Struggle for succession

Ayurbarwada was the second son of Darmabala and Dagi (Targi) of the Khunggirat, and a great-grandson of Kublai Khan (r. 1260–1294). He had been tutored by the Confucian scholar Li Meng, who strongly affected his future political attitudes since his early teens.

In 1305 Bulugan Khatun removed Ayurbarwada from the court and sent him to Honan as the prince of Huai-ning. However, his uncle Temür Khan died without an heir on February 2, 1307, because his son Tachu had died a year earlier before him.

Temür's widow Bulugan of the Bayaud tribe had kept away the Khunggirad-mothered brothers of Khayishan and Ayurbarwada and attempted to set up her favorite, the Muslim Ananda, their uncle and the governor of Ningxia. The Darkhan Harghasun, the right chancellor (右丞相) of the government who became aware of Bulugan's plan, recalled Ayurbarwada and Li Meng from Huaizhou (懷州) to the capital Dadu. They successfully developed a strategy to imprison both Ananda and Bulugan. Afterwards, Ayurbarwada welcomed his older brother Khayishan, who was still far away from Dadu, to succeed to the throne. After the latter's coronation, Ayurbarwada was appointed the Crown Prince in June 1307. The brothers promised each other that their descendants would rule in succession.

Early career under Külüg Khan and enthronement

Ayurbarwada was made head of the top central administrative organs known as the Zhongshu Sheng under his brother and predecessor Khayishan Külüg Khan. He had surrounded himself with the Chinese scholars Chen Hao, Wang I, Wang Yueh, Zhao Mengfu, Wang Chieh, Chan Yaoho, Shang-ye, Yao sui, and Hsia ku; the artists Shang cheng and Wang Cheng-peng; Chagaan, a scholar from Balkh and Haiya, the Uyghur lyricist.

He was able to read and write Chinese and appreciate Chinese paintings and calligraphy in addition to his deep knowledge of Confucianism and Chinese history. Strongly influenced by Confucian political ethics, he was naturally opposed to his brother's exploitative policies. Khayishan's partisans had accused Li Meng of having advised Ayurbarwada to keep the throne for himself; Li Meng left the court immediately after Khayishan's accession. Ayurbarwada spoke out in Li Meng's defence but accomplished nothing much in the end. His disagreement with his brother's high officials remained concealed until his own enthronement.

Khayishan died in January 1311. Unlike the succession struggle over Yuan throne in 1307, Ayurbarwada's succession to his elder brother Khayishan's throne in April 1311 was a peaceful and smooth transition of the Yuan imperial history. This was made possible by the fact that he was designated by Khayishan as the heir apparent in June 1307, in accordance with their earlier agreement, and had subsequently appointed him as the titular head of the Zhongshu Sheng, similar to Kublai Khan had done when grooming Zhenjin to be his successor. He was saluted under the title of Buyantu in his accession kuriltai.

Reformation

While one might expect a general continuity in policy and personnel between the two reigns in view of the fraternal love between Khaishan and Ayurbawada and the peaceful way in which one succeeded the other, what was to happen early in Ayurbarwada's reign was actually the opposite: a political purge of Khaishan's chief ministers and a reversal of most of his policies. These reversals of policies can be traced to Ayurbarwada's cultural and ideological orientation and his uneasy political relationship with his late brother. Strongly influenced by Confucian political ethics as he was, he was naturally opposed to the exploitative policies carried out by the Department of State Affairs under Khaishan.

Ayurbarwada was highlighted for his reform efforts based on Confucianism principle for the Yuan government, though these reforms were made at the displeasure of some Mongol nobility. As soon as he ascended to the throne, he disbanded of the Department of State Affairs set up during Khayishan's reign, which resulted in the execution of 5 high-ranking officials. He also abolished the Zhida paper notes and coins issued by the court of Khayishan; and restored the Zhongtong and Zhiyuan notes as the only official currency. The bureaucracy was trimmed to the 1293 level and new high offices were reduced to the original status they had had in Kublai's reign. The various public building projects of Khayisan were halted. He made Li Meng and Zhang Kui grand councillors in addition to appointing others including Mongols and Semuren (a caste of assorted peoples from Central Asia and the west). The Office of Market Taxes, which was set up to supervise merchants, was abolished with the attempt at abolition by the Semuren.

