江以西平壤郡（縣）訛傳為遼河以西的晉朝的平壤縣（朝鮮縣）。

泗沘時期

523年聖王即位後，百濟出現了中興的景象。538年，聖王將國都從偏僻的熊津移往地處平原地區的泗沘（今韓國扶餘郡）。遷都泗沘後，聖王改國號為「南扶餘」（因為百濟將扶餘國當成他們的發源地），並採取了一系列措施重新鞏固了皇權。由于新國都位于錦江沿岸，這為百濟與中原王朝的交流也提供了方便。百濟與南朝梁積極發展外交關係，同時也與日本建立友好關係。

551年，聖王聯合新羅攻打高句麗，成功收回之前被高句麗攻占的漢江流域下游6郡。新羅則斬獲漢江流域上游的10郡。此後，新羅繼續攻打百濟，奪走百濟剛從高句麗那裡奪回的漢江6郡，控制整個漢江流域。百濟與新羅的聯盟徹底瓦解。554年，聖王發兵攻打新羅，慘敗。聖王被新羅亂軍殺死。百濟從此走向沒落。

滅亡

660年，唐與新羅聯合發動了對百濟的攻擊。最終百濟首都泗沘被攻陷，百濟的故土被唐朝和新羅瓜分，百濟義慈王與其子以及一萬多名百濟平民被唐擄至中國洛陽。同年義慈王即病死，葬在邙山孫皓、陳叔寶的陵墓之旁。另有一批百濟貴族逃往日本。

百濟被滅國之後，百濟的遺民曾試圖複國重建百濟。原百濟將軍鬼室福信擁立百濟王子扶餘豐為王，並向日本求助。扶餘豐攜5,000軍隊從日本回百濟。

663年，百濟-日本聯軍與唐-新羅聯軍與在海上開戰，史稱「白江口之戰」。經過5次交戰，百濟-日本聯軍戰敗。扶餘豐逃往高句麗。

660年，唐朝在百濟的故地劃設了5個都督府：「熊津、馬韓、東明、金漣、德安五都督府」，納入唐王朝的管轄。但隨著後來的百濟複國運動，唐朝在665年把五個都督府合併為熊津都督府，扶持義慈王之子扶餘隆為熊津都督府之都督，管理百濟故地和遺民。因為百濟、新羅是世仇，扶餘隆害怕受到新羅國的侵略，未敢赴任，最後在洛陽去世。唐羅戰爭之後，唐最終被迫撤出朝鮮半島南部。

政治

百濟官制有十六品。不同品級的官吏著不同顏色的服飾。百濟國王下設六佐平，即內臣佐平、內頭佐平、內法佐平、朝廷佐平、衛士佐平、兵官佐平6位大臣，分別掌管國王旨令、國庫財政、禮儀和教育、司法、京師防衛部隊、地方軍隊。408年，在六佐平之上又設總管上佐平。日常事務由中央官廳處理。中央官廳由內官和外官及其所屬的21官廳構成。內官負責宮廷事務，外官負責國家內外政務。

百濟在地方設有五部五方。五部設于國都附近的京畿地區，其它地方則被分為五方。每方都設有方城，並駐有軍隊。五方下設郡和城。

經濟

百濟農業普遍採用牛耕，重視修建水利工程，並改輪休耕地的易田法為不易田法，主要出產水稻、大麥、黃豆、麻、桑、蔬菜、水果。百濟的手工業有官營和民營兩種。掌管手工業的官廳下設各種手工業場，主要生產金銀製品、紡織品，以及鐵制生產工具和武器等。民營的手工業主要是生產麻布和工具。

百濟除與高句麗和新羅商貿往來之外，還與中國和日本進行貿易往來。百濟是朝鮮三國中最早開展海上貿易的國家，與中國和日本有著頻繁的海上商貿與文化往來。

文化

佛教

百濟枕流王元年（384），西域僧人摩羅難陀經東晉到百濟傳教，得到枕流王優待，並于次年為其在漢山建佛寺。佛教從此傳入百濟並興盛。《周書*百濟傳》曰：「（百濟）僧尼、寺塔甚多」。百濟僧人亦來華和去印度學法。南朝時期來陳國學習的玄光是中國和朝鮮半島天台宗的先驅，南嶽門28大弟子之一。百濟僧人在武寧王末年前往印度取經，聖王四年（526）回國，後成為百濟律學鼻祖。

百濟亦將佛教傳入日本。聖王三十年（552），百濟贈送日本金銅寺釋迦像、彌勒像、經卷等佛教用品，並告誡「是法于諸法中，最為殊勝」。佛教從此進入日本。此後，百濟多次派遣僧人去日本傳教。587年，從日本來百濟學習戒律，後回國將戒律傳入日本。百濟武王二年（601），百濟僧人觀勒赴日本擔任僧正、檢校僧尼，是日本最早的僧官。

儒學

儒家經典在百濟很普及。在近肖古王（346-374年）時期，百濟還開始向日本輸出儒家思想，有阿直岐和王仁前往日本，教授應神天皇太子菟道稚郎子等《論語》、《千字文》等儒家經典，對古代日本明日香文化的形成產生了重要影響。武寧王時期（501-522年），百濟設立了五經博士官制（博士是教授學問的官職）。此外，百濟還有設有留學生制度和承擔中央教育行政職能的內法佐平行政機構。百濟是否建有像高句麗太學和扃堂一樣的教育機構，目前還無法考証。

