生平

杜甫家族出于襄阳杜氏，是京兆杜氏的分支、西晋军事家杜预的后裔。家族自襄阳徙居于河南巩县（今河南省巩义市）。杜甫对他显赫的先世有描述，有「同学少年多不贱，五陵衣马自轻肥」的诗篇留下。

杜甫自称为晋朝当阳侯杜预的「十三叶孙」（参见祭远祖当阳君文）。传世文献对杜预之后世系有分歧，《元和姓纂·卷六·杜》称他为杜预「少子」杜耽之后。《古今姓氏书辩证·卷二十四·杜》称他为杜预「幼子」杜尹之后。岑仲勉考证杜甫为杜耽之后，且为杜预十四世孙。胡可先根据杜甫叔父杜并墓志所记载的先祖及相关，认为杜耽之说的杜甫世系，在杜乾光几世之前缺失一世，排列如下：

• 十二世祖：杜预

• 十一世祖：杜耽

• 某世祖：杜顾

• 某世祖：杜逊（迁居襄阳）

• 七世祖：杜乾光，齐司徒右长史。

• 六世祖：杜渐，梁边城太守。

• 五世祖：杜叔毗，北周硖州刺史。

• 高祖：杜鱼石，隋朝河内郡（怀州）司功、获嘉县令。

• 曾祖：杜依艺，唐朝雍州司法、洛州巩县令。

• 祖父：杜审言，洛州洛阳县丞、吉州司户参军、膳部员外郎。

杜甫的外祖父母均为李唐皇室之后，杜甫外祖父之母是唐高祖之外孙女。杜甫外祖母之父是唐太宗与韦贵妃之孙；杜甫外祖母之母是唐太宗与韦贵妃之外孙女。

早年

杜甫早年的生活情况历史对其知之甚少。杜甫生于唐明皇先天元年（712年）2月12日，出生地没有具体记载，一派学者认为在巩县瑶湾，也有人推论为洛阳。杜甫的祖父杜审言是武则天时期的知名政治家暨诗人，新唐书本传称「（审言）少与李峤、崔融、苏味道为文章四友，世号『崔、李、苏、杜』」，父杜闲，官至兖州（今属山东）司马、奉天（今陕西乾县）县令，审言生闲，闲生甫。母清河崔氏早亡，父闲续娶范阳卢氏。从二姑居于洛阳，九岁时即文名震东都。一兄早夭，有异母弟三，异母妹一，常见于其诗。惟继母未见诸笔端，任凭后人臆测。

杜甫自小好学，七岁能作诗，「七龄思即壮，开口咏凤凰」，有志于「致君尧舜上，再使风俗淳」，自称「忆年十五心尚孩，健如黄犊走复来。庭前八月梨枣熟，一日上树能千回」。因有神童之目，遂至「李邕求识面，王翰愿卜邻」。

出游

杜甫在青年的时代曾数次漫游。十九岁的时候，他出游郇瑕（今山西猗氏县）。二十岁的时候，漫游吴越，历时数年。开元二十三年（735年），回巩县参加「乡贡」。二十四年在洛阳参加进士考试，结果落第。他的父亲时任兖州司马，杜甫遂赴兖州省亲，开始齐赵之游。这一次出游即是快活惬意，这段时间主要是打猎与唱歌：「放荡齐赵间，裘马颇轻狂。春歌丛台上，冬猎青丘旁。」开元二十九年，他返回洛阳，筑室首阳山下。约在此时，与司农少卿杨怡的女儿结婚了。天宝三载（744年）四月，杜甫在洛阳与被唐玄宗赐金放还的李白相遇，两人相约为梁宋之游。后，杜甫又到齐州（今山东济南）。四载秋，转赴兖州与李白相会，二人一同寻仙访道，谈诗论文，结下了「醉眠秋共被，携手日同行」的深厚友谊。秋末，二人握手相别，杜甫结束了「放荡齐赵间，裘马颇清狂」，「快意八九年，西归到咸阳」的齐赵之游。其时，正当开元全盛，到处一派升平，杜甫这一段时期的情感倾入诗中，豪放而自负，炽热而奔放，明朗而开阔。这是杜甫早期诗歌艺术的特点。

入仕

天宝六载，玄宗诏天下「通一艺者」到长安应试，杜甫也参加了考试。由于权相李林甫编导了一场「野无遗贤」的闹剧，参加考试的士子全部落选。科举之路既不通，杜甫为实现自己的政治理想，不得不转走权贵之门，投赠干谒等，但都无结果。他客居长安十年，奔走献赋，郁郁不得志，仕途失意，过著贫困的生活，「举进士不中第，困长安」。天宝十载正月，玄宗将举行祭祀太清宫、太庙和天地的三大盛典，杜甫于是在天宝九载冬天预献三《大礼赋》，得到玄宗的赏识，命待制在集贤院，然而仅得「参列选序」资格，等候分配，因主试者仍为李林甫所以没有得到官职。直到十四载，才得授一个河西尉的小官，但杜甫不愿意任此官职，称「不作河西尉，凄凉为折腰」，朝廷就将之改任右卫率府兵曹参军（低阶官职，负责看守兵甲器杖，管理门禁锁钥）。杜甫因已年四十四，至长安也十年有馀，为生计而接受了这所学无用之职。十一月，杜甫往奉先省家，甫入门即闻哭泣，原为稚子饿死。就长安十年的感受和沿途见闻，写成著名的《自京赴奉先县咏怀五百字》。