The most prominent reform he made was the reintroduction of the imperial examination system for public officials similar to the one in previous dynasties of China. The imperial examination system, though had repeated been debated during Kublai's reign, had not put into effect until this time. It was now based entirely on Neo-Confucianism, which was thus established as the state philosophy of China for many centuries ever since. A race-based quotas were set for these examinations, allowing a certain number of both Mongol and Han Chinese to enter the government as civil officials. For example, starting in 1313 examinations were introduced for prospective officials – testing their knowledge on significant historical works – in 1315 300 appointments went to the court, with an extra quarter of the positions being given to non-Han Chinese people.

Codification of the law was another area in which Ayurbarwada's efforts to reform the Yuan Dynasty produced the desired results. In the same month that he was enthroned in 1311, he instructed the Zhongshu Sheng to systematize the codes and regulations promulgated since the beginning of Kublai's reign. This compilation and editing was completed in 1316, though the process of reviewing the collection was not completely until 1323, under his son and successor Shidibala, who formally promulgated it under the title Da Yuan Tong Zhi (Chinese: 大元通制, "the comprehensive institutions of the Great Yuan"). In some ways the new code also reflected certain Mongolian customs and the institutional features peculiar to the Mongol dynasty in the history of China.

He believed that the Mongol elites and the Semuren had to learn from Confucian political philosophy and Chinese historical experience in order to govern China. During the reign of Ayurbarwada, a number of Chinese books and works were translated or published with Ayurbarwada's authorization. This can also reveal his fondness for Chinese culture and his and his officials' (especially the Mongols and Central Asians) desire to benefit from Confucian political wisdom and Chinese historical experience. Examples of these translated or published books and works include the Confucian classic Shang Shu (Chinese: 尚書, "Book of history"), Daxue Yanyi (Chinese: 大學衍義, "Extended meaning of the Great Learning"), Zhenguan Zhengyao (貞觀政要, "Essentials of the government of the Zhenguan period"), and the Xiao Jing (孝經, "Books of filial piety").

In the winter of 1311 Ayurbarwada ordered the abolition of the jarghuchi (judge) of the princely establishments that was created by Ögedei Khan (r. 1229–1241) and placed all Mongolian violators under the jurisdiction of chienbu while attempting to restrict separate appanage judges. He restricted the position jarghuchi to judicial affairs and organized them under the Court of the Imperial Clan.

Early in his reign Ayurbarwada encouraged agriculture to increase the state revenue. His senior councillor, Temuder, took drastic measures which included collecting salt and iron monopoly taxes and the state monopoly over foreign trade under the Maritime Trade Supervisorate. Despite commercial ties with Europe increased, Ayurbarwada's administration, led by Temuder, unsuccessfully attempted a new cadastral survey called Yanyou Jingli (延祐經理) which involves a comprehensive land survey in 1314. If it had been implemented properly, this survey would have greatly increased the state revenue and helped a more effective tax structure. Ineffective implementation of the survey by corrupt officials caused widespread hardship and resentment. As a result, a serious revolt broke out in Jiangxi in the fall of 1315. Although the revolt was suppressed within two months, it forced the government to abandon the survey program completely to relieve the situation.

Ayurbarwada also granted diploma (yarliq) to exempt the Franciscans from any taxation in 1314. The friars were still expected to pray for the Emperor's life and give their blessing on ceremonial occasions.

Temuder chipped away at the autonomy of the princely appanages and executed Confucian opponents. Since Temuder was viewed by Confucians as an "evil minister", opponents of fiscal centralization charged Temuder with corruption; and Buyantu Khan had to dismiss him in 1317. Unwilling to oppose his mother Dagi (Targi), Ayurbarwada could not eliminate Temuder.

Internationally, Ayurbarwada continued his ancestors' imperialistic policies. He reminded the vassal states of his accession, and told them to remember and send their tribute at the proper time, and assured them that he would make punitive actions if they failed. Among the tributary princes to whom he notified his advent to the throne are named those of Champa, Annam, an island near Japan, Malabar, and kingdoms on the borders of Yunnan.

The reign of Ayurbarwada also saw the Esen Buqa–Ayurbarwada war between the Chagatai Khanate under Esen Buqa I and the Ayurbarwada's Yuan dynasty and its ally the Ilkhanate under Öljaitü. The war ended with the victory for the Yuan and the Ilkhanate, but the peace only came after the death of Esen Buqa in 1318.

