Canvassing the Six States

This period of canvassing is one of the most debated issues in Chinese History. Modern day verification of Su Qin's biography in the Records of the Grand Historian and the Strategems of the Warring States suggests that the content relating to Su Qin in the former work was actually forged by later authors.

A wasted visit to the Qin State

When Su Qin arrived in Qin, the state's ruler Duke Xiao of Qin had just died. His successor King Huiwen of Qin, destested the political reformer Shang Yang of whom the former Duke had been an avid supporter and promptly had him executed. King Huiwen also hated talented foreigners such that Su Qin made no headway.

Negotiations with the Yan State

Su Qin told Marquis Wen, the ruler of the Yan State that the threat posed by the Zhao State was greater than that from the Qin State and that he should form an alliance with the State of Qi. As a result, Su Qin came to be highly regarded in the Yan State.

Negotiations with the Zhao State

Su Qin informed the Marquis of Zhao that his territory lay in a crucial position, slightly offset from the other warring states but ultimately disadvantageous. He suggested that because of this, in an alliance with the other powers, the Zhao State would effectively hold the balance of power. Much impressed by the idea, the Zhao ruler rewarded Su Qin financially and invited him to venture forth and discuss an alliance with the other states.

Negotiations with the Han State

Su Qin angered King Xuan of Han and made him focus on the Vertical Alliance.

Negotiations with the Wei State

Encouraging the selfishness of the Wei officials, Su Qin persuaded King Xiang of Wei to concentrate on the Vertical Alliance.

Negotiations with the Qi State

Su Qin made it clear that it was impossible for the Qin State to cross Zhao and Wei and attack Qi. As a result, to the great shame of Su Qin, the Qi State pledged allegiance to the Qin.

Negotiations with the Chu State

Su Qin told King Wei of the Chu that the other six warring states had already formed an alliance. King Wei refused to join and was inevitably attacked by the State of Qin.

At the end of this period of canvassing, Su Qin became chief administrator of the Vertical Alliance and wore the insignia of the six member nations. After he became famous, he returned to his hometown in a blaze of glory. His parents welcomed him thirty li from home, his sister-in-law crawled like a snake whilst the surprise showed on his wife but she dared not look at him, her former stubbornness having become respect. Once more Su Qin lamented "the parents are poor but not the son". Although already an official of the six nation alliance, Marquis Su of Zhao appointed Su Qin ruler of Wu'an in modern-day Henan Province. According to the records of the Vertical Alliance, the Qin State went into decline and would not dare cross the strategic Hangu Pass for a further fifteen years.

Defeat of the Vertical Alliance and the death of Su Qin

The six nation Vertical Alliance started out with each member state pursuing their own interests and as a result the foundations were shallow. A punitive expedition mounted by the State of Qin against the states of Qi, Wei and Zhao brought the end of the Vertical Alliance; Su Qin left the Zhao State and the alliance disintegrated.

The Qi State took advantage of the Yan State and installed a new monarch, King Yi, as well occupying ten cities which the King of Wei asked Su Qin to get back. Su Qin petitioned the King of Qi thus: "The King of Yan is a kinsman of the Qi State and you have snatched his territory. This is bound to draw the elite troops of the Qin State so you must return these cities!"

After the Marquis Wen of Yan died, King Yi ascended the throne. Su Qin had an affair with the late Marquis』 widow and when King Yi learned about the affair, Su Qin, fearing that he might be punished, subsequently left the Yan State and went to Qi where he obtained an important position from King Xuan. When Xuan died, King Min ascended the throne and Su Qin vied with the ministers of state for the monarch』s favor. The ministers tried to assassinate Su Qin and he was seriously injured; the Qi king tried to arrest the culprits but failed to do so. On his deathbed Su Qin gave the King a plan to arrest the assassins: after his death, Su Qin was posthumously accused of treason and his body was torn limb from limb in the town square. This prompted the Su Qin』s would-be assassins to reveal themselves, and they were subsequently executed. Afterwards, Su Qin』s spies leaked information to the Qi State provoking the further hatred and anger of the Yan State.

