生平

早年

李陵出生于一个有著深厚军事传统的家庭。祖父是汉朝名将，有「飞将军」之称的李广，长期驻守边郡参与过对匈奴的大小七十多次战斗，但却因各种原因在论功行赏时与封侯失之交臂，毕生引以为恨。叔父李敢在漠北大战中追随骠骑将军霍去病立下功劳，包括李陵本人在内，他的家族中三代都出过为国领兵的将领，可称得上军人世家。

李陵的父亲李当户是李广的长子，担任著守卫宫廷的郎官，曾因勇武获得过汉武帝的赞誉，不幸英年早逝，李陵是作为遗腹子出生的。与他的父亲一样，因为家族的关系，李陵从少年时期就在宫廷中出任武官，他被选为侍中建章监，管理著建章宫中的卫队骑兵。

由于精通骑射、爱护士卒，加上诚实守信、孝顺母亲，这些美好的品格与素质为他赢得了声誉。汉武帝认为他有其祖父李广的遗风，派他带领八百骑兵越过居延海深入敌境二千馀里察看地形。尽管没有遇到匈奴，李陵的初次出征却使他受到信任，武帝随后将他升为骑都尉，带领从丹阳郡招募来的楚兵五千人屯驻在酒泉、张掖并训练弓箭射术。酒泉郡和张掖郡都是当时新设立的郡，原本是匈奴昆邪王、休屠王的领地。元狩二年（前121年），二王归降汉朝之后成为了无人的荒地，直到元鼎六年（前111年）汉武帝才决定将其纳入汉朝的领土范围，并从内地徵发大量军队和移民前往河西一带。在这里，李陵度过了数年为国家戍边的生涯。

太初二年（前104年），汉武帝派遣贰师将军李广利进攻大宛，这次远征持续了数年之久，加上战线过长补给困难，以至出现补给队伍从大宛一路相连至敦煌的情形。太初四年（前101年）李陵接命，带领五校兵作为李广利之后续部队出征。然行军至边塞时，得知李广利已得胜回军。武帝写信给李陵，让其留下大部队，率五百轻骑出敦煌、至盐水，至塞外接应李广利的部队班师。之后继续留张掖，管理其屯卒。

兵出居延

匈奴在漠北大战后受到重创，率众迁徙到更远的北方以躲避汉朝的追击，此后「漠南无王庭」汉朝将注意力更多地转向对南越和西域诸国的征服上。匈奴仅在太初三年（前102）时趁贰师将军李广利伐大宛，对河西发起过一次侵扰，汉朝派赵破奴追击结果全军覆没，赵破奴本人被俘。天汉元年（前100年），匈奴呴犁湖单于去世，此距漠北大战已去十几年。且鞮侯单于继位后一变一直以来对汉朝的敌对态度，主动抛出橄榄枝向汉朝求和，并归还了先前扣押的汉朝使者。为了回应匈奴的善意，汉朝遣李陵的好友中郎将苏武为使，带礼物和汉朝扣押的匈奴使者出使匈奴，以示和谈的诚意。但因副使擅自与匈奴内部反动分子勾结，制造动乱，事情败露后，整个汉朝使团遭到扣押。

为了使匈奴释放扣押的汉使。天汉二年（前99年）秋，以匈奴干涉汉朝对车师的进攻为导火索，汉武帝下令贰师将军李广利率领三万骑兵自酒泉出征，与援助车师的匈奴右贤王交战于天山。武帝在未央宫武台召见李陵，想安排他为李广利运输辎重。李陵主动请命，表示他在张掖训练的五千名荆楚勇士，各个武艺高强，身强体健，百发百中，希望能率领他们作为一支独立队伍，到阑干山南吸引单于部队，不让他们集中兵力攻击李广利的部队。汉武帝认为李陵是不情愿担任李广利的裨将，推说军队徵发太多，无法给李陵分配骑兵。李陵便向汉武帝保证，不需要骑兵，只需以少敌多，用五千步兵横扫单于王庭。汉武帝很赞赏李陵这样的志气，便准许了他的出兵请求，同时诏令强弩都尉路博德带兵在途中接应李陵军。

路博德曾经做过伏波将军并且立功封侯，后来因为犯法而失去地位，被任命为强弩都尉，论资历与经验都在李陵之上。他也不甘于只是给一个晚辈做后援军，便上奏汉武帝，称当时是秋天，匈奴马肥不宜与之交战，希望能等到春天时再与李陵各领五千酒泉、张掖的骑兵从东西并击西浚稽山，到时一定可以擒获单于。汉武帝看了路博德的上奏后很生气，怀疑李陵是怯战才串通路博德上书，一方面训斥了路博德，另一方面勒令李陵写信交代与路博德之间的对话。同时下诏命令路博德进军钩营，截断入侵西河的匈奴军的退路。又令李陵九月出塞至东浚稽山，刺探匈奴的行踪与虚实，然后撤退返回，派遣传令兵汇报见闻。