Aftermath

Ayurbarwada died on March 1, 1320. After Khayishan died, Ayurbarwada reneged his promise later in his reign by making his own son Shidibala the new Crown Prince in 1316. Therefore, his son succeeded him instead of one of Khayisan's sons.

His death created two decades of political turmoil. The Khunggirat faction under Temuder and Dagi became even more powerful at the court. After the assassination of Shidibala in 1323, none of his descendants ruled the Empire.

Family

He had three consorts, only two gave him sons:

• Radnashiri Khatun (d. 1322) — from Khongirad tribe

• * Shidibala, later Gegeen Khan

• Dharmashiri Khatun - Korean from Kim clan

• * Udus Buqa, King of An (安王) from 1315 and Prince of Shunyang (順阳王) from 1320

• Bayan Qutugh Khatun (c=伯顔忽篤皇后) - Korean from Wang clan

He also had a daughter named Princess Kökelün who married to Duoluben Küregen - one of the descendants of Dai Setsen, Khongirad tribal leader and father of Börte.

Ancestors

傾心儒學

至大四年正月初八日（1311年1月27日），元武宗病逝。至大四年三月十八日（1311年4月7日），元仁宗在大都大明殿即位。

仁宗自幼熟讀儒籍，傾心釋典。他從十幾歲起就師從著名儒士李孟，儒家的倫理和政治觀念對他有很強的影響。 他在登基稱帝之前，先後在身邊任用的有王約、趙孟頫、張養浩等漢儒和很多藝術家以及翻譯家和散曲作家。

仁宗不僅能夠讀、寫漢文，還能鑑賞中國書法與繪畫，此外他還非常熟悉儒家學說和中國曆史。

仁宗下詔下令將《貞觀政要》、《帝範》、《資治通鑒》和儒家經典《尚書》、《大學衍義》等書翻譯成蒙古文並刊行天下，令蒙古人、色目人誦習。

仁宗支持下刊行天下的漢文著作包括：儒家經典《孝經》、《烈女傳》、《春秋纂例》、《辨疑》、《微旨》以及元朝官修農書《農桑輯要》。

恢復科舉

1234年，蒙古帝國滅金朝、控制中原地區後需大量人才治理國家，根據中書令耶律楚材的建議，1237年秋八月，元太宗窩闊台下詔開科取士。諸路考試，均于1238年（戊戌年）舉行，史稱「戊戌選試」。這次考試共錄取東平楊奐等4030人，皆為一時名士，朝廷得到了需要的各方面的人才。但後來「當世或以為非便，事複中止」。

後來的定宗（貴由）、憲宗（蒙哥）、世祖、成宗、武宗等朝，朝廷多次討論恢復科舉，但因為多種原因，一直沒能實現。

皇慶改元（1312年）仁宗將其儒師王約特拜集賢大學士，並將王約「興科舉」的建議「著為令甲」（《元史》列傳第六十五王約）。皇慶二年（1313年）農曆十月，仁宗要求中書省議行科舉。中書省官員建議只設德行明經一科取士，仁宗同意。

皇慶二年農曆十一月十八日（1313年12月6日），元仁宗下詔恢復科舉，以朱熹集注的《四書》，即《四書章句集注》為所有科舉考試者的指定用書，並以朱熹和其他宋儒注釋的《五經》為漢人科舉考試者增試科目的指定用書。指望中舉的讀書人必須熟讀，不得另外解釋。明清兩朝沿用該做法。

這一變化最終確定了程朱理學在今後600年裡的國家正統學說地位，因為後來的明清兩朝的科舉取士基本沿襲元朝的科舉制度及其實施辦法，並在其基礎上進一步加以發展、充實和完善。

元仁宗1313年下詔恢復科舉距離元太宗窩闊台1238年的「戊戌選試」已經有75年，天下讀書的士人至此再次獲得以科舉方式晉身做官的途徑，方便了不同社會階層之間的流動，緩和了社會矛盾。

中書省對于鄉試、會試（「會試」之名亦始見于金朝）、殿試的舉行時間，每次考試的錄取人數、考試內容、考官來源、各行省的鄉試錄取名額分配、考試過程中的考場紀律等都做了詳細的規定。

鄉試，每三年一次，都是在八月二十日舉行，全國共在17個省級區域設17處鄉試科場，按照不同的地方的人口和民族進行名額分配，從赴試者中選300名合格者次年二月到大都參加會試。值得注意的是，高麗王朝所在的征東行省也有鄉試科場，並在300名鄉試中選者中有3人的名額。

