歷史

劉裕建宋

420年，宋武帝劉裕取代東晉政權而建立。國號宋，定都建康（今江蘇省南京市），因國君姓劉，為與後來趙匡胤建立的宋朝相區別，故又稱為劉宋或南朝宋。

以劉裕世居彭城為春秋時宋國故地，故以此為國號。又以五德終始說，劉宋為水德，故別稱水宋。

開國皇帝劉裕出于行伍，自幼家貧。時值東晉末期，民變此起彼伏，朝廷內部鬥爭也十分激烈。402年，東晉大將桓玄乘朝廷實力虛弱，起兵篡位，國號「楚」。劉裕與劉毅等起兵勤王，並最終消滅了桓玄的力量。此後，劉裕率軍南征北伐，其勢力不斷得到穩固壯大，並先後攻滅劉毅、司馬休之等實力派，最終迫使晉恭帝將帝位禪讓給他，420年劉裕建宋，年號永初。劉裕即位後，因為他已在晉末實行各種改革如土斷、壓制豪強、澄清吏治、強化軍隊等等，所以在位的三年中，除了恢復漢代舉孝廉、策秀孝的制度並強化官僚法制之外，主要政策仍是在休養生息、恢復晉末北伐的國力損傷，並計畫在422年出征北魏。結果422年五月劉裕得病駕崩，北伐取消。

元嘉之治

422年劉裕死，太子劉義符即位，史稱宋少帝。北魏趁機派十萬大軍南侵，佔領洛陽等河南地區，逼退宋將檀道濟。424年，徐羨之、謝晦等託孤輔政大臣害怕失德無禮的少帝會敗壞國政，遂以「廢昏立明」為名號，廢殺劉義符，改立劉裕的第三個兒子劉義隆為皇帝，是為宋文帝，年號元嘉。宋文帝在426年除掉權臣徐羨之等人後親政，他在位三十年，勵精圖治、知人善任、提倡節儉並澄清吏治，國家經濟因此大力提升，被稱為元嘉之治，為六朝治世之典範（也是江東第一個治世）。經過文帝勵精圖治，晉末以來「治綱大弛，權門併兼，強弱相凌；百姓流離，不得保其產業」的狀況有所改善。史稱其時：「三十年間，氓庶蕃息，奉上供徭，止于歲賦。晨出暮歸，自事而已。……民有所系，吏無苟得。家給人足，即事雖難，轉死溝渠，于時可免。凡百戶之多，有市之邑，歌謠舞蹈，觸處成群。蓋宋世之極盛也。」

430年起，宋文帝首次北伐，到彥之率領的五萬宋軍成功佔領河南洛陽等地。但由於軍力不足，加上文帝的過度指揮，以致北魏逼退宋軍數萬主力後，於431年重佔河南。436年名將檀道濟因軍功被宋文帝猜忌而被剷除，又使劉宋失去能與北魏制衡的大將。445-446年當北魏發生蓋吳起事時，劉宋未能即時北伐。到445年時，北魏趁勁敵柔然暫衰時開始發動多次小規模南征，雙方於淮南來回拉鋸，元嘉二十七年（450年），宋文帝出兵六萬北伐北魏河南之地（二次北伐），但卻被北魏太武帝拓跋燾所率之六十萬大軍正面擊敗，六十萬魏軍遂引兵南下，威迫建康。魏軍所過之處大肆搶掠燒殺，江淮地區損失慘重、「邑里蕭條」，元嘉之治由此衰落。宋文帝在452年趁拓跋燾遇弒之機會，派軍進行第三次北伐，但仍無功而返，此後劉宋無力再舉，註定日後國防線逐漸南撤的命運。

453年，宋文帝長子劉劭發生巫蠱事件，弒父即位，其三弟劉駿起義兵攻劉劭，獲得各方軍鎮的支持，於是斬劉劭於台城，劉駿自立為帝，是為宋孝武帝。

孝武繼立

宋孝武帝統治期間，雖有諸王劉義宣、劉誕等相繼叛亂，但大多很快平定，和北魏的戰事也只限於山東半島，雖小勝北魏但影響不大，因此總體來說，孝武帝統治的十一年算是一段相對安定的時期，孝武帝的積極政策也促進了江南的開發與貨幣經濟的發展。一直到463年底至464年，浙江等地發生大旱災，造成嚴重的大饑荒，浙江十分之六的戶口餓死逃散。

宋孝武帝是一個頗有作為、積極改革制度的皇帝。他加強中央集權，撤除「錄尚書事」職銜，並分割州、郡以削弱藩鎮勢力，並開始以中書舍人戴法興、巢尚之等人處理中樞機要事務，形成後代所謂「寒人掌機要」的政治局面，孝武帝的集權化統治也被史書稱為「主威獨運，官置百司，權不外假」。孝武帝同時重用江東寒門沈慶之與傖荒北人柳元景，依照兩人的功績，先後提拔為三公，開啟吳興沈氏與河東柳氏攀升為南朝高門的起始之路，並開創南朝寒門、寒人以軍功升為三公的先例。

孝武帝另外也對門閥制度進行一定程度的整頓，給予世族制度新的生機。除了拔用上述的沈、柳為三公之高門，更提拔孤寒衰微的袁粲為員外散騎侍郎和侍中；拔擢寒門的顏竣、寒素的顏師伯成為高官重臣；任用南北之望的名士琅邪王彧、會稽孔覬為散騎常侍，一度矯正過去散騎常侍受人輕視的不良習慣；甚至從461年開始，把與商人等通婚、私下經商的士族，開除士族資格並黜為將吏，是為檢籍政策的先聲。