Contemporary verification of Su Qins real identity

In 1973, at the Mawangdui in Changsha, a number of silk manuscripts were unearthed. Once they were collated these were dubbed the "Records of the Vertical and Horizontal Alliance Schools of Thought」 during the Warring States period". The documents consist of a total of twenty-seven chapters divided into three parts. The first, consisting of fourteen chapters, contains Su Qin's correspondence and conversations and provides information from which the historical truth regarding the "Strategies of the Warring States」 may be discerned and errors in Su Qin』s biography in the "Records of the Grand Historian" identified.

According to this written evidence, Su Qin』s era followed that of Zhang Yi, during the reign of King Zhao of Yan. In conjunction with Gong Sun Yan, Su Qin continued Zhang Yi's mutual confrontation with the Horizontal Alliance of Xi Shou. Su Qin had four older brothers: Su Dai, Su Li, Su Bi and Su Hu. Under his teacher Yu Qi, Su Qin studied all aspects of the operations of the Vertical Alliance and the Horizontal Alliance. He also pored over the books in Yu Qi』s collection and found one titled "Minister Yin Fu』s Plan", which Su Qin studied hard for many years, and accepted that its methods would be enough to gain the support of the reigning monarch.

After King Zhao of Yan (312–279 BC) ascended to the throne, the state suffered upheaval and bloodshed so the king, planning to strengthen his state and avenge former humiliation, summoned his sages. Su Qin immediately left Zhou and travelled to the Yan. For King Zhao of Yan, Su Qin carried out his first meritorious service by petitioning King Xuan of Qi to return the ten cities he had previously snatched. The Yan sent a prince as hostage to the Qi with Su Qin acting as envoy. This was in the seventh year of the reign of King Min of Qi, 294 BCE when the government of the Qi was presided over by Lord Mengchang. Su Qin was treated well in Qi and was on friendly terms with Lord Mengchang before his return to Yan.

In 292 BCE, the tripartite forces of Qi, Zhao and Qin were using all their efforts to fight over territory belonging to the State of Song. Su Qin suggested a plan to King Zhao of Yan whilst guaranteeing that he could be "trusted as much as Wei Sheng" and that details of his secret meetings would go with him to the grave.

Thereafter, Su Qin managed to drive a wedge between Qi and Zhao. Qi wiped out Song, which severely weakened Qi such that the Vertical Alliance of the other five states attacked. When Yue Yi defeated Qi, King Min of Qi adjudged Su Qin guilty of dissention and had him torn limb from limb in public. Afterwards Zou Yang said "Su Qin trusted nothing under heaven but he kept his promises to the State of Yan. Sima Qian also commented, "Su Qin undertook a strategy of sowing dissention which led to his execution and all under heaven now mock him".

In 1972, circumstantial evidence unearthed from the number one grave at Yinque Mountain, Linyi Prefecture, Shandong Province provided Han Dynasty bamboo slips inscribed with "The Art of War" by Sun Tzu. The historian Li Ling mentions this in his simplified version "Sun Tzu" in the "Espionage" chapter, viz "When the Zhou flourished, Lu Ya was in Yin" followed by the sentence, "When Yan flourished, Su Qin was in Qi". Li Ling believes that this "Sun Tzu" is not the same as the one handed down to later generations and is clearly the history of the late Warring States period.

Cultural reference

In Kingdom (manga), Li Mu used Su Qin's strategy of alliance against Qin, but Qi declined and the alliance fell apart. Most of the officers were slain, mostly Chu generals.