延祐元年（1314年）農曆八月二十日，全國舉行鄉試，一共錄取三百人。

延祐二年（1315年）農曆二月初一日，三百名鄉試合格者在大都舉行會試第一場，初三日第二場，初五日第三場，取中選者一百人。

延祐二年（1315年）農曆三月七日，一百名會試中選者在大都皇宮舉行殿試（廷試），最終錄取護都答兒、張起岩等五十六人為進士。

1238年的「戊戌選試」之後，科舉考試中斷了75年，元仁宗延祐年間恢復科舉取士，史稱「延祐復科」。

從元仁宗1315年開科取士到1368年元惠宗逃離大都、元朝滅亡為止，科舉每三年一次，元朝一共舉行了16次科舉考試，考中進士的共計1139人（中間因為因為元惠宗時期丞相伯顏擅權，執意廢科舉，1336年科舉和1339年科舉停辦。）國子學積分及格生員參加廷試錄取正副榜284人，總計為1423人。

延祐經理

延祐元年（1314年），元仁宗下詔在江浙、江西、河南等三行省地進行田產登記，清查田畝，以增加國家稅收，但是當1314年農曆十月經理正式實行時，由于官吏的上下其手導致的執行不力，很多富民通過賄賂官吏隱瞞田產，很多貧苦農民和有田富民則被官吏亂加畝數，廣大農民深受其害，最終導致1315年江西贛州蔡五九起義，雖然兩個月中就被平定，但是元仁宗迫于形勢，不得不停止經理，並減免所查出的漏隱田畝租稅。「延祐經理」以失敗告終。

風憲宏綱

元仁宗即位後，「以格例條畫有關于風紀者，類集成書，」編修成一部專門的監察法規《風憲宏綱》。 並命監察御史馬祖常作《風憲宏綱序》。

元惠宗至元二年(1336年)，在增訂《風憲宏綱》的基礎上，將有關御史台典章制度匯編為《憲台通紀》。

大元通制

至大四年（1311年）三月元仁宗即位不久，允中書所奏，「擇耆舊之賢、明練之士，時則若中書右丞伯杭、平章政事商議中書劉正等，由開創以來政製法程可著為令者，類集折衷，以示所司，」分為制詔、條格、斷例三部分：此外將介于《條格》、《斷例》之間的內容編成成別類。

延祐三年（1316年）五月，書成。書成之後，又命「樞密、御史、翰林、國史、集賢之臣相與正是，凡經八年而是事未克果。」

至治三年二月十九日（1323年3月26日），元英宗最終審定，命名《大元通制》，頒行天下。全書共88卷，2539條。

《大元通制》是繼《至元新格》之後元朝的第二部法典，現在只有條格的一部分(22卷，653條)流傳下來，稱為《通制條格》。

內外政績

在位期間，減裁冗員，整頓朝政，推行「以儒治國」政策。

又出兵西北，擊敗察合台後王也先不花。

打破叔侄相傳

元朝歷代皇帝中，仁宗是對元朝較有貢獻和有一番作為的其中一位（其他幾位較有作為的分別是元世祖、元成宗、元英宗和元文宗）。

仁宗後將武宗之長子和世㻋徙居雲南，立自己兒子碩德八剌為皇太子，打破叔侄相傳的誓約。這個做法導致後來元朝長達二十年的政治混亂及宮廷鬥爭。

去世

延祐七年正月二十一日（1320年3月1日），元仁宗在大都光天宮駕崩，享年三十六歲（虛齡），其英年早逝可能和好酒傷身有關。

尊謚廟號

延祐七年八月初十日（1320年9月12日），元英宗為父親愛育黎拔力八達上諡號聖文欽孝皇帝，廟號仁宗，蒙古語稱號普顏篤皇帝。

《仁宗皇帝謚冊文》，內容如下：

仁宗實錄

延祐七年十一月初九日（1320年12月9日），元英宗敕翰林國史院纂修《仁宗實錄》。

至治三年二月初四日（1323年3月11日），翰林國史院向元英宗進呈《仁宗實錄》。《仁宗實錄》，包括《仁宗皇帝實錄》60卷，《事目》17卷，《制詔錄》13卷，總計90卷。明朝初年史官修《元史》，參照實錄修成《仁宗本紀》3卷，《仁宗實錄》今已失傳，其主幹內容保存在《仁宗本紀》中。