于是李陵带著五千步兵出居延千馀里，向北行军三十日，到浚稽山下驻扎。他将沿途所经的山川地形绘成地图，派遣麾下部将陈步乐送回长安。陈步乐见到汉武帝后，称述李陵治军有方，将士们愿为他拼死效力。汉武帝很高兴，提拔陈步乐为郎官。

血战而降

李陵到达浚稽山后，与单于遭遇，被三万骑兵包围在两山之间。李陵将大车环绕起来作为营寨，带领士兵出营外列阵，前排持戟、盾、后排持弓弩，以钲声和鼓声作为展开与停止进攻的信号。匈奴见汉军人少，便直接正面攻击大营，李陵部近身与敌军展开对攻，后排弓弩齐发，匈奴应弦而倒。匈奴向山上逃窜，汉军追击，杀死数千人。单于大惊，召集左右地八万多骑合力进攻李陵军。

李陵向南边打边撤数日，到达山谷中。随著连续作战，汉军的伤亡也在扩大，士兵被弓箭射伤受伤三处的允许躺在车上，受伤两处的驾车，只受伤一处的仍需要拿起武器参与作战。李陵发现部队士气低下，怀疑军中藏有女人。便将士兵们藏在随军车辆中女子一一搜查出来，全部斩杀。第二天再与匈奴交战，又杀死敌军三千馀人。随后李陵引兵向东南沿著龙城旧道行军四五日，抵达大泽边上的芦苇地里。匈奴从上风口方向火攻，李陵也命令军中放火烧隔离带以求自救。李陵军南行至山下，单于在南山上，派遣其子亲率骑兵攻击李陵。李陵军利用地形与他们在树林中步战，又杀死数千敌军，并且用连弩射退单于。

这一天，李陵军捉到了匈奴俘虏，从他口中得知匈奴军中对坚持战斗产生了动摇。单于认为这支军队是汉朝的精锐部队，他们一边抵抗一边每天向南面边塞靠近，是为了引诱匈奴的军队进入伏兵的陷阱中，不应再继续深入追击。而其它匈奴贵族则认为，如果单于亲自率领数万骑兵都消灭不了区区数千汉军，会使匈奴在周边小国中的威信扫地，也让汉朝更加瞧不起匈奴。最终他们决定在接下来四五十里的山谷地形中继续发起猛攻，如果在此期间还是不能击溃汉军，令汉军成功抵达平地，到那时便只能退兵。

这时，李陵军的境况愈加危急。匈奴仗著人多，双方一日交战数十次，李陵军又杀死敌军二千馀人。匈奴军见情势不利，本想退兵，恰在这时一个叫管敢的军候因为被校尉所辱，投降了匈奴，同时出卖了李陵军的情报。他告诉匈奴，李陵军没有后援，而且箭也快用光了，只剩下李陵及成安侯韩延年麾下各八百人的前排近战士兵，他们分别使用黄色和白色的旗帜，只要用精锐骑兵弓箭射击就能攻破。单于得知大喜，派出骑兵两面出击，并且朝汉军大喊「李陵、韩延年快投降！」同时截断汉军退路，将汉军包围起来依仗山势居高临下四面射击，箭如雨下。李陵部队向南退走，还没到鞮汗山，一天就把五十万支箭射完了，汉军随即舍弃军车继续撤退。这时李陵军还有三千馀人，但是武器已经告急，普通士卒手持从车轮上砍下的车辐，军中的文吏把用来削刮简牍的尺刀也用来充作了武器，背靠著山壁退入峡谷中。单于部队断了汉军后路，把汉军逼近角落，同时从山上投下擂石，汉军伤亡惨重，无法行动。

黄昏后，李陵身著便衣独自走出军营，喝退左右说要单枪匹马去刺杀单于，但许久之后却只能绝望地回到营中，叹息道：「兵败了，只有死路一条了！」有军吏劝他可以效仿当年浞野侯赵破奴，即使被匈奴俘虏也应先保全性命，然后寻求机会返回汉朝，被李陵拒绝。当天晚上李陵下令将旗帜砍断与随军携带的珍宝一起掩埋。又下令解散军队，每人分发二升乾饭、一块冰片，半夜时击鼓发令，所有人各自逃命，约定突围后在遮虏鄣会合。李陵与副将韩延年各自上马，有壮士十馀人愿意追随他们，匈奴派了数千骑兵在后追赶。最后韩延年战死，李陵说：「我没脸回去见陛下！」投降了匈奴。他的军队分散逃离，最终突围成功回到了塞内的只有四百馀人。

家人被诛

李陵兵败的地方与边塞只有一百多里，边塞很快获得消息并传回了长安。消息传来之初，李陵生死不明，汉武帝希望李陵能战斗到流尽最后一滴血而不是被生擒，便召相士来观察李陵的家人以确认李陵的生死，却发现其家人都没有死丧的面相，这意味著李陵还活著。后来得知李陵投降，汉武帝大怒，并且责问事前称颂李陵的陈步乐，陈步乐自杀。朝中大臣纷纷谴责李陵的罪行，只有司马迁为李陵辩解，他认为李陵素来人品端正忠于国家，战争本有风险，在外浴血奋战的人仅因一次失利就被国内偷安享福的人就罗织罪名，将其全盘否定是不公平的，再者李陵虽然战败，但他以少敌众所展示出的军事才能有目共睹，即使是与古代的名将相比也毫不逊色，至于他没能死节应当是想要寻找机会立功报答汉朝。