生平

發跡之前

蘇秦家裡以務農為生。早年到齊國求學，拜鬼谷子為師，與張儀同為鬼谷子徒弟。學成後，前往秦國遊說多年，結果窮困潦倒，狼狽而回。家人都私下譏笑他不治生產而逞口舌之利，捨本逐末。蘇秦甚感慚愧，于是閉門不出，遍觀所藏之書，感嘆道：「從師受教，埋頭攻讀，卻不能換來榮華富貴，讀再多書又有什麼用呢。」于是找到《周書陰符》，伏案鑽研。一年後，揣摩出合縱連橫之術，認為憑此可以遊說當世君王了。

首先蘇秦將目標定在洛陽求見周顯王，但顯王周圍的大臣了解蘇秦的為人而瞧不起他，因此周顯王並不信任他。

于是蘇秦西行至秦國，時秦孝公已死，就遊說秦惠王兼併列國、稱帝而治，但秦惠王認為時機不成熟，且秦國剛處死商鞅而討厭說客，未採納他的建議，結果使得蘇秦潦倒而歸。

蘇秦離開秦國，向東到達趙國，當時趙肅侯任命其弟趙成為宰相封為安平君，而安平君不喜歡蘇秦。

遊說六國過程

此段遊說，堪稱中國曆史上最為巧辯之言論。見載于及《戰國策》等。

得志燕國

燕文侯二十八年（前334年），蘇秦到燕國，等待了一年多才見到燕文侯。蘇秦遊說燕文侯，先從地理位置上分析了燕國與趙國的相依之勢，接著批評燕國的戰略錯誤：擔憂千里之外的秦國，卻不擔心百里之內的趙國；燕國受到趙國的威脅要大于秦國，所以要聯合趙國來保全燕國。最後建議燕文侯合縱趙國，結為一體。

燕文侯認為蘇秦之議很有道理，允諾蘇秦「如果能以合縱之計維持燕國安定，願舉國相報」。于是資助蘇秦車馬金帛，前去遊說趙國。

出使趙國

蘇秦第二次來到趙國，奉陽君趙成已死，便遊說趙肅侯，提出六國聯合起來抵抗秦國的主張。

蘇秦詳細分析了趙國和其他諸侯國的關係，指出趙對韓魏的戰略相依關係，進而說明了自己的合縱主張：韓、魏、齊、楚、燕、趙六國聯合起來，共同對抗秦國，並建議趙國組建六國聯盟併力抗秦，如此一來，六國一體，秦國一定不敢從函谷關出兵侵犯，趙國的霸主事業也就成功了。

趙肅侯採納了蘇秦的「合縱」主張，資助他去遊說各諸侯國加盟，以訂立合縱盟約。

合縱六國

智激張儀

蘇秦在趙國時，秦惠王派犀首攻打魏國，生擒了魏將龍賈，攻克了魏國的雕陰，並打算揮師向東挺進。蘇秦擔心秦國的部隊打到趙國，盟約還沒結締就遭到破壞，于是決定智激同窗張儀入秦，維護萌芽期的聯盟。

蘇秦派人去悄悄勸說張儀來投奔他，張儀到來後，蘇秦卻故意不理不睬，並當眾羞辱後打發他離開，張儀又羞又氣，想到各國諸侯中只有秦國才能威脅趙國，于是便前往秦國。

蘇秦暗中派人資助張儀到達秦國，並且幫助他見到秦惠王。秦惠文君十年（前328年），秦惠王任命張儀為宰相，與他共商攻打各國諸侯的大計。這時幫助張儀的人才說出是蘇秦故意激怒他，為的是張儀今後有更好的發展，張儀知道後感嘆自己沒有蘇秦高明，並許諾在蘇秦當權時不攻打趙國。

說韓

蘇秦到韓國遊說韓宣王，激怒之使其專心合縱。

蘇秦先分析韓國的優勢：地勢堅固，軍隊幾十萬，且善于冶煉兵器；再陳述臣服秦國的弊端：侍奉秦國，秦必然要求割讓宜陽、成皋，一旦同意，秦國就會變本加厲，土地有限，秦國的欲望無限，離滅亡之日就不遠了；最後蘇秦說：「大王如此英明，軍隊又如此強悍，卻甘居秦國之後，我真替大王感到羞恥！」