翰林國史院《進實錄表》，內容如下：

家庭

父母兄弟姐妹

父母

• 父親：答剌麻八剌，1286年真金太子去世後元世祖本打算立為皇太子，但因病1292年去世，1307年元武宗追尊為皇帝，為答剌麻八剌上廟號順宗，漢文諡號昭聖衍孝皇帝。

• 母親：答己王妃，1307年元武宗登基後尊為皇太后，1311年元仁宗登基後繼續尊為皇太后，1320年元英宗登基後尊為太皇太后，1322年病逝，1323年元英宗上謚號昭獻元聖皇后。

兄弟

• 大哥：魏王阿木哥，郭妃所生，1307年元武宗即位，封為魏王，賜獸紐金印。1311年元仁宗賜鈔二萬錠，1312年，賜慶元路定海縣六萬五千戶為食邑。不久因為獲罪貶謫到高麗耽羅島，後來貶謫到高麗大青島，後來因涉嫌謀反被貶謫到山西大同。1324年，元泰定帝將阿木哥召回京師，1324年六月去世。長子阿魯，1330年被元文宗封為西靖王，出鎮陝西；次子孛羅帖木兒，1324年襲封魏王，1353年在河南因為疏于防範被紅巾軍所殺。

• 二哥：元武宗海山，生母答己王妃，1307年即位稱帝，1311年去世。

姐妹

• 魯國公主 祥哥剌吉（約1283-1331年），生母答己王妃，下嫁碉阿不拉，1307年元武宗即位，封魯國大長公主，1311年元仁宗即位，進號皇姐大長公主。熱衷書畫收藏，有「皇姊圖書」印，中國曆史上第一位女收藏家。

妻妾兒子女兒

妻妾

• 阿納失失里皇后，弘吉剌氏，1322年元英宗上謚號莊懿慈聖皇后，1327年元泰定帝改謚宣慈惠聖皇后

• 答里麻失里皇后, 金氏, 高麗人

• 伯顏忽篤皇后, 王氏, 高麗人

兒子

• 長子：元英宗碩德八剌，生母是阿納失失里皇后

• 次子：兀都思不花

女兒

• 魯國公主 闊闊倫 下嫁脫羅本

相關史料

• 《大元聖政國朝典章》，簡稱《元典章》，元英宗在位後期（1322年—1323年）官修政書，收錄1234年—1322年元朝各地地方官吏會抄的有關政治、經濟、軍事、法律等方面的聖旨條畫、律令格例以及司法部門所判案例的匯編，分為前集和新集，史實多為《元史》所不載。

• 《大元通制》，1323年元英宗頒布的元朝第二部法律，現存殘本收錄1234年—1316年元朝官方頒布的關于法律方面的聖旨條畫、律令格例以及司法部門所判案例的匯編，史實多為《元史》所不載。

• 《至正條格》，1346年元惠宗頒布的元朝第三部法律，現存殘本收錄1260年—1344年元朝官方頒布的關于法律方面的聖旨條畫、律令格例以及司法部門所判案例的匯編，史實多為《元史》所不載。

• 《元史·仁宗本紀》 ，明朝官修正史

• 《新元史·仁宗本紀》 ，民國官修正史

• 《續資治通鑑》 ，清朝史學家畢沅撰寫。

• 《元史類編》，清朝史學家邵遠平撰寫。

• 《元史新編》，清朝史學家魏源撰寫。

• 《元書》，清朝史學家曾廉撰寫。

• 《蒙兀兒史記》，清末民初史學家屠寄撰寫。

評價

• 明朝官修正史《元史》宋濂等的評價是：「仁宗天性慈孝，聰明恭儉，通達儒術，妙悟釋典，嘗曰：『明心見性，佛教為深；修身治國，儒道為切。』又曰：『儒者可尚，以能維持三綱五常之道也。』平居服御質素，澹然無欲，不事游畋，不喜征伐，不崇貨利。事皇太后，終身不違顏色；待宗戚勛舊，始終以禮。大臣親老，時加恩賚；太官進膳，必分賜貴近。有司奏大闢，每慘惻移時。其孜孜為治，一遵世祖之成憲云。」