明帝篡統

464年夏季，孝武帝死，其子劉子業繼位，荒淫殘暴，朝廷內外人情洶洶，心懷恐懼，劉子業不久被湘東王劉彧弒殺。宋明帝劉彧在建康自立為帝後，因為得位不正，面臨孝武帝第三子劉子勛登基為帝、聯合兄弟方鎮圍攻建康的艱鉅情勢。宋明帝政權雖然領土、人口都不到劉子勛政權的十分之一，但是以伐亂為名，憑藉量少質精的中央軍，採取各種積極手段：

• 採用才幹名士蔡興宗的意見，撫慰叛亂將士在京師的親人，安定人心。

• 重用沈攸之、張永、蕭道成等才幹武將。

• 放權給諸弟劉休仁等人積極平亂。

於是上下一心、兵強將勇，因此打敗劉子勛並平定江南與淮南各地區，最後全面誅殺孝武帝子孫。但是淮北方鎮薛安都等人為了自保而向北魏求援，於是北魏大軍在四年之內陸續攻下淮北、山東半島地區，劉宋戰亂不斷，國力大衰，人民痛苦指數飆升。又因為必須對有功的軍人加官晉爵、大肆封賞，於是造成士族制度的嚴重破壞，清濁不分、官品淆亂。

472年，宋明帝死，太子劉昱繼立，宋明帝遺詔命蔡興宗、袁粲、褚淵、劉勔、沈攸之五人託孤顧命大臣，分別掌控內外重區，另外命令蕭道成為衛尉，參掌機要。其中遺詔雖任命袁粲、褚淵在中央秉政，但實際上接受宋明帝秘密遺命，就近輔佐新帝劉昱，掌控宮中內外大權的人物，是宋明帝最親信的側近權倖——王道隆與阮佃夫二人。

後廢帝政亂

宋明帝在死前，為了穩固兒子的皇位，大肆誅除有能力的皇弟宗室、功臣武將和高門士族，造成劉昱繼位後中央和地方軍鎮互相猜忌、攻伐的政治亂象，使得武將蕭道成因此崛起，逐漸掌握中央軍權。特別是474年，桂陽王劉休範以清君側之名造反，殺死了權倖王道隆與顧命大將劉勔，幾乎就要攻下建康城，但蕭道成即時回軍，平定亂事。事後蕭道成接替劉勔的地位，上升為與宰相袁粲並列的「四貴」之一，更受到權倖阮佃夫的倚重，因此交結地方軍鎮都督，權勢日漸擴大。476年，文帝在世長孫建平王劉景素在京口起兵，亦被蕭道成等鎮壓。477年，年滿15歲的劉昱在殺掉權臣阮佃夫後，與蕭道成發生激烈衝突，但卻意外被蕭道成弒殺，蕭道成趁機改立明帝第三子劉準為皇帝，即宋順帝。蕭道成獨攬軍政大權後，挾持軟弱的褚淵，以武力平定忠宋大臣袁粲、沈攸之的起義。

479年，蕭道成以謀反為由剷除鄱陽王劉士弘兄弟、原南平王劉宣曜兄弟、臨川王劉綽，殺武陵王劉贊；邵陵王劉友、衡陽王劉伯道、始平王劉延之、巴陵王劉衝始、長沙王劉纂、南豐王劉頒也都在這一年「薨逝」。

同年，年幼的宋順帝劉準把帝位禪讓給了蕭道成，宋被南齊所取代。當時民間以一首歌謠傳述蕭道成殺袁粲篡宋的事業：「可憐石頭城，寧為袁粲死，不作褚淵生！」

疆域與行政區劃

疆域變動

劉宋一朝的疆域變動不小，但總體來說是國界不斷向南退縮。

從宋武帝劉裕時代（420-422年）以黃河為界，與北魏對峙的局面，到劉裕死後的423年，北魏趁機攻下河南三鎮（洛陽、虎牢、滑台），從項城到濟南大致形成一條國界線，分開北魏與劉宋，劉宋仍保有山東半島與江蘇省北部的淮北地區。但與北魏為界的大塊面積，因為屢遭兩方進攻掠奪，成為所謂「邊荒」地區，僅剩居民聚集在榛木所圍成的山寨堡壘，被稱為「榛人」。項城到濟南的「邊荒」國界維持長達四十三年，四十三年中兩國大軍屢次越界征伐，但屢得屢失，兩方都無法把佔領的土地長久地穩固下來，因此維持四十多年勢均力敵的局面。

一直到466年，劉宋山東、淮北的鎮將薛安都、崔道固等人，因為害怕篡位自立的宋明帝討伐他們，而向北魏求援。北魏趁機派五萬以上的大軍，於打敗宋明帝的北征軍張永之後，陸續在四年內攻下山東、淮北的所有城鎮，劉宋被迫以淮河與北魏為界。雖然宋明帝心有不甘，屢次派沈攸之等人北征，但從此（469年後）南朝與北魏的淮河國界就大致固定下來，一直到31年後（500年南齊末）才因為壽陽鎮將裴叔業投降北魏，使國界進一步往南退。