韓宣王聽完臉色大變，手按寶劍，仰天嘆息道：我雖然沒什麼才能，但也決不能侍奉秦國。既然趙王已經有了主意，我願意舉國聽從您的安排。」

說魏

蘇秦以人臣自私來勸說魏襄王專心合縱。

蘇秦先分析魏國的地理情況，指出：魏國地方雖小，但田舍密集，人口眾多，車馬奔馳，國勢與楚國不相上下；如今侍奉秦國，每年納貢，一旦秦國征伐魏國，沒人願意出兵相救。接著蘇秦以越王勾踐和武王伐紂的以少勝多為例，提醒魏王：魏國兵強馬壯，不用懼怕秦國；如果割地侍秦，未及作戰，國家已經先虧損了，主張侍奉秦國的都是奸佞之臣，要謹慎決策。最後援引《周書》，勸誡道：事前不考慮成熟，後必有大患，如果大王能聽從我的建議，六國同心協力，就無強秦危害之患了，所以趙王派我呈上合縱條約，等候您的差遣。魏王說：「我從沒聽過如此賢明的指教，願舉國相從。」

說齊

蘇秦曉之以秦國不可能越過趙魏來攻打齊國，而齊國居然臣服于秦國，很令人蒙羞的。

于是蘇秦向東行進，來到齊國遊說齊宣王。蘇秦先分析齊國國勢，指出：「齊國四面天險，兵精糧足，自有戰役以來，從未徵調過泰山以南的軍隊，也不曾渡過清河，涉過渤海去徵調這二部的士兵。都邑臨淄富有而殷實，人口眾多，居民就有七萬戶，足夠湊齊二十一萬大軍，沒有哪個國家能比齊國強大。」

接著指出齊國的戰略失誤：「韓、魏之畏懼秦國，是因為和秦國接壤，雙方如若交戰，十日內即可分出勝負，勝，則兵力損失嚴重，四境無法保護；不勝，則國家將要滅亡，所以韓、魏才如此看重和秦國的交戰，且很容易向秦國臣服。但是齊國和秦國的情況就不同了，齊國險要、易守難攻，且秦國孤軍遠征，顧慮重重，明顯不能對齊國構成威脅。如此形勢下，卻想侍奉秦國，是大臣們的戰略過失。如今齊國沒有臣服秦國之名，卻有國富民強之實，所以我希望大王稍微留心考慮一下，以便決定對策。」

齊宣王說：「我不聰明，且居住在偏僻靠海的東境，從未聽過您高明的教誨。如今您奉趙王之命來指教我，我願舉國聽從您的安排。」

說楚

蘇秦對楚威王說，六國中其他各國已經聯合，楚國不參與，則必然為秦國所攻。

蘇秦說服齊國後，向西南行進，到達楚國，遊說楚威王。蘇秦先分析楚國，進言說：「楚國地方五千餘里，軍隊有百萬之眾，戰車千輛，戰馬萬匹，存糧足夠支用十年，這些都是稱霸的資本；如果您也侍奉秦國，那沒有哪個諸侯不臣服秦國了。」接著分析天下形勢，說：「秦國最大的憂患就是楚國，楚強則秦弱，秦強則楚弱，秦楚不能並存。合縱成功，楚國就能稱王；連橫成功，秦國就會稱帝。所以最好的策略是合縱以孤立秦國，否則秦國兵分兩路，都邑鄢郢就有危險。」

最後蘇秦又提醒楚王：「秦是虎狼之國，有吞併天下的野心，是天下諸侯公敵。主張連橫之人都想割地給秦，這是敬奉仇敵，對外依仗強秦，對內挾持君主，罪惡深重。合縱成功，各諸侯會割地事楚；連橫成功，楚就要割地奉秦。二者天上地下，希望您能好好考慮。」

楚王說：「秦楚接壤，秦有吞併之意，不可親和。韓、魏經常遭受秦國威脅，不可與之深入謀劃，怕有叛逆之人告密，危及國家安全。我自料以楚抗秦，又未必能勝。與群臣謀劃，皆不可信，因而輾轉反側，無法安睡。如今您打算統一天下，團結諸侯，保護危國，我願舉國服從。」