流离

就在这个月，「安史之乱」爆发。第二年六月，潼关失守，玄宗仓皇逃往成都。七月，太子李亨即位于灵武，是为肃宗。这时，杜甫已将家搬到鄜州（今陕西富县）羌村避难，他听说了肃宗即位，立即在八月只身北上，投奔灵武，途中不幸为叛军俘虏，押至长安，同被俘的王维被严加看管，但因官小，未予囚禁。诗人目睹国家的残破以及叛军的残暴，感时伤事，写下了《春望》、《哀江头》、《哀王孙》等不朽诗篇。至德二载（757年）四月，郭子仪大军来到长安北方，杜甫冒险从城西金光门逃出长安穿过对峙的两军到凤翔（今陕西凤翔)投奔肃宗，「麻鞋见天子，衣袖露两肘」。五月十六日，被肃宗授为左拾遗，故世称「杜拾遗」。不料杜甫很快因营救房管，触怒肃宗，诏三司推问，幸赖宰相张镐救免。十二月肃宗召回杜甫复任左拾遗。天宝十七载，五月，贺兰进明陷害房管，杜甫遭株连，从此受到肃宗的疏远。闰八月，敕放郧州省家。乾元元年（758年）六月，被贬华州司功参军，从此永远离开朝廷。

当年冬，杜甫由华州赴洛阳。二年春，返回华州，正值唐军九节度使邺城战役使郭子仪六十万大军溃败，朝廷大肆抓丁以补充军力，杜甫就沿途所见所感，写成著名的组诗「三吏」「三别」。七月，杜甫弃官去秦州（今甘肃天水），开始了「支离东北风尘际，漂泊西南天地间」的人生苦旅。在漂泊的旅途中杜甫全家备尝艰辛，一度濒临绝境。十月，缺衣少食的杜甫携家离开秦州，南赴同谷（今甘肃成县），想解决衣食之忧。不料到同谷后，生活状况不仅没有改善，反而完全陷入饥寒交迫的绝境之中。杜甫在诗歌中用字字血泪记录下这段最为艰苦的岁月，「男儿生不成名身已老，三年饥走荒山道。长安卿相多少年，富贵应须致身早。山中儒生旧相识，但话宿昔伤怀抱。呜呼七歌兮悄终曲，仰视皇天白日速」。

入蜀

十二月初，杜甫于无奈之下再次逃难，携家离开同谷入蜀，于年底抵达成都，时任成都尹的严武是杜甫的好友，他给予了杜甫许多帮助，杜甫的生活开始安定，「武与甫世旧，待遇甚隆」。因为这一年之内奔波流离，不断逃难，杜甫称之为「奈何迫物累，一岁四行役」。上元元年（760年）春，杜甫一家在亲友们的帮助下，于成都西郊浣花溪畔筑茅屋而居，即为著名的成都杜甫草堂，杜甫送严武入朝至绵州（今四川绵阳）。因剑南兵马使徐知道叛乱，被迫流寓梓州（今四川三台）、阆州（今四川阆中）一带。唐代宗广德元年（763年），朝廷召他为补京兆功曹，他却不去任职。二年正月，严武再任职成都，几次写信希望杜甫回来。六月，严武表荐杜甫为节度参谋、检校工部员外郎，故世又称「杜工部」。

他和严武之间亦发生过矛盾。严武性格暴烈，《新唐书》记载有一次杜甫因醉酒对他不敬，说了一句「严挺之乃有此儿」而令他怀恨在心。一日欲将杜甫与梓州刺史章彝杀害，已经准备好人手，左右告诉其母之后杜甫才被救下，唯独章彝被杀。《新唐书》说严武「最厚杜甫，然欲杀甫数矣」。

永泰元年（765）正月，杜甫退出严武的幕府。四月，严武病逝，杜甫失去依靠，于五月离开成都乘舟南下，经嘉州（今四川乐山）、戎州（今四川宜宾）、渝州（今重庆）、忠州（今重庆忠县）至云安（今重庆云阳），次年暮春迁居夔州（今重庆奉节），甚至以船为家，「崔旰等乱，甫往来梓、夔间」，杜甫诗有「名岂文章著，官应老病休。飘飘何所似？天地一沙鸥」。杜甫居夔州近两年，写诗四百馀首。

去世

大历三年（768年）正月，杜甫携家出三峡，经江陵、公安，暮冬抵岳阳。之后，诗人漂泊湖南，贫病交加，濒临绝境。大历五年（770年）冬，杜甫病死在湘江舟中，时年五十九岁。杜甫因「风疾」病逝。