行政區劃與核心軍鎮

劉宋的行政區劃襲承東晉，實行州、郡、縣三級制。

州是第一級行政區。州的最高行政長官稱刺史，劉宋一朝的州數大致在二十州上下，至宋末穩定為二十二州。其中不少州是僑寓州，為寄住在南方州郡上，不一定有實土。

尹、郡、王國、公國（部分）是第二級行政區。尹的最高行政長官稱尹，郡的最高行政長官稱太守，王國的最高行政長官稱內史，公國的最高行政長官稱相。

縣、公國（部分）、侯國、伯國、子國、男國是第三級行政區。縣的最高行政長官稱令或長，公國、侯國、伯國、子國、男國的最高行政長官稱相。

劉宋前期繼承「東晉門閥政治」的地理格局，以荊州（鎮江陵）和南徐州（鎮京口）為核心軍鎮，所以劉裕規定兩州必由劉氏宗王擔任刺史。其中荊州因為州大民多、「地廣兵強」，又統攝雍、南梁、益等州，支撐劉宋西半的安危，故有「分陝」之稱，劉裕遺詔說荊州刺史需「諸子次第居之」，說明荊州的重要性略高於北府兵根本的南徐州。劉宋宗王擔任荊州刺史的結果，是促使荊州士族與揚州士族的合流，大致結束東晉百年荊、揚對立的局面，代表人物即是江陵士族劉柳、劉湛父子，曾各自取得相當於副宰相的官位與權勢。

中期因為454年荊州刺史劉義宣，趁著新帝劉駿即位的弱勢格局，發動十萬荊州鎮軍挑戰建康，因此劉駿在同年平定劉義宣之亂後，即刻從荊州東部分出新的一州名郢州，並廢除荊州重兵來源的南蠻校尉，其營戶兵力遷至建康，有效地削弱荊州，瓦解其「分陝」地位。之後劉駿又土斷雍州，大幅強化雍州的實力，不但讓原來的大荊州地域，陷入荊、雍、郢三州相互牽制的局面，後來隨著雍州軍力的不斷加強，至宋末沈攸之起義失敗之後（478年），「江陵素畏襄陽人」的局面已大致形成。

政治體制

劉宋選官制度仍以九品中正制為主，但宋初門閥制度的整體格局，卻是從東晉末年義熙時代（405-419年）劉裕等京口北府的軍事集團崛起開始，延續繼承下來的新格局。也就是說，大量京口將領混入世族門閥的結構中（多成為中下層世族），擠壓了原來名門舊族的地位與空間，因此南朝士族從劉宋開始，常會刻意去排擠寒門、寒人，好顯示自己的清高地位。於是高門就有許多「士庶區別，國之章也」、「士庶之際，實自天隔」的言論出現，這實際上是名門舊族的一種防禦性反應。

雖然宋初就有武人將領合法地進入世族結構中，但劉宋前半的元嘉之治，士族制度卻是極其完備的，一般也認為是文化士族的「全盛期」（同時也是「最後的榮光時期」）。在宋文帝治下，史稱其「綱維備舉，條禁明密，罰有恆科，爵無濫品。故能內清外晏，四海謐如也」，當時的江南社會：「閭閻之間，講誦相聞；士敦操尚，鄉恥輕薄。江左風俗，於斯為美，後之言政治者，皆稱元嘉焉」。這是因為宋文帝除了重用並放權給兼具才幹與名望的風雅士族，如王華、王曇首、殷景仁、謝弘微、劉湛、范曄、江湛、王僧綽等，更重要的是，文帝也能夠尊重王敬弘、王球這一類缺乏理政才幹的高門清望，雖不給實權，但仍任命為副宰相與吏部尚書，在用人上保持住門閥制度的清濁流品，因此能激清揚濁，使得「士敦操尚，鄉恥輕薄」。

劉宋中期的門閥制度，雖然因為450年宋文帝大舉北伐失敗後的困局，使寒人得以竄改籍注或詐列士籍，混亂士族的流品，但在宋孝武帝的整頓革新之下，仍使門閥制度獲得一定的生機。一直到465年宋明帝自立為帝後，才因為廣募部曲、濫賞軍功，造成士族制度嚴重破壞，成為劉宋滅亡的重要原因。

外交關係

劉宋前期為對付北魏，積極聯絡柔然、胡夏、北燕、高句麗、吐谷渾，希望對北魏包夾圍攻，但都被魏軍以優勢機動力各個擊破，無法發揮包夾的效果。其中劉宋與柔然的聯盟關係最穩固也最持久（延續到南齊），對北魏的危害也最大，因此北魏常要先北向摧毀柔然的主力，然後才敢在隔年大舉南伐劉宋。

北魏

劉宋與北魏的對峙，除了幾次大規模的戰爭衝突以外，其實一半以上的時間，雙方保持相對和平的外交關係。雖然劉宋稱北魏為「索虜」、北魏稱南朝為「島夷」，但他們仍不定時的互派使者「交聘」，維持南北的交涉往來。南北通使往來，在南北史書上的記載雖然各有偏頗扭曲，如魏書記載，421年劉裕派沈範、索季孫等到北魏「朝貢」（宋書記為「報使」），但是實際上是一種平等的對等關係。而且使者代表國家，南北的競爭不只是軍事武力的競爭，文化與氣度上也有互別高低的意味，從劉宋中期開始，南北雙方開始精選使者的素養氣質，如清代史家趙翼所稱「必妙選行人，擇其容止可觀，文學優瞻者，以充聘使」。如果出使有失國體，使者回國後則會被嚴加懲處，這多發生在北魏前期文化素養不高的條件下。劉宋中期時，南北曾有五年的互市貿易。453年宋孝武帝登基後，北魏派使者「求通戶市」，宋孝武帝在與公卿大臣廣泛議論後，決定答應互市。兩國官方的貿易關係，大約持續到458年邊境發生小規模戰事而止。