成功合縱

蘇秦遊說完各個諸侯後，六國達成合縱聯盟，團結一致。蘇秦被任命為縱約長（合縱聯盟的聯盟長），並且擔任了六國的宰相，同時佩戴六國相印。

六國聯盟15年

蘇秦合縱六國後返回趙國，被趙肅侯封為武安君，蘇秦把合縱盟約送交秦國，給秦國下了《縱約書》，從此秦國不敢窺伺函谷關以外的國家，長達十五年。

合縱成功後，蘇秦自楚北上，向趙王複命，途經洛陽。車馬行李、各諸侯送行的使者頗多，氣派比得上帝王。周顯王聽到這個消息感到害怕，便為他清掃道路，並派人到郊外犒勞。蘇秦的家人也匍匐在地，不敢仰視。蘇秦感慨萬千，說：「同樣的一個人，富貴了，親戚敬畏；貧賤時，連親戚都輕視，更不必說一般人了。假使我當初在洛陽有二頃良田，現在又怎能佩帶六國相印呢！」于是散發千金，賞賜給親戚和朋友。

蘇秦到燕國去時，曾向人借錢一百做路費，如今富貴就償還了百金。蘇秦的隨從人員中只有一個人沒得到報償，就上前詢問，蘇秦說：「我不是忘記了你，當初你隨我去燕國，在易水邊你再三打算離開，那時正當我正處困境，所以最後賞賜你」。

後來，秦國派使臣犀首欺騙齊國和魏國，和他們聯合攻打趙國，打算破壞合縱聯盟。齊、魏攻打趙國，趙王就責備蘇秦。蘇秦請求出使燕國，發誓一定報複齊國。蘇秦離開趙國以後，合縱盟約便瓦解了。

身亡

六國合縱，本來就是從各自的利益出發，所以根基不深。前332年，秦國派公孫衍出使齊國、魏國，一起征伐趙國，以此來破壞六國合縱，被趙王責備的蘇秦遂自請前往燕國說服後者攻齊，合縱瓦解了。

燕文侯死，易王立，齊宣王乘燕國新立易王，在前332年占領了十座城池，燕王讓蘇秦討還。蘇秦遊說齊王說「燕王是秦國女婿，奪取燕國領土不怕引來秦國精兵嗎？」於是齊王歸還了燕國這些城池。

蘇秦與文侯夫人有染，被易王發現，蘇秦畏懼被誅，遂向易王自請到齊國去做反間，在齊國受到齊宣王重用。其後宣王死，湣王立，蘇秦慫恿湣王大興土木以耗損國力。後來與蘇秦爭齊王寵信的大夫刺殺蘇秦，蘇秦傷重。齊王捉拿賊人，但不得。蘇秦將死時，要求齊王以蘇秦作亂為名，在他死後車裂其屍體於市中，使賊人現身圍觀。齊王用其計，果然捕殺了賊人。

但後來蘇秦在齊國為燕國做間諜的事被洩露，齊國與燕國之間的嫌隙也越來越大。所以近代亦有說法採信雀山竹簡觀點，蘇秦入齊實為滅齊，替燕國復仇與爭取國際空間，誘導齊國犯下連串錯誤。

按《史記》記載，接著蘇秦的弟弟蘇代和蘇厲為燕昭王做反間，慫恿齊湣王攻滅宋國，導致諸國聯合反齊，燕將樂毅遂能大破齊國。

個人著作

《漢書·藝文志》縱橫家有《蘇子》31篇，早佚。帛書《戰國縱橫家書》存有其遊說辭及書信十六篇，其中十一篇不見于現存傳世古籍。

正史記載

• 《史記·蘇秦列傳》

• 《資治通鑑》（卷1~卷3）

• 《戰國策》

• 《戰國縱橫家書》

歷史評價

• 荀子：內不足使一民，外不足使距難，百姓不親，諸侯不信；然而巧敏佞說，善取寵乎上，是態臣者也……故齊之蘇秦，楚之州侯，秦之張儀，可謂態臣者也。

• 司馬遷：蘇秦兄弟三人，皆遊說諸侯以顯名，其術長于權變，而蘇秦被反間以死，天下共笑之，諱學其術。然世言蘇秦多異，異時事有類之者皆附之蘇秦。夫蘇秦起閭閻，連六國從親，此其智有過人者。