当时，除了李陵军的东线作战溃败之外，与右贤王交战的李广利军虽然在战斗初期取得一定战绩，但是后来也遭受了巨大挫折，被匈奴大军围困差点遭到全军覆灭的命运。而汉武帝原本派遣李陵出征只是为了辅助李广利军作战，但因为李陵军与单于主力恶战，使得李广利军没有得到太多功劳。汉武帝认为司马迁是故意污蔑诋毁功少的李广利来为李陵开脱，便将司马迁下狱欲办其死罪，但因其自请宫刑赎死一等。后来汉武帝后悔自己不该催李陵出兵，便派人犒赏了李陵部队突围逃回的幸存者。

天汉四年（前97年），汉武帝在国内大规模徵发军队北伐匈奴。遣贰师将军李广利率领六万骑兵、七万步兵出朔方；因杅将军公孙敖率领骑、步兵三万人出雁门；游击将军韩说率领步兵三万人出五原，三路并击匈奴。又派强弩都尉路博德率领步兵万馀人接应李广利军。其中公孙敖被指示深入匈奴腹地援救李陵，但公孙敖与左贤王遭遇，交战之后无功而返，为了避免罪责便推托说捉到匈奴俘虏说李少卿帮助匈奴练兵对付汉朝，所以自己才无功而返。汉武帝大怒，将李陵家族灭。李氏本是陇西郡有名望的大家族，因李陵的背叛而声誉扫地，同郡士大夫对李家都引以为愧。汉朝的处罚令李陵伤心欲绝，从此彻底断绝了回归汉朝的想法。他不仅接受了匈奴的官职与婚姻，也接受了他们的文化，改换自己的服装习俗，彻底地融入到了游牧民族的生活之中。

征和二年（前91年），匈奴入侵上谷、五原，同年又攻入五原、酒泉，杀两部都尉。汉廷遣李广利率七万人出五原；御史大夫商丘成率领三万馀人出西河；重合侯莽通率领四万骑出酒泉，进攻匈奴。狐鹿姑单于得知汉兵全线出击，命令其部落辎重沿著赵信城向北迁至郅居水；左贤王驱使其部民度余吾水六七百里，安扎在兜衔山；单于自己带领精兵渡过姑且水，用坚壁清野对付汉军。李陵作为匈奴军的一员也参加了这次战斗。商丘成的部队追至追邪径，没有遇到匈奴，便班师而还。李陵与匈奴大将率领三万馀匈奴骑兵在其后追击汉军，在浚稽山与商丘成的部队大战九日，双方一直打到蒲奴水，汉军作战英勇，匈奴军损失惨重，不得不退兵。

后来汉匈再次通使，李陵责问汉使：「我为汉朝率兵五千横扫匈奴，因为没有援军而失败，有什么对不起汉朝的，要诛杀我全家！」在得知缘由后，李陵表示为匈奴练兵的不是自己，而是投降匈奴的原汉塞外都尉李绪。因为愤恨自己全家因其被杀，李陵派人刺杀李绪。匈奴大阏氏想要杀掉李陵，单于只好把他派到北方藏起来，直到大阏氏死后才把他召回。

未归汉朝

且鞮侯单于赞赏李陵的壮勇，将女儿嫁给他，并封他为右校王。李陵在匈奴获得了尊贵的地位，和先前归降匈奴而被封作丁灵王的卫律一同受到单于的信任，被委以重任。卫律长期在单于庭作为幕僚心腹之臣，而李陵则外派在地方上，遇到大事，才回单于庭参与决议。他们不仅参与匈奴对汉朝的军事行动，也有在外交活动中接待汉朝使者的记载。

后元二年（前84年），汉武帝去世，以其少子汉昭帝即位，大将军霍光、左将军上官桀受命辅政。二人与李陵向来友善，特意派李陵的老朋友兼同乡陇西任立政等三人出使匈奴，藉机劝李陵归汉。任立政等人到达匈奴后，一开始是在单于为招待汉使的宴会上见到了陪同出席的李陵，但当时没有单独接触的机会，只能以目视吸引其注意力，多次抚摸佩刀上的环，握住自己的脚，暗示他可以「还归」。后来李陵和卫律单独带著酒肉来慰劳汉使，任立政趁著饮酒搏戏之时，大声说「汉朝已经大赦，中原安乐，主上年少，辅政的是霍光和上官桀！」希望用这样的话来打动李陵。李陵默不作答，摸著自己的头发，委婉地表示：「吾已胡服矣！（我已经是异国人了）」后来趁著卫律去上厕所的间隙，任立政等人立即向李陵挑明了希望他归汉的意图，但最终李陵明确回答「大丈夫不能第二次受辱」，拒绝了这次邀请。