東北亞

劉宋與東北亞的倭國、百濟則有密切的朝貢關係，倭國曾在晉末、劉宋對江東朝貢十多次，史書記載有五位倭王，是為倭五王；百濟在劉宋後期與江東的關係更形緊密，似乎結成軍事同盟，共抗北魏。因為469年北魏完全奪取劉宋在山東半島的城鎮後，百濟因為早前渡海在遼西或山東半島沿岸設有港岸據點，因此與南朝同樣面臨北魏的軍事壓力，479年宋齊易代之後，北魏還曾在488年派軍進攻過百濟的城鎮，卻被百濟打敗。令外又因為百濟與倭國對於朝鮮半島東南部的伽倻（任那）可能有爭奪關係，因此兩國在對劉宋的朝貢外交中常常是互相牽制的對立關係。也因為兩國都想要討好劉宋，所以頻頻向劉宋朝貢示好。譬如倭國在朝貢時，一直希望劉宋冊封倭王為「都督」百濟在內的大將軍，讓倭王有統治百濟的名分，但要求總是被劉宋拒絕。

高句麗因為是朝鮮半島與東北亞中最強的國家（更是東亞世界中僅次於魏、宋的第三強國），所以對劉宋的朝貢關係不太緊密，兩國關係主要是針對北魏而結成的鬆散軍事聯盟。高句麗常會單方面中斷對劉宋的朝貢，說明劉宋對高句麗只存在形式上且薄弱的君臣關係。不過在465年之前，因為劉宋強盛的水軍能夠在渤海沿岸執行任務，相對於遠離海岸且毫無水軍的北魏勢力，高句麗在465年前一直選擇劉宋作交往、朝貢的對象。劉宋曾在438年派將領王白駒，率水軍七千人渡海到高句麗的遼東，想迎接兩前年滅國的北燕主馮弘來到南方，結果高句麗先把馮弘處死，並派兵把王白駒繳械，強制遣送王白駒等回劉宋，隔年再回送八百匹馬給宋作賠禮；到了465年後，可能因為當年劉宋發生劇烈的內鬥（見劉子勛條），高句麗從此改對北魏進行較為緊密的朝貢關係，並在469年後長期疏遠南朝（北魏在469年攻下山東半島），只和南朝保存微弱的外交聯繫。475年高句麗更大破劉宋的盟友百濟，破其國都、殺百濟王，佔領漢江流域，國力達到極盛。這次劉宋沒有再派出水軍到遼東、朝鮮，說明劉宋的無力幹涉與衰落。

東南亞

劉宋交州（越南北部）的南邊與林邑國（今越南之中南部）接鄰。東晉末期，林邑有數年的內亂，劉宋建國元年420年，交州刺史杜慧度派兵萬人南征林邑，林邑請降，並向宋廷致送大象、金銀、古貝等禮物。421年，林邑王陽邁一世遣使到宋廷入貢，並獲宋武帝冊封。但到陽邁二世時，於427年入侵日南、九德等郡。431年，林邑入貢宋廷。432年，陽邁二世派水兵入侵九真，交州刺史阮彌之派軍抵抗，驅逐至區粟而回。433年，陽邁二世遣使到宋廷，要求「領交州」，宋廷不許，陽邁二世因此大為憤恨，雖常遣使入貢，但亦常派兵入侵交州。

446年，宋文帝派龍驤將軍交州刺史檀和之、太尉府振武將軍宗愨等征討林邑。戰前，文帝提示檀和之，倘若林邑國能夠誠心求和，便可答允。檀和之派人向陽邁二世諭以恩信時，陽邁二世竟加以扣留，於是雙方進行交戰。林邑軍先以大象軍取得首勝，後來宗愨提議用獅子的外型去威嚇大象，可以取勝。主帥檀和之採納計策，果然大敗林邑軍。宗愨部隊更一舉攻克首都林邑（Campapura），擄獲無數珍寶、黃金數十萬斤，陽邁二世出逃。此一征戰令林邑元氣大傷，「家國荒殄，時人靡存」。此後，林邑國沒有再起兵進犯交州，對劉宋甚為恭順，多次遣使到建康訪問進貢。

民族政策

自晉室南遷之後，苟延殘喘地偏安江南。原本居於華北的漢人氏族為了逃難而向南遷徙，大量來自中原的移民士族改變了江南地區的人文景觀，甚至口頭語言也逐漸與古河洛語言接軌。

南蠻政策

南朝宋時期，主要把土著蠻夷分成蠻人、俚人、僚人三種類型，三者有時被通稱為「南蠻」。蠻人在長江流域以板循蠻、盤瓠蠻與廩君蠻實力最大，板循蠻又稱賨人，原居益州巴郡閬中一帶，之後經渝水北遷漢中、關中。廩君蠻原在益州巴郡、荊州江陵一帶，後來擴展到長江漢水與淮西一帶。史書上提到的巴東蠻、宜都建平蠻都是指廩君蠻。盤瓠蠻又稱「溪人」，發揚地在辰州，分佈現在的湖南與江西一帶。

南朝劉宋政府為了對付蠻人，在荊州置南蠻校尉、在雍州置寧蠻校尉，專責教化及討伐南蠻。為了在荊雍的強大蠻族群體，南朝劉宋政府在440至470年代曾發動大規模地討蠻運動，有兩次的主將分別為雍府大將沈慶之、荊州刺史沈攸之，捕獲數十萬的蠻族人力。而在450年代，沈慶之、王玄謨大致討平淮水蠻，強化了劉宋在淮南地區的國防。