• 鄒陽：①是以蘇秦不信于天下，為燕尾生；白圭戰亡六城，為魏取中山。何則？誠有以相知也。②蘇秦相燕，人惡之燕王，燕王按劍而怒，食以駃騠；白圭顯于中山，人惡之于魏文侯，文侯賜以夜光之璧。何則？兩主二臣，剖心析肝相信，豈移于浮辭哉？

• 劉向：蘇秦為縱，張儀為橫，橫則秦帝，縱則楚王，所在國重，所去國輕。

• 桑弘羊：蘇秦、張儀，智足以強國，勇足以威敵，一怒而諸侯懼，安居而天下息。萬乘之主，莫不屈體卑辭，重幣請交，此所謂天下名士也。

• 揚子《法言》：或問：「儀、秦學乎鬼谷術而習乎縱橫言，安中國者各十餘年，是夫？」曰：「詐人也。聖人惡諸。」曰：「孔子讀而儀、秦行，何如也？」曰：「甚矣鳳鳴而鷙翰也！」「然則子貢不為歟？」曰：「亂而不解，子貢恥諸。說而不富貴，儀、秦恥諸。」或曰：「儀、秦其才矣乎，跡不蹈已？」曰：「昔在任人，帝而難之，不以才矣。才乎才，非吾徒之才也。」

• 曹操：夫有行之士未必能進取，進取之士未必能有行也。陳平豈篤行，蘇秦豈守信邪？而陳平定漢業，蘇秦濟弱燕。由此言之，士有偏短，庸可廢乎！有司明思此義，則士無遺滯，官無廢業矣。

• 諸葛亮：蘇、張長于馳辭，不可以結盟誓。

• 唐彥謙：貪名笑吳起，說國嘆蘇秦。

• 賈島：沙埋古篆拆碑文，六國興亡事系君；今日淒涼無說處，亂山秋盡有寒雲。

• 呂蒙正：蘇秦未遇，歸家時，父母憎，兄弟惡，嫂不下璣，妻不願炊，然衣錦歸故里，馬壯人強，螢光彩布，兄弟含笑出戶迎，妻嫂下階傾己顧，蘇秦本是舊蘇秦，昔日何陳今何親。自家骨肉尚如此，何況區區陌路人，抑猶未也。

• 蘇軾：孟子曰：「我善養吾浩然之氣。」是氣也，寓于尋常之中，而塞乎天地之間。卒然遇之，則王公失其貴，晉、楚失其富，良、平失其智，賁、育失其勇，儀、秦失其辯。

• 曾鞏：戰國之游士則不然。不知道之可信，而樂于說之易合。其設心，注意，偷為一切之計而已。故論詐之便而諱其敗，言戰之善而蔽其患。其相率而為之者，莫不有利焉，而不勝其害也；有得焉，而不勝其失也。卒至蘇秦、商鞅、孫臏、吳起、李斯之徒，以亡其身；而諸侯及秦用之者，亦滅其國。其為世之大禍明矣；而俗猶莫之寤也。

• 司馬光：儀與蘇秦皆以縱橫之術游諸侯，致位富貴，天下爭慕效之……而儀、秦、衍最著。

• 王安石：已分將身死勢權，惡名磨滅幾何年。想君魂魄千秋後，卻悔初無二頃田。

• 邵雍：廉頗白起善用兵，蘇秦張儀善縱橫。

• 劉克莊：常產常心論，平生不謂然。晚知蘇季子，佩印為無田。

• 徐鈞：本圖富貴快心期，謾借從親說便宜。五國攻秦齊不至，客卿正是在齊時。

蘇秦生平之異說

近代有學者認為蘇秦活躍於張儀死後，《史記》關於蘇秦用計讓張儀入秦的記載有誤，與張儀的連橫同時對峙的應為公孫衍的合縱。另外，蘇家五兄弟——蘇代、蘇厲、蘇闢、蘇鵠、與蘇秦之中，蘇秦的年紀其實最小。