元平元年（前74年），李陵在羁留二十多年后，病死在匈奴，他的血脉留在了草原上。公元前56年，匈奴内乱，李陵的儿子拥立乌籍单于，后来败于呼韩邪单于。

李陵与苏武

李陵与苏武是曾经在一同在汉朝宫廷中担任侍中的好友。李陵兵败投降匈奴的前一年，苏武出使匈奴遭到扣留，单于想要逼迫其归顺，遭到了严辞拒绝。李陵投降后出于愧疚一开始并不敢主动去见苏武，过了很久，单于听说了二人的关系，便派遣他前往北海去劝降被放逐在那里牧羊的苏武。

李陵到达北海后，为苏武置办了宴席，席间李陵向苏武透露了单于希望劝降的诚意，并劝说他：「你终归是不可能回到汉朝的，在这个荒无人烟的地方即使坚守信义，也不会被知晓，只是白白让自己受苦罢了。你的两位兄弟早就死了，母亲也已经去世，妻子听说也改嫁了。即使你还挂念著妹妹和子女，十几年过去也不知他们是死是活。人生就如同早上的露珠一样短促，何必在这里长时间的折磨自己！况且汉武帝年事已高恩威无常，大臣无罪被杀的已有十几家，你的家人也未必幸免。」苏武不为所动，表示自家历代受国家恩养，必当不辱使命效忠国家，自己对于汉武帝的忠诚就如同儿子对父亲的忠诚一样不需要回报，并表示自己已有必死的决心。李陵被苏武的坚贞不屈所感动，长叹：「唉！真是义士！我和卫律的罪过简直比天还高。」然后流泪与苏武告别。他自己羞于向苏武礼物，因为这会显得像是在夸耀财富，便让妻子出面赐给了苏武牛羊。

武帝后元二年（前86年），李陵再次回到北海见到苏武，带去了汉武帝已死的消息，苏武闻后对南哭拜，悲哀过度以至吐血。

始元三年（前85年），狐鹿姑单于去世。因为子嗣年幼，狐鹿姑单于生前本有意实行兄终弟及，母阏氏与颛渠阏氏为了保全地位，前者谋杀了人心所向的单于异母兄弟左大都尉，后者与卫律合谋排挤掉单于遗言指定的继承人右谷蠡王，强行拥立其子左谷蠡王继位为壶衍鞮单于。致使匈奴内讧，不承认新单于继承合法性的匈奴贵族纷纷出走，不愿意再参加龙城会盟。基于自身的不稳定，匈奴害怕汉朝趁机进攻，于是开始考虑与之结善。为表诚意，匈奴主动提出将之前扣押不降的汉朝使节苏武、马宏二人送还汉朝。

苏武在始元六年（前81年）返回汉朝，李陵摆酒宴与他送别，席间他表白自己的内心道：「如果汉朝没有诛杀我的家人，我原本也一直希望能像曹沫、荆轲那样劫持单于立功赎罪。但皇上用世间最严苛的刑罚杀戮了我的全家，我已经没有什么可留恋的了。如今说这些只是想让你了解我的本心，你我一分手，再没有相见之日了。」并亲自作起舞唱道：

之后，二人诀别。苏武回到汉朝，大获赞扬，被后世誉为忠臣的典范，李陵则终老于漠北。

苏李题材作品

这对好友诀别的故事成为了一个经典的艺术题材，千百年来不断被后人用各种艺术手法演绎著。这个题材又包含了李陵的浚稽山血战、苏武牧羊北海边以及苏李泣别三个部分。

传世文献中收录的苏武与李陵赠答书信描述的是苏武与李陵在离别后的书信对答，虽然作者署名为苏武与李陵，但在现在通常被认为是后人假托二人的文学创作。十九世纪末问世的敦煌遗书中数篇李陵苏武赠答书信题材的作品，则进一步证明早在唐以前苏李的故事便已是流行的民间创作题材。与之同时发现的还有《李陵变文》《苏武李陵执别词》等民间文学作品。

近代考古在东汉墓葬中发现了苏武持节题材的画像砖。从南朝起就一直有假托苏李离别情景的「拟苏李诗」创作。明朝画家陈洪绶两次创作《苏李泣别图》。2007年上海淮剧团创作了改编自苏李故事的新编历史剧《汉魂歌》

苏李赠答诗

《文选》及《艺文类聚》中载有李陵《答苏武书》及《与苏武诗》，苏武《与李陵诗》等文学作品，但自古以来对于作者就一直存在著质疑。有观点认为是后人伪托；也有观点认为是编辑者张冠李戴,认为是南朝庾信所作。但是《答苏武书》与《苏李诗》作为文学作品本身的价值仍然受到肯定。