俚族的範圍在南嶺、今貴州南部到海南島、越南北部一帶。468年起李長仁與李叔獻兄弟據交州抵制劉宋朝廷，當時的宋明帝政權因為正與北魏全力爭奪山東、淮北地區，無力征討交州，只好承認李長仁的刺史名號，維持劉宋對交州名義上的統治，並於471年在交、廣兩州交界地新設越州，以防禦李氏兄弟。李氏兄弟很可能具有交州俚僚族群的血統，他們在交州的割據一直維持到485年才被齊武帝討平。

僚人主要分散在四川、漢中的山谷空地，與賨人的分布區頗有重疊。當時「僚人與夏人（漢人）參居者，頗輸租賦」，說明其編戶化與華化的趨勢較重。

軍事制度

劉宋常態兵力大約二、三十萬，極限動員時可能有四十萬，，但劉宋在淮水以北征伐時，因為受限於後勤供應，只能發動五、六萬兵力，使得北伐經常失敗。劉宋前期北府兵獨大，成為中央軍與荊州、北徐州方鎮的主力來源，故此時仍以世兵制為主；中期荊雍兵崛起，逐漸取得一定的優勢，學者田餘慶認為：「北府兵力日衰，荊雍兵力日盛，是同一個歷史過程的兩個方面」。此時世兵制衰落，軍隊主力逐漸被募兵制和徵兵制取代，特別是將領自招部曲的募兵制，更成為宋末軍隊中的精銳核心。譬如469年後流亡南方的青齊豪族，就被蕭道成收納招募為將官、部曲，成為蕭道成建齊易宋的主力。學者有的稱此武力集團為「淮陰集團」，有的稱之為「青徐集團」。

人口

宋孝武帝大明八年（464年）官方紀錄，全國有901,769戶，5,174,074人，但因為十多年前發生北魏破壞江北的燒殺屠掠，江北人口大減，以及463-464年浙江等地發生大飢荒，浙江人口死亡逃散十分之六，所以劉宋盛世年代（元嘉之治）的官方戶口數字，應當超過一百萬戶、六百萬口。

經濟

劉宋的江北地區主要是村塢型經濟，常受戰亂影響而發展有限；江南社會主要是莊園經濟。世族與寺院的莊園大部分都是多方經營，從自給自足的性質，朝向商品經濟發展。農田有良好的水利系統供種植稻、麥、粟、桑、麻、蔬菜等作物，還可以種植竹木果樹、養魚、畜牧等等。還有紡織、釀造、生產工具等手工業。世族的莊園生產主要交給佃客、部曲和奴隸，而寺院是一般僧侶與民戶。由地主集中開墾，這對於地區的開發起一定的作用。由於世族享有特權，佛教較為盛行，致使地主莊園與寺院莊園膨脹，並且隱匿許多農戶。

農業

農業是莊園經濟的重心，深受朝廷與世族關切。開墾山林與土地兼併的情形在劉宋一直非常旺盛，朝廷雖有禁令，但難以禁止世族兼併土地或霸占山澤，宋孝武帝大明元年（457年）朝廷乾脆承認佔領山林川澤的法令以限制世族搶佔範圍。法令頒布後果然刺激豪門權貴兼併山澤土地的活動，也因此促進了商品經濟的發展。劉宋相對北魏來說比較安定，南渡的移民在初期與末期仍然絡繹不絕，農業生產繼續有所發展。比較突出的地區有荊、揚二州，而益州居次。揚州是劉宋最發達的地區，其中以建康及其周圍地區發展最大。而三吳地區（吳郡、吳興、義興）是中央財庫、各種支出的主要來源。

手工業

由於朝廷大力提倡農桑，戶調征絹布，當時絹布的地位等同貨幣，這些都促進紡織業的生產。劉宋的紡織業與養蠶業比較發達，產地以荊、揚二州為主。由於絲、綿、絹、布等是國家調稅的主要項目，因此紡織是民間普遍的副業。織錦業則在益州為主，劉裕滅後秦，把關中的織錦戶遷到江南，開始在江南發展織錦業。當時富豪人家穿綉裙，著錦履，以彩帛作雜花，綾作服飾，錦作屏障。朝廷設有專官管理礦冶，用水排鼓風冶鑄。鍊鋼則使用一種雜煉生鐵和熟鐵的灌鋼法。這種方法可以鍊出優質鋼，用來製造寶劍和刀。瓷器的燒制技術早在三國、晉朝時期成熟。劉宋時以青瓷為主，產地集中在會稽郡（浙江紹興）。其硬度高，釉料勻，通體青瑩。江南其餘地區的制瓷技術各有自己的特點。劉宋的紙張潔白勻稱，完全取代了簡牘，藤紙與麻紙都很流行。造船業也十分興盛，如宋末沈攸之起義反蕭道成時，荊州作部曾「裝戰艦數百千艘」，而且三吳運河網也持續修造，到南齊時已大致完成，暢通了三吳與建康的交通。