• 清朝史學家邵遠平《元史類編》的評價是：「冊曰：立極電掃，稗政悉除；設科輟獵，屏言利徒；澹然無欲，十年罔渝；是惟令主，信史用書。」

• 清朝史學家畢沅《續資治通鑑》的評價是：「帝天性恭儉，通達儒術，兼曉釋典，每曰：『明心見性，佛教為深；修身治國，儒道為大。』在位十年，不事游畋，不喜征伐，尊賢重士，待宗戚勛舊，始終有禮。有司奏大闢，每慘惻移時。其孜孜為治，一遵世祖成憲雲。」

• 清朝史學家魏源《元史新編》的評價是：「武仁授受之際，無可議者，仁宗初政，首革尚書省敝政，在位九年，仁心仁聞，恭儉慈厚，有漢文帝之風。惟武宗初約，由帝傳位己子和世㻋而後及于英宗。及武宗崩，仁宗立，乃出封和世㻋于雲南，而立子碩德八剌為太子。雖迫于皇太后之命，而已不守初約矣。和世㻋不之雲南而舉兵赴漠北，又不予以總兵和林之任，于是英宗被弒而泰定以晉王入紹大統，武宗舊臣燕帖木兒不服，遂于泰定殂後迎立周王于漠北，迎立懷王于江陵。懷王先立，周王后至，豈肯讓于兄，于是弒之于中途，而國亂者數世。使當初即立周王，何至于此。至鐵木迭兒奸貪不法，已經言官列款彈劾，而猶礙于皇太后，不敢質問，遂貽英宗以奸黨謀逆之禍，不得謂非仁宗貽謀不臧有以致之也。」

• 清朝史學家曾廉《元書》的評價是：「論曰：元代科舉之議久矣，至延祐而後行之，何其難乎？夫元代文學之盛，亦不須科舉也。然儒風以振矣。天下嘖嘖以盛事歸之。仁宗不亦宜乎？」

• 清末民初史學家屠寄《蒙兀兒史記》的評價是：「汗事興聖太后。終身不違顏色，手勘內難，迎奉海山汗，退處東宮，不矜不伐，及海山汗升遐，哀慟不已。居喪再逾月，而後踐阼。其孝友蓋天性也。通達儒術，妙悟釋典，嘗曰：『明心見性，佛教為深；修身治國，儒道為切。』又曰：『儒者可尚，以能維持三綱五常之道也。』居東宮日，即有志興學，以鐵穆耳汗朝建國子監未成，趨台臣奏畢其功。既即位，一再增廣國子生額，行科舉取士之法。又嘗遣使四方，旁求經籍。得秘笈，輒識以小玉印，命近侍掌之。承旨忽都魯都兒迷失、劉賡進宋儒真德秀《大學衍義》，汗覺而善之，謂侍臣曰：『治天下此一書足矣。』命翰林學士阿鄰鐵木兒並《貞觀政要》皆譯以國語，與圖象《孝經》、《列女傳》同刊印，以賜蒙兀、色目諸臣。平居服御，質素澹然，無欲不事游畋，不喜征伐，不崇貨利，不受虛譽。待宗戚勛舊始終以禮，太官進膳，必分賜貴近；有司奏大闢，每慘惻移時。嘗謂札魯忽赤買閭曰：『札魯忽赤，人命所系，其詳閱獄辭，事無大小，必謀諸同寮，疑不能決，與省台臣集議以聞。』又顧謂侍臣曰：『卿等以朕居帝位為安耶？朕惟太祖創業艱難，世祖混一不易，兢業守成，恆懼不能當天心，繩祖武，使萬方百姓各得其所，朕念慮在茲，卿等固不知也。』其孜孜為治，一遵忽必烈汗成憲。 惟飲酒無度，或其短祚之由歟。」

• 民國官修正史《新元史》柯劭忞的評價是：「仁宗孝慈恭儉，不邇聲色，不殖貨利。侍宗戚勛舊，始終以禮，大臣親老，時加恩齎。有司奏大闢，輒惻怛移時，晉寧侯甲兄弟五人，俱坐法死，帝憫之，宥一人以養其父母。崇尚儒學，興科舉之法，得士為多，可謂元之令主矣。然受制母后，嬖倖之臣見權用事，雖稔知其惡，猶曲貸之。常問右丞相阿散曰：『卿日行何事。』對曰：『臣等奉行詔旨而已。』帝曰：『祖宗遣訓，朝廷大法，卿輩猶不遵守，況朕之詔旨乎。』其切責宰相如此。有君而無臣，惜哉！」

注釋

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