后世评价

军事

司马迁称赞他「虽古之名将，不能过也」。

宋代秦观认为，保证以优势兵力攻击敌人的弱势兵力是战争的基本原则，善于用兵的将领即使拥有以少击众的才能，也不应将之视作一种常态。李陵主动要求以少击众，这是违背用兵常理的冒险举动，这种盲目自信与贪功求胜一开始就决定了战败是情理之中的事。即使李陵本人才能出众，想要获得胜利也只能凭藉侥幸。一军统帅不能将战胜的希望寄托于侥幸冒险，而应当以更加谨慎的态度来对待。

北宋何去非指出，李陵的战败固然由其轻率冒进所致，但作为决策者的汉武帝也负有相等的责任。战争不只是将领的事情，不同的将领有各自擅长的领域，能否发挥将领的才能也看君主是否使用得当。李陵有著英勇善战的优点，却有著性格上的的致命弱点，这使他适合作为冲锋陷阵的裨将，不宜担任独立领军的统帅。以他的军事才能，如果被安排在更合适的位置，应该能取得更大的成就。然而李陵提议以少击众时，汉武帝不仅不阻止反而极为鼓励，轻易让李陵在没有援军的情况下孤军深入，在听说战败后又只是眼巴巴地等著李陵殉国。既缺无知人善任的慧眼，又无爱才惜才的胸襟，这也不是一个合格的用人者应有的行为，最终白白造成了这次人才浪费。

清代学者王源认为他「功虽不成，固天下之奇才也」，民国学者钱穆表示：「李陵之才气，及其全军之勇决，令千载下读史者想慕不已」。

道德

儒家

在汉民族漫长的历史上曾有过多次与异民族战争的经历，关于李陵投降匈奴一事中各方的评价，也随著历朝关于华夷之辨的争议从未中断过。

与李陵同时代的史家司马迁极力为李陵的英勇与忠诚辩护，他坚信李陵并非由于贪生怕死，投降敌人只是为寻找机会报效汉朝。同时他认为军人出征本就是为了国家作出了牺牲，在后方安享太平的人对前线将士作战失利过于苛责是不公平的，也不利于今后鼓励军人为国家舍命作战。所谓「太平本是将军定，不许将军见太平」。

东汉的班固在《汉书》中以极其抒情的笔调浓墨重彩地刻画了李陵欲报国而不得，留恋故土却最终不能归还、孤独而又矛盾的情感，对于其不幸遭遇给予了宽容与同情。

南朝时期江淹基于自身的遭遇，在《恨赋》中以「裂帛系书，誓还汉恩」将李陵描写成一个虽然身负冤屈却依旧忠贞于故国的人。被认为创作于六朝时期的《答苏武书》，则假托李陵的口吻对为其投降匈奴的行为辩护，主张李陵本性忠诚，即使被迫降敌本意也是出于希望忍辱负重寻得机会报效国家，却最终被自己的国家抛弃，将矛头指向政治的腐败不公与统治者的刻薄寡恩。

中唐时期的文学家白居易不满于前人对李陵的包容曾著《汉将李陵论》，指出李陵「不死于王事非忠，生降于戎虏非勇，弃前功非智，召后祸非孝，四者无一可，而遂亡其宗」，是个不忠不勇不智不孝之人。参考当时危害巨大的藩镇割据，白居易会有这种险恶评价是自然之事。

明末坚持抗清的王夫之对同情李陵的观点提出了更加激烈的批判，认为李陵的失败本是其过度自信造成的，于征和二年率领匈奴军队追击汉军已经足以说明他是彻头彻尾的背叛，所谓忍辱负重想要报答汉朝不过是为了掩饰自己怯懦的谎言。

清朝有关此类讨论几乎绝迹，直至民国。

民间

在脍炙人口的民间故事《杨家将》中有杨业撞「李陵碑」而死的经典文学创作，以李陵叛降反衬杨业忠义来传达出「宁为杨业死，毋为李陵生」的价值取向。而更多的时候，李陵的形象是与苏武联系在一起，民间戏曲《苏武牧羊》中描写的李陵一生为自己的背叛感到羞愧与悔恨，与苏武的忠贞不屈最终荣耀归国形成鲜明对比。十九世纪末在甘肃莫高窟发现的「敦煌遗书」中保存有相当数量以李陵为题材的民间文学作品，其中虽有假托苏武口吻大骂李陵的苏李赠答书，亦有像《李陵变文》及《苏武李陵执别词》这样对李陵命运报以同情的作品。

关于阿巴坎汉代宫殿遗址

前苏联考古学家吉谢列夫考证，李陵在匈奴的时候曾被封到西伯利亚地区建立坚昆国，他的王庭就设在叶尼塞河上游的阿巴坎。20世纪40年代，阿巴坎发掘出汉式宫殿遗址，该宫殿为四阿式重檐建筑，平面是长方形，中央有方形大殿，宫殿的内部构造与汉时的宫殿基本无异，房檐有圆形瓦当，上边有汉隶八分体书就的「天子千秋万岁常乐未央」。这座宫殿建成时间在公元前后，吉谢列夫推测这是公元前99年李陵降匈奴后的宅邸。郭沫若曾对此表示怀疑，另一位学者周连宽认为这座宫殿可能是王昭君的长女须卜居次云的居所。