商業

劉宋農業和手工業發達，加上江河交通便利，使得商業日漸發達，江南社會穩定地朝貨幣經濟與商品經濟發展，甚至連江北的漢中地區，也在劉宋中期開始使用貨幣。但由於國家控制的銅礦不足，使得幣制屢變，質量不精。市場上有普通的生產用品、生活用品與奢侈品，商賈小者坐販於列肆，大者轉運於四方，而凡是大批運進的商品買賣，多是世族莊園所生產的經濟作物。商稅是朝廷收入的大宗，然而世族有免關稅權，在任期屆滿時帶著大批貨物作為「還資」，然後轉販各地。商業重鎮有建康、江陵、成都、廣州、廣陵等地。建康是三吳的經濟中心。會稽、吳郡、餘杭居次。廣州是海上貿易重鎮，貿易對象有東南亞各國、天竺、獅子國、波斯等國。江陵是關中、豫州、益州、荊州、交州、梁州的轉運站。成都不僅商業繁盛，也是蜀錦的重要產地。

文化

文學

劉宋詩風流行的是元嘉體。元嘉體是宋文帝元嘉年間的詩風，代表人物有「元嘉三大家」謝靈運、顏延之與鮑照。他們的共同功績是把古體詩推進到完全成熟階段，並且注意聲律和對偶的運用，並且逐漸發展出近體詩；袁淑、謝莊亦為有名詩人。民間詩人則以劉宋初期的陶淵明最具代表性，其擅長描述田園生活，風格清新樸實，提升古體詩內涵，表現出高遠純潔的情操。其作品zh-hant:《; zh-cn:《; zh-tw:〈; zh-sg:《;桃花源記zh-hant:》; zh-cn:》; zh-tw:〉; zh-sg:》;寓意追求一個可供逃避亂世的和諧世界，富有哲理。其詩歌、散文及辭賦廣泛影響後世名家如王維、李白、杜甫、蘇軾、辛棄疾、陸游等人。

小說受到名士清談的影響，促成軼事小說的出現，最有名的是宗王劉義慶招集文人才士所編寫的《世說新語》，為後世文學作品提供大量典故和成語，也是唐代晉書編撰的重要史料來源。

史學

劉宋繼承了漢代以來設官修史之制。宋設著作官，負責撰修國史（本王朝史）及帝王起居注。宋代最著名的兩本史籍，是范曄的《後漢書》與裴松之的《三國志注》。《後漢書》新增「獨行」、「逸民」（或「隱逸」）、「列女」等類傳記各種人物面貌，最被稱道；裴注著重資料搜集、補充史事，不再局限於對音訓及解釋史文，對中國的注史方法產生有相當影響。裴松之對史料相互考異，日後史家有所繼承，如司馬光撰《資治通鑑考異》。裴注裡又有對前代史家的評論，這推動了中國史學批評的發展。

劉宋時譜學（或叫譜牒學）在門閥社會影響下而開始盛行。各家士族郡望為求鞏固社會地位和政治權利，乃撰修家牒，以彰顯自身血統、門第及婚宦。繼家譜出現後，又有了家譜學的研究，當時便出現「統譜」、「百家譜」等書籍。

藝術

劉宋在東晉之後，延續晉代的文化發展。由於玄學流行，老莊的自然觀和江南秀麗的山水結合，使得繪畫脫離儒學的限制，朝向純藝術的方向發展，陸探微為宋明帝時期著名的宮廷畫家，然而其作品均已失傳。由於山水詩的出現，使得長期以來的以表現人物為主的繪畫傳統轉變為山水景色，例如宗炳是中國最早的山水畫理論著述。其《畫山水序》最為著名，精闢地理解「山水以形媚道」之外，在自然山水的觀察，歸納出展現物體遠近的繪畫方法；另外山水畫家王微，著有《敘畫》一篇，強調觀察自然和主觀能動作用。

社會

江南社會的人口很複雜，大致上可分為四個階層：名門豪族的世族；自耕農、新民等從事農工商的編戶齊民；屬於部曲、佃客、衣食客、門生舊故等依附世族的依附人，受政府控管的雜戶、百工戶、兵戶與營戶也是依附人；最後是奴婢、生口、隸戶，這些都屬於奴隸。

雖然文化士族的實力大削，但劉宋仍維持世族社會的結構；而江北豪族的地位與權力雖遜於江南的僑吳士族，但在經濟力與軍事實力方面，卻高出甚多。世族控制的人口有部曲、佃客與奴隸，不經「自贖」或「放遣」，是不能獲得自由的。由於南朝大家族制的衰亡使得部曲逐漸受國家控制。佃客的來源有政府依官品賜給與私自招誘。奴隸的主要來源是破產的農民或是流民，他們是地主的私產，因而可以抵押或買賣。為了防止逃亡，奴隸都被「黥面」。奴隸可以經由「糜喃為客」、「發奴為兵」等方式轉化為地主的佃客和國家的士兵。自耕農是當時農業生產的重要力量。他們對朝廷負擔租調、雜稅、徭役以及兵役，這些都使許多自耕農破產流亡，淪為世族的部曲和佃客。劉宋實行三國以來的世兵制，兵戶世代當兵，平時還需要交納租調。由於手工業者很缺，故官府對雜戶或百工戶的控制極嚴，百工戶從民間徵調到官府作坊後，與配到作坊里的刑徒為伍，終年勞作，世代相襲。如果世族、官僚私佔百工戶往往受到懲治。

江南社會約在晉末宋初由大家庭制轉化為小家庭，在同一家族不同職業的十家就有七八家之多，互相漠視。這是因為宗族發展後各家庭親疏貧富不同，若無共同外患就容易分離；朝廷課稅方式對大家族制無益而導致的。

君主

君主列表

君主世系圖

History

Rise of Liu Yu

Although he was a descendant of Emperor Gaozu of Han's younger brother Liu Jiao, he was still born into poverty. He joined the army at a young age, quickly distinguished himself in the army and was quickly promoted to the command of an army, the Beifu corps. Liu Yu was instrumental in fighting the rebel Huan Xuan. After Huan Xuan's fall, Liu Yu gained control of the Jin dynasty.