1973年在長沙馬王堆漢墓出土帛書，經過整理後，定名為《戰國縱橫家書》，共27章，全書分三部分，第一部分十四章，是蘇秦的書信和談話，其中8篇和《史記》、10篇和《戰國策》有共通之處。據考證，蘇秦死於公元前284年，張儀死於公元前310年。根據出土文獻的考據結果，蘇秦的生平可能是這樣的：他少年從師於齊，伏案苦讀《太公陰符之謀》。燕昭王（前312年—前279年）即位後，以前國遭喪亂，為了圖強雪恥，大力招攬賢者。蘇秦在這時自周前往燕國。他為燕昭王建立的第一件功勞，是游說齊宣王歸還了因燕喪所奪取的十城。燕國送質子到齊國，蘇秦為使，此時為齊湣王七年（前294年），齊國國政由孟嘗君主持。蘇秦在齊，頗受善待，與孟嘗君友好，後返回燕國。前292年，齊、趙、秦三國鼎立，竭力爭奪宋國土地時，蘇秦向燕昭王獻策，企圖藉助秦、趙之力攻破齊國，由他作為燕的特使派到齊國，以助齊攻宋為名，做間諜工作而達到破齊的目的。蘇秦向燕昭王保證自己「信如尾生」，保證自己按密約行事，守信到死。後來蘇秦成功離間齊、趙關係，齊滅宋而國力大損，以至引起五國合縱伐齊。當樂毅破齊之時，蘇秦遭齊湣王判以反間之罪而車裂於市。

關於蘇秦的生平，近代有一部份觀點主張的這些事與《史記》和《資治通鑑》相異：一、蘇秦沒有用計讓張儀入秦；二、蘇秦是為燕昭王、而非燕易王向齊國討回十座城池；三、《史記》中蘇代和蘇厲的功績其實蘇秦之所為。資治通鑒取材于史記，史記于漢武帝時成書而縱橫家書竹書紀年為先秦史籍應以先秦史籍為準，蘇代蘇厲應為蘇秦別名。

然而，《戰國縱橫家書》記載不像《史記》那樣完整系統而有條理，前因後果及相關內容不清，時序難分，且一概都沒有署名，也使得此書帛準確性被質疑；另一方面，史記通過「諸侯史記」、朝廷所藏文獻和旅行各地取材的資料編寫，《六國年表》以《秦記》為基礎作成的，將近代挖掘出的將睡虎地秦簡《編年記》所載戰役和《秦本紀》、《六國年表》相比對，因為基本一致，證實有其根據性。

《史記·蘇秦列傳》：蘇秦兄弟三人，皆遊說諸侯以顯名，其術長于權變。而蘇秦被反間以死，天下共笑之，諱學其術。然世言蘇秦多異，異時事有類之者皆附之蘇秦。夫蘇秦起閭閻，連六國從親，此其智有過人者。吾固列其行事，次其時序，毋令獨蒙惡聲焉。

軼事典故

懸梁刺股

蘇秦從鬼谷子學成之後，出遊數載，一無所成，「妻不下織，嫂不為炊，父母不與言。」蘇秦感歎說：「妻不以我為夫，嫂不以我為叔，父母不以我為子，是皆秦之罪也！」乃閉室不出，出其書遍觀之。蘇秦苦讀太公《陰符》之時，每逢睏乏欲睡，便用錐自刺其股指大腿流血。這是成語「懸梁刺股」中之「刺股」的由來。而懸樑者為孫敬，東漢班固《漢書》：「孫敬，字文寶，好學，晨夕不休。及至眠睡疲寢，以繩系頭，懸屋樑。」

前倨後恭

經過這樣的一番遊說，蘇秦成為縱約長，披六國相印。成名後，衣錦還鄉，父母郊迎三十里，嫂蛇行匍伏，妻側目不敢看他，「前倨而後恭」。此情此景讓他感慨萬千，說道「使我有洛陽二頃田，安能佩六國相印」，又感嘆說「貧窮則父母不子，富貴則親戚畏懼」。這就是成語前倨後恭的源來。

注釋

參考書目

• 楊寬：《蘇秦合縱擯秦考》發表于《益世報》副刊《史苑周刊》

• 壹週刊