追祖李陵的现象

在民族融合的南北朝至隋唐时期，出现了有不少记载为李陵后裔的北方民族。他们中绝大部分的真实性并不认为学术界认可，但是这种现象被视作是一种「民族融合与文化整合的历史态势」。

关于北魏拓跋氏

这种说法最早见于《宋书·索虏传》，称李陵在匈奴的后裔有千百支，索头族拓跋氏是其中一支。索头拓跋即是后来的北魏拓跋氏。之后的《南齐书·魏虏传》强化了这种说法，并补充说明：因为李陵在匈奴时的妻子名为「拓跋」，匈奴的风俗是用母亲的名字作为姓氏，所以身为北魏皇族的拓跋氏其实是李陵之后，但是拓跋氏并不承认这种说法，凡是称拓跋氏是李陵后裔的全都会被杀死。

这种说法出自汉人的文献，并没有得到北魏官方的认可。即使是汉人学者也不认同，认为这是为了将北朝皇室附会为汉人而故意捏造的。

关于北周李贤

《北史·李贤传》记载：北周柱国大将军李贤，自称祖籍是陇西成纪，本是李陵的后裔，所以出生在北方，后来跟随魏国南下。1985年在宁夏固原发掘出土的北周李贤夫妇墓的墓志证实了这种说法并不是记史人的附会，而是确实为李贤本人认同并记录在其墓志上的。

但是这种说法仍然没能受到后世学者的认同，认为是李贤本人的附会。

关于黠戛斯部族

黠戛斯部族是今天吉尔吉斯人的前身。唐代时，黠戛斯首领阿热可汗和部族中的一些成员自称为李陵后人，黠戛斯部族曾多次为唐王朝效力，积极参与了唐与突厥的战争，并灭掉唐后期从西北威胁唐帝国安全的回鹘。《新唐书》记载：「黠戛斯破回鹘，得太和公主。黠戛斯自称李陵之后，与国同姓（注：指李唐王朝），遂令达干十人送公主至塞上。」《唐书·回鹘传下》附《黠戛斯》条中说：该族之人「皆长大，白发、皙面、绿履，以黑发为不祥，黑瞳者必曰〔李〕陵苗裔也。」唐代认吉尔吉斯人为同宗非他番比。

关于贺兰氏

宋朝人的《古今姓氏书辩正》记载，唐朝时期的与拓跋氏同源的贺兰氏，也自称是李陵后裔。

有关李陵的小说

• 台湾作家张国立曾以其李氏一族之事，撰成小说《匈奴》（ISBN 957-33-1539-4）一书，获第二届皇冠大众小说奖首奖。

• 中国大陆作家贾涤非也写了《李陵传奇之风云乍起》一书。

• 香港作家傅良 《约柜风云》

• 日本作家中岛敦作有短篇小说《李陵》，收录于短篇小说集《山月记》（郑秀美译 台北星光出版社）

• 中国大陆作家钱莉芳的历史科幻小说《天命》中以李陵、苏武等为主要角色。

相关条目

• 李广

• 司马迁

• 汉武帝

• 李广利

• 苏武

注释

Early life

Li Ling was born in Chengji (成纪, in modern-day Tianshui) in the Longxi (陇西) region. He was the grandson of the famous "Flying General" Li Guang. According to the Records of the Grand Historian and the Book of Han, Li Ling was good at mounted archery, liked making friends and enjoyed a good reputation, much like his grandfather. As a result, Emperor Wu thought of him as future military hopeful, and appointed the young Li as a high-profile imperial servant (侍中建章监), a position which Wei Qing and Huo Qubing had previously held.

Li Ling was later assigned a military position to the border front, and once led 800 men over 1,000 miles into Xiongnu territory for a reconnaissance mission. Although he did not encounter any enemy, Emperor Wu soon promoted him to the role of cavalry commander, assigned him to lead 5,000 elite infantry, and placed him in charge of training local reserve forces in Jiuquan (酒泉) and Zhangye (张掖). A few years later, Li Ling started serving regular military roles, but limited to providing escort for higher-level generals such as Li Guangli (李广利, also Emperor Wu's brother-in-law).

Battle, defeat and defection

In 99 BC, Emperor Wu ordered Li Guangli to lead 30,000 men for an offensive from Jiuquan against the Xiongnu in the Tian Shan region. Li Ling was assigned to provide an escort for Li Guangli's supply line, a role Li Ling vehemently disliked. Li Ling therefore requested Emperor Wu to allow him to lead an individual regiment of his own to the east. Li Ling commented that he led a personal legion of "warriors from Jingchu and extraordinary swordsmen", who were capable of "strangling tigers and sharpshooting". Emperor Wu initially frowned at the idea, and warned Li Ling that there was no additional cavalry available to assign to him. Li Ling then bragged that he would crush the Chanyu's main tribe with nothing more than his 5,000 infantry. Impressed by Li Ling's enthusiasm, Emperor Wu agreed and gave him the go-ahead.