Campaigns of Liu Yu

Regarded as one of the best generals of the Northern and Southern dynasties, Liu Yu started off by reclaiming much of the territory the Chinese had lost during the Sixteen Kingdoms era. He started off his career by campaigning against Southern Yan, which bordered Jin to the north and had adopted a policy of aggression and kidnapping citizens from the Jin. By spring of 410, he had captured the southern Yan capital at Guanggu, ending Southern Yan.

Afterwards, he campaigned against western Shu in modern Sichuan. Using a brilliant military manoeuver mentioned in the Art of War, Liu Yu instructed his generals to attack the capital of Shu by the Min River rather than the short route by the Fu river. Surprising the Shu forces, he quickly captured Chengdu and re-annexed that area back into Jin.

Following the death of the Later Qin Emperor Yao Xin, Liu Yu attacked the state of Later Qin, which controlled the valuable lands of Guanzhong, lands which had once housed the capital of the Qin, Han and Jin dynasties before the barbarian uprisings. After defeating the Later Qin army in several battles, as well as an army of Northern Wei troops which had crossed to assist the Later Qin, Liu Yu recaptured the vital cities of Chang'an and Luoyang, the former capitals of the Jin Empire. It is recorded that he engaged the Wei army by the use of spears launched by crossbows, panicking the Wei cavalry and allowing him to score a decisive victory.

After this success, it seemed that Jin would exterminate the remaining barbarian states in the north and reunify China. However, fortunes began to change for the Jin forces. Liu Mengzhi died and in order to secure his power, Liu Yu left for Jiankang (present-day Nanjing), abandoning the management of the North to his general Wang Zhen'e. After his departure, the state of Xia attacked Guanzhong and reoccupied it, and the loss of these lands prescribed Jin's frontier at the Yellow River. However, Jin retained its former eastern capital, Luoyang, as well as most of the Chinese heartland.

Following his return to Jiankang, Liu Yu ended the rule of the Jin and became emperor himself in 420, establishing the Liu Song dynasty. The name of the dynasty was taken from Liu's fief, which occupied roughly the same territory as the Spring & Autumn era State of Song. The Book of Song does not mention whether the Liu family had any blood relationship to the ancient state's ruling House of Zi, or by extension to the Shang dynasty. It is in any case noteworthy that Liu did not frame his new regime as a restoration of the Han dynasty, despite being demonstrably related to the Han imperial family. Liu died in 422 CE, and was succeeded by the incompetent Shaodi, who was quickly removed. His eventual successor would be his third son, Wendi.

Reign of Emperor Wen

Under Emperor Wen, the Liu Song economy prospered during the rule of Yuanjia (元嘉之治), a period noted for its prosperity in the 400 years of conflict between the Han and Tang dynasties. However, the emperor's martial abilities were not equal to his father, and his inability to crush the remaining barbarian states allowed Northern Wei to complete the unification of the North, to the detriment of Liu Song. Afterwards, Northern Wei would remain a grave and permanent threat to the Liu Song.

War with Northern Wei

Emperor Wen continued the campaigns of his father; nevertheless, he was unsuccessful. In 422 CE, the first year of his reign, he lost three commanderies to Wei. Under the able general Dao Yanzhi, however, Liu Song recovered the four cities of Luoyang, Hulao, Huatai and Qiao'ao south of the Yellow River. However, the emperor's unwillingness to advance past this line caused the destruction of the empire's ally, Xia, by the Wei. The emperor was to repeat this mistake as several barbarian states who had offered to ally with Liu Song against Wei were declined, eventually leading to Wei's unification of the North in 439 CE, to the detriment of the Chinese.

Towards the later part of his reign, Emperor Wen was less than able. He wrongfully executed the general Tan Daoji, who had hitherto commanded the Song armies, and took charge himself. The empire's decline was shown in 450 CE, where the emperor attempted to destroy the Northern Wei himself, and launched a massive invasion. Although initially successful, the campaign turned into a disaster. The Wei lured the Liu Song to cross the Yellow River, and then flanked them, destroying the Eastern army. As the Liu Song armies retreated, the provinces south of the Yellow River were devastated by the Wei army. Only Huatai, a fortified city, held out against the Wei. However, the economic damage was immense. The barbarian troops laid waste to the provinces they had temporarily occupied, as described by Sima Guang:

The Wei forces laid South Yan, Xu, North Yan, Yu, Qing, and Ji Provinces to waste. The Song deaths and injuries were innumerable. When Wei forces encountered Song young men, the forces quickly beheaded them or cut them in half. The infants were pierced through with spears, and the spears were then shaken so that the infants would scream as they were spun, for entertainment. The commanderies and counties that Wei forces went through were burned and slaughtered, and not even grass was left. When sparrows returned in the spring, they could not find houses to build nest on, so they had to do so in forests. Wei soldiers and horses also suffered casualties of more than half, and the Xianbei people were all complaining.

Sima Guang also pointed out the cause of Liu Song's disaster:

Every time Emperor Wen sent generals out on battles, he required them to follow the complete battle plans that he had drafted, and even the dates for battles needed approval from the emperor. Therefore, the generals all hesitated and could not make independent decisions. Further, the non-regular troops that he conscripted were not trained, and they rushed to advance when they were victorious and scattered when they were defeated. These were the two reasons why he failed, and from this point on, the state was in recession, and the Reign of Yuanjia was in decline.