文學

詩歌

收錄于《三國遺事·紀異·武王》的《薯童謠》是現存唯一的一首百濟鄉歌，作者是百濟第30代國王武王。傳說武王原本是平民出身的薯童，通過讓群童傳唱這首《薯童謠》，智娶新羅真平王的善花公主。除了鄉歌之外，朝鮮三國時期還興起了以本民族傳統音樂為基礎的歌樂「鄉曲」。這些鄉曲在朝鮮文學史上發揮了重要的影響。百濟的鄉曲主要有《井邑》、《智異山》、《禪雲山》、《山有花》等。

散文

百濟義慈王佐平成忠的《上義慈王書》是朝鮮文學史上的書函體散文名篇。7世紀中葉，新羅欲聯合唐滅百濟，但義慈王卻整日沉溺于酒色之中，不問政事。成忠多次進諫，但卻被義慈王關進牢中。《上義慈王書》是他在獄中病危臨終時留給義慈王的遺言：「忠臣死不忘君，願一言而死。臣常觀時察變，必有兵革之事。凡用兵，必審擇其地，處上流以迎敵，然後可以保全。若異國兵來，陸路不使過沈峴，水軍不使入伎伐浦之岸，舉其險隘以御之，然後可也。」。不過成忠的忠心沒能使義慈王回心轉意，百濟最終被羅唐聯軍所滅。現存百濟的散文還包括《武寧王墓誌》等碑誌和銘文。

繪畫

現存的百濟繪畫很少，主要有忠清南道宋山里6號古墓和扶餘郡陵山里古墓的壁畫。據記載，百濟派有多名畫匠到日本作畫，對日本繪畫的發展起到影響。百濟阿佐太子在日本所畫的聖德太子像被視為百濟繪畫的精品。

手工藝

從扶餘郡百濟王陵園的古代佛教寺廟出土的豪華金銅大香爐（백제금동대향로）被認為是百濟文化的精髓，鮮明地展示了百濟成就的巔峰。百濟文化的創造力和卓越可以從香爐的頂部紋飾上精巧、優雅的蓮花造型，輝煌、美麗的磚的圖案，陶器風格流暢線條的魅力，和流暢、優雅的碑文書法看出。佛像上微笑的面龐，華麗卻優雅的百濟寶塔顯示了這種創造力與佛教的關聯。

武寧王的陵墓按著中國拼鑲磚墓的形式建造並受到中國進口物品的影響，也包括了許多百濟傳統的隨葬物品，如金制冠飾，金制耳飾。墓室習慣也按照百濟獨特的傳統。這個陵墓被認為是熊津時代的代表性墓葬。

外交

與新羅，高句麗的關係

滿洲源流考說百濟最初據于遼西（柳城到北平一帶），後被高句麗擊敗，退入南韓。隋書卷81中稱新羅國其王本百濟人，自海逃入新羅，遂王其國。到末期不斷與新羅開戰。

與中國的關係

《後漢書·東夷傳》稱三韓「凡七十八國，伯濟是其一國」，《三國志》卷30《魏書·東夷傳》所列馬韓諸國名也有「伯濟」。

372年，百濟近肖古王曾向晉朝朝貢。429年，百濟派使團到宋尋求文化和技術。 472年，百濟蓋鹵王派使團到北魏尋求對付高句麗的軍事援助。百濟武寧王和聖明王多次派使團到南梁。武寧王的陵墓是按南梁的墓室風格建造的。

與日本的關係

百濟與日本一直保持著良好的關係。中國的漢字、佛教、製陶技術和其它文化都通過百濟傳入日本。同時，百濟得到了日本的物資和軍事援助，並獲得日本的支持，以對抗新羅。

大量的日本皇族和學者來到百濟進行教育和文化交流，這樣的例子包括在奈良（部份學者認為是以百濟詞「王國」命名的城市）由百濟移民設計和建造的兩個奇觀，寶塔和木結構寺廟法隆寺。

許多百濟王族和貴族成員與日本皇族通婚也是被廣泛承認的，即使是明仁天皇也承認這個事實。據《續日本紀》記載，桓武天皇的母親高野新笠是武寧王的嫡系子孫，而明仁天皇是桓武天皇的後代。學者中最著名的是阿直岐（achiki）與王仁（他受阿直岐推薦到大和國）。從應神天皇之邀而舶來，是為歸化日本之學者。《古事記》記載：王仁獻《論語》、《千字文》與日本，中國的儒教與漢字亦被認為是藉此傳至日本。

有趣的是，有很多日本貴族是來自百濟。百濟阿莘王的太子於397－405年曾與應神天皇一起住在大和宮廷。他後來成為百濟腆支王。應神39年，百濟國王派其妹與7位侍女去日本。仁德天皇時代，百濟國王之孫去日本養隼，與天皇出獵，蓋鹵王時代，派其弟到倭侍奉雄略天皇。479年，百濟的三斤王死後，昆支的次子回百濟成為東城王，雄略天皇甚不捨得。百濟王扶餘豐的兄弟被封為王，在日本生存至10世紀。