A senior general Lu Bode was assigned to assist Li Ling. However, Lu did not like the idea of supporting Li in such a mission, and suggested Emperor Wu to delay the mission until spring as Xiongnu's fighting strength often peaked in autumn, so then they could attack with 5,000 men each from two columns. Emperor Wu was angry at Lu's request, thinking that Li Ling collaborated with Lu to do this because of fear towards battles. He then ordered Li's troops to mobilize immediately.

Li Ling's army marched north for 30 days, and sketched maps for the journey encountered. A junior officer named Chen Bule (陈步乐) was sent back to report about the progress. Upon seeing Emperor Wu, Chen started boasting with tales of how hard Li Ling and his men had been fighting the enemy (very likely just bluffs, as Li Ling's advance had been unresisted up to this point). Pleased with the good news, Emperor Wu promoted Chen as a reward.

Li Ling's troops encountered the Chanyu's main forces upon arrival at Altay Mountains, and was quickly encircled by 30,000 cavalry between two mountains. With no supply and reinforcement (Li thought there was no need), Li ordered his troops to use the wagons as cover and form up for battle. With a large advantage in numbers, the Xiongnu rashly attacked Li Ling's forces front-on, only to suffer heavy casualties under Han troop's crossbow barrage and the subsequent pursuit. The Chanyu then summoned 80,000 reinforcement troops, forcing Li Ling to battle hard while retreating into a valley, suffering significant casualties. Li Ling then found that his troopers were low in both morale and energy, leading him to search and kill many women secretly hidden in the wagons, who were serving as camp followers for his soldiers. Li's forces then battled Xiongnu for another day, killing 3,000 enemies. He then retreated southeast for the next 4 to 5 days into a large reed swamp, where they managed to survive a fire attack. The Chanyu then sent his own son to command the pursuit, only to suffer further casualties when Li Ling's forces took refuge in a forest and repelled the attack with their crossbows, field artillery crossbows, and melee combat. Up to this point, the Chanyu began to suspect that Li Ling was planning to draw them into an ambush close to the Han border, but decided to intensify the attacks as he considered it would be humiliating to be unable to defeat such a small force.

For Li Ling, the situation went from bad to worse. The Xiongnu charged over 20 times a day, and were only repelled after suffering another 2,000 casualties. A low-level officer from Li's army, Guan Gan (管敢), defected in retaliation to an insult from his superiors, bringing to the Xiongnu news that Li's forces were cut off from supplies and running out of arrows. Chanyu then pressed on his attacks from small mountain trails, trapping Li Ling into a valley, then proceeding to shoot the Han forces from above the cliffs. Li Ling's men returned fire from the bottom, depleting 500,000 arrows in one day, and was forced to abandon their wagon transports. The 3,000 remaining soldiers were in such a dire state that axles were chopped for use as weapons, and many officers resorted to daggers for combat. The Xiongnu forces then bombarded the Han troops with boulders, killing many.

One night, Li Ling left the camp refusing any followers, claiming that he was seeking to assassinate the Chanyu on his own. He returned in vain, crying pessimistically that they were solidly defeated and all going to die. His subordinates suggested the idea of a false surrender, as another Han general Zhao Ponu (赵破奴) previously had done, but Li Ling refused flatly, "Shut up! If I don't die in battle, I'm not a man!" He ordered his troops to destroy the flags and bury the jewels. Every soldier was given some food and supplies, and told to wait and escape at the same time, then scatter. In midnight the breakout began, but no one was there to even beat the battle drum. Li Ling and his second-in-command Han Yannian, each with only a small escort, rode and fought under the pursuit of several thousand Xiongnu cavalry. After Han was killed in combat, Li Ling cried "I have no face to return and meet the Emperor!", and voluntarily surrendered himself to the Xiongnu. Out of his 5,000 men, only 400 made it out of the encirclement back to the border.

It is recorded that he used a field artillery crossbow that was capable of repeating fire and/or firing multiple bolts to fire at a Chanyu.

Aftermath of defection

Emperor Wu initially thought Li Ling was killed in action, and summoned his family to pay tribute. However, he observed no signs of sorrow from Li's family and thus grew suspicious. As the battlefield was not too far from the border, it was not long before news of Li's surrender arrived. The Emperor became furious and ordered the court martial of Chen Bule, who committed suicide upon receiving the message. Public opinion condemned Li as a traitor, and imperial officials began proposing to punish Li's family for his crime of treason. Sima Qian (司马迁), a senior imperial historian and a friend of Li, was the only person defending him in the Han court. Emperor Wu was offended by Sima's words of defence, taking them as an attack on his brother-in-law Li Guangli, who had also fought against the Xiongnu without much success. Sima was arrested for the crime of grand insult (similar to the crime of lèse-majesté against a European monarch), and was tried and sentenced to death. Although his criminal charges were allowed to be paroled to lesser punishments, Sima Qian was not rich enough to pay for it, so he was forced to accept the commutation to castration and jailed for three years.

"The 'disaster of Li Ling' induced China to give up for a time this system of counter-raids", but "did not imperil the boundaries of Gansu."