Another historian, Shen Yue, pointed out Emperor Wen was said to model his command on the great general Emperor Guangwu of Han, but he lacked the latter's command abilities.

Emperor Wen made another attempt to destroy Northern Wei in 452, but failed again. On returning to the capital, he was assassinated by the heir apparent, Liu Shao.

Reign of Emperor Xiaowu and Qianfei

Liu Shao's assassination of his father in 453 CE raised indignation across the empire, as it disobeyed one of Confucianism's fundamental principles, that of filial piety. Quickly, his brother Liu Jun rose against him, defeated him, and beheaded him. Once Liu Shao was killed. Liu Jun ascended to the throne and became Emperor Xiaowu. However, he was regarded as immoral and committed incest with his cousins and sisters, and reputed to have even done so with his mother. Nevertheless, his reign was a relatively peaceful one.

Following his death in 464 CE, Liu Jun passed his throne to his son, Liu Ziye, who was generally regarded as a tyrant. He disrespected his father and was suspicious of his uncles, putting several of them to death. He continued the incestuous streak of his father, adopting several of his aunts and cousins as concubines. He was reputed to have ordered all of the princesses to come to his palace and have sexual intercourse with him. When one of his aunts refused, he executed her three sons. He also put to death a lady-in-waiting who bore a resemblance to a woman who cursed him in a dream. Eventually, one of his uncles could not bear it, rose up, and assassinated him.

Civil war and loss of Northern Commanderies

The man who assassinated Qianfei quickly became emperor himself and declared himself emperor Ming. He ordered Liu Ziye's brother Liu Zishang and sister Liu Chuyu, who were reputed to have participated in the late emperor's sexual immorality and tyrannical governance, to commit suicide. However, his claim to the throne was not accepted by Liu Zixun, one of his nephews, who then rose against him.

The civil war at first was a great success for Liu Zixun, who quickly overran nearly the entire empire. However, he moved too slowly. Emperor Ming quickly sent an army westward, captured Kuaiji, a vital food supply. Another of his generals captured Qianxi and cut off Liu Zixun's supplies. Starving, his troops collapsed and Liu Zixun was killed, aged just 10.

However, Emperor Ming grew arrogant and refused to grant a pardon to those who had supported Liu Ziye. This action was extremely detrimental to Liu Song and its successors, as the governors of the northern commandries, fearing their lives, surrendered to Wei rather than face execution at Jiankang. This resulted in the loss of the Chinese heartland and the most fertile and cultivated lands at that time. This loss would eventually lead to the destruction of the southern regime, and resulted in North China languishing under a barbarian yoke for another 150 years. Although Emperor Ming attempted to recover them, his attempts were defeated.

Emperor Ming's later reign was extremely brutal. Suspicious of his nephews, he had them all executed. Afraid of usurpation from rival members of the royal family, he executed thousands of members of the royal family, which was greatly weakened. Upon his death, his son had to be assisted by the general Xiao Daocheng, as nearly all of Emperor Ming's brothers and nephews had been killed.

Fall of Liu Song

The successor to the emperor Ming, emperor Houfei, was resentful of the control Xiao Daocheng had over him and announced openly several times he would kill him. Fearful of his demise, Xiao had him assassinated and placed Emperor Shun on his throne. In 479, Xiao took the throne himself and declared himself Emperor of Qi, ending Liu Song. The ex-emperor Shun and his clan were soon put to the sword.

Liu Hui (刘辉) was a descendant of Liu Song royalty who fled north to the Xianbei Northern Wei in exile and married the Xianbei Princess Lanling (蘭陵公主), daughter of the Xianbei Emperor Xiaowen of Northern Wei. More than fifty percent of Tuoba Xianbei princesses of the Northern Wei were married to southern Han Chinese men from the imperial families and aristocrats from southern China of the Southern dynasties who defected and moved north to join the Northern Wei.

Literature and culture

Despite, and certainly to some extent because of, the chaotic warfare between the Northern and Southern dynasties, the Liu Song produced much poetry (shi 詩) notably the rhapsody, fu 賦. The imperial house sponsored many literary works, and many wrote themselves. The court of Emperor Wen was especially active in literary circles, with Liu supporting the compilation of a large collection of short prose anecdotes, A New Account of the Tales of the World (Shishuo Xinyu). The "Three Giants of Yuanjia," Bao Zhao (鮑照) (d.466), Xie Lingyun (謝霊運) (385–433 CE), and Yan Yanzhi (顏延之) (384–456 CE) are perhaps the best known poets of the Song, each of them being credited as the originators of the three major literary trends to follow.

Scientists and astronomers were also active during periods of relative peace. Buddhism also began to be better understood and more widely practised at this time, and some officials such as Xie Lingyun, were Buddhists.

Liu Song sculptors may have created a number of spirit way ensembles, generally characteristic of the Six Dynasties era, for the tombs of the dynasty's emperors and other dignitaries. However, according to a survey of the extant Six Dynasties' sculpture in the Nanjing and Danyang areas, only one of the extant Six Dynasties' tomb sculptural groups has been securely identified as belonging to the Liu Song: the Chuning Tomb of the first emperor of the dynasty. Two qilin statues of this tomb survive in the appropriately named Qilin Town in Nanjing's suburban Jiangning District.

Science

Zu Chongzhi, a noted astronomer, lived during the Liu Song period. He was noted for calculating pi to seven decimal places and as the author of a variety of other astronomical theories.

Table of successions

Liu Song family tree