Despite his majestic rage, Emperor Wu soon regretted his decision to allow Li Ling to mobilize so hastily, and also realized what a mistake it was not listening to Lu Bode's suggestion. As a gesture, he rewarded the survivors from Li Ling's regiment.

One year later, Emperor Wu sent Gongsun Ao (公孙敖) in a rescue mission to retrieve Li Ling. Gongsun failed to achieve anything, but captured a Xiongnu soldier, who revealed that "Li Shaoqing" was training Xiongnu troops for the Chanyu. Concluding that Li Ling's treachery was evident, Emperor Wu had Li Ling's family executed. Since then, everyone from Longxi perceived the Li family as a disgrace. However, it was later revealed that the one who trained Xiongnu forces was another high-profile Han defector called Li Xu (李绪), who happened to share the same courtesy name. Li Ling hence bore a deep hatred towards Li Xu, and arranged his assassination.

Life after defection

As a young and high-profile defector, the Chanyu held generous regard of Li Ling, giving Li his daughter's hand in marriage and making Li Lord Youxiao (右校王), which was at the same level as Chanyu's chief adviser (and a notorious Han traitor), Wei Lü (卫律). However, the Xiongnu Queen Dowager (大阏氏) disliked Li Ling and wanted to have him killed. The Chanyu therefore sent Li Ling to a far northern region, and did not call him back until after the Queen Dowager died.

In 90 BC, Xiongnu invaded Wuyuan (五原) and Shanggu (上谷), and Wuyuan again and Jiuquan later that year. Emperor Wu ordered a major counteroffensive in three columns against Xiongnu, with Li Guangli leading 70,000 men, Shang Qiucheng (商丘成) leading 30,000 and Mang Tong (莽通) leading 40,000. The Xiongnu responded by having the entire tribes retreating further north, with a scorched earth strategy to challenge the Han army's operational limit. When the forces led by Shang Qiucheng withdrew after meeting no adversary, Xiongnu sent in Li Ling to pursue the Han forces with 30,000 cavalry. The two sides battled for nine days, ironically, at Altay Mountains. Li Ling was defeated badly by the Han forces, and retreated after suffering heavy casualties.

Li Ling was dispatched twice by the Chanyu to persuade the detained Han ambassador Su Wu to surrender, as Li and Su used to be co-workers and good friends. Initially Li Ling was too ashamed to visit Su Wu, as he defected merely the year after Su's exile to Lake Baikal. On his first visit, Li Ling mentioned how everyone in Su Wu's family back in China had either died or remarried, hoping to sever Su's patriotic bond. Li then said that Emperor Wu had grown old and emotionally labile, and how he himself used to suffer over the guilt of treason but had overcome that eventually. However, Su Wu emphasized how much he valued the honor and responsibility the motherland had given him, and told Li Ling that it's either honor or death. Moved by Su Wu's unshakable valor, Li Ling tearfully exclaimed, "Aye! Such an honorable man! I and Wei Lü have sins that dwarf the sky!" The second time Li Ling visited Su Wu, he brought the news that Emperor Wu had died, which caused Su to mourn so hard that he vomited blood and almost died.

When Emperor Zhao (汉昭帝) took the throne, the coregents Huo Guang (霍光) and Shangguan Jie (上官桀), who were both old friends of Li Ling, sent the ambassador Ren Lizheng (任立政, a fellow townsman from Longxi like Li) to persuade Li to return home. Ren took an opportunity to talk to Li privately, telling him that all his sins could be whitewashed, that he needed not worry about wealth after returning and his old friends missed him. However, Li Ling refused, claiming that he had already become a "foreigner" and he couldn't stand to be ashamed a second time.

Li Ling died of disease in 74 BC, after more than 20 years among the Xiongnu as a defector.

The Yenisei Kirghiz Khagans claimed Li Ling as their ancestor.

Nanqishu alleged that the Northern Wei's dynastic clan Tuoba descended from Li Ling, whose Xiongnu wife was named Tuoba; as non-Chinese possessed the ancient custom of matrilineality.

Possible palace in Khakassia

Some archaeologists have tentatively identified a unique Han-Dynasty architecture palace discovered in Russia's Khakassia (southern Siberia) as the residence of Li Ling in the land of the Xiongnu.

In 1940, Russian construction workers found ancient ruins during the construction of a highway between Abakan and the village of Askyz (Аскыз), in Khakassia. When the site was excavated by Soviet archaeologists during 1941-45, they realized that they had discovered a building absolutely unique for the area: a large (1500 square meters) Chinese-style, likely Han Dynasty era palace. While the name of the high-ranking personage who lived there is not known, Russian archaeologist L.A. Evtyukhova surmised, based on circumstantial evidence, that the palace may have been the residence of Li Ling (see :ru:Ташебинский дворец).

One should note, however, that the "ownership" of the palace continues to be discussed. More recently, for example, it was claimed by A.A. Kovalyov as the residence of Lu Fang (卢芳), a China throne pretender from the Guangwu era.