杜甫的逝世至今都是学术界讨论的一个话题。一些专家认为杜甫是因糖尿病而死，并在杜诗中找到证据，「我多长卿病，日久思朝廷。肺枯渴太甚，漂泊公孙城」。长卿病是指司马相如患有的消渴症，即糖尿病。一说杜甫人在耒阳，为洪水所困，十馀日未进食，后来耒阳聂县令雇小船来接他，并且赠送许多牛肉、白酒款待，杜甫一夜食尽，竟大饱而死，郭沫若据此认为杜甫是吃了「天热肉腐」之物，因食物中毒而亡

。杜甫灵柩停厝在岳阳，唐宪宗元和八年（813年），由他的孙子杜嗣业移葬于河南首阳山下。但现有八座杜甫墓，分别位于河南巩义市、河南偃师市、湖南省耒阳（今耒阳市）、平江县等地。

诗歌

分期

杜甫诗歌现存1400多首，写诗可分四个时期：

• 读书和漫游时期（三十五岁以前）：

:杜甫曾先后游历吴、越（今江浙一带）和齐、赵（今山东北部、河北），其间曾赴洛阳应举，不第。以后在洛阳遇李白，二人结下深厚友谊有诗赠李白，「余亦东蒙客，怜君如弟兄。醉眠秋共被，携手日同行」，堪称快意。继而又遇高适，三人同游梁、宋（今开封、商丘）。后来李杜又到齐州，分手后又遇于东鲁，可惜的是，由于两人后半生际遇都相当坎坷，这次分别之后便没有机会再见面了。

• 困居长安时期（三十五至四十四岁）：

:杜甫先在长安应试，落第。后来向皇帝献赋，向贵人投赠，仅获得少许资助，过著「朝扣富儿门，暮随肥马尘，残杯与冷炙，到处潜悲辛」的生活，「然衣不盖体，常寄食于人」，最后才得到右卫率府胄曹参军的小官。这期间他写了《兵车行》《丽人行》等批评时政、讽刺权贵的诗篇。而《自京赴奉先县咏怀五百字》尤为著名，标志著他经历十年长安困苦生活后对朝廷政治、社会现实的认识达到了新的高度。

• 陷贼和为官时期（四十五至四十八岁）：

:安史之乱爆发，潼关失守，杜甫把家安置在一边，独自去投肃宗，中途为安史叛军俘获，押到长安。他面对混乱的长安，听到官军一再败退的消息，写成《月夜》《春望》《哀江头》《悲陈陶》等诗。后来他潜逃到凤翔行在，任职左拾遗。由于忠言直谏，上疏为宰相房管事被贬华州司功参军。其后，他用诗的形式把他的见闻真实地记录下来，成为他不朽的作品，即「三吏」「三别」。

• 西南飘泊时期（四十八至五十九岁）：

:随著九节度官军在相州大败和关辅饥荒，杜甫弃官，携家随人民逃难，经秦州、同谷等地，到了成都，在严武的帮助下，过了一段比较安定的生活。严武入朝，蜀中军阀成都少尹兼御史徐知道作乱，他漂流到梓州、阆州。后返成都。严武死，他再度飘泊，在夔州住两年，继又漂流到湖北、湖南一带，病死在湘江上。这时期，其作品有《绝句》《水槛遣心》《春夜喜雨》《茅屋为秋风所破歌》《病橘》《登楼》《蜀相》《闻官军收河南河北》《又呈吴郎》《登高》《秋兴》《三绝句》《岁晏行》等千馀首，占全部杜诗的百分之七十以上，深刻地反映了唐代安史之乱前后20多年的社会全貌。

作品集

杜甫诗「有集六十卷」，早佚。北宋宝元二年（1039年）王洙辑有1405篇，编为18卷，题为《杜工部集》。钱谦益编有《笺注杜工部集》。杨伦说：「自六朝以来，乐府题率多模拟剽窃，陈陈相因，最为可厌。子美出而独就当时所感触，上悯国难，下痛民穷，随意立题，尽脱去前人窠臼。」

特色

取材方面，杜甫是社会派诗人，趋向现实主义，内容广泛，富时代性，取材于政治兴亡，社会动乱，战事徭役，饥饿贫穷和贫富悬殊。杜诗善于描写当时历史实况，反映唐代由盛转衰的现况，故有「诗史」之称。从安史之乱至入蜀之前，杜甫经历了大时代的动乱，写下大量的实录式写实名篇。其名篇中，特多写实之作，如名作《丽人行》，反映上层社会的奢淫。融情入景，情景交融，创造出深刻动人之意境。

思想方面，杜诗中有儒家思想，洋溢著仁民爱物的情怀和浓烈爱国主义色彩，有「诗圣」之誉。杜诗善用理智去仔细观察人生社会的实况，从自己的生活经验去体会人民的苦乐，有强烈政治意识，继承并发扬诗经、汉乐府民歌及建安文学的写实精神。

手法方面，杜诗善写人物对话和独白，选取有典型意义的人物和事件来描写。杜诗也善于抒情，结合抒情和叙事，又结合抒情和写景，寄情于景。杜诗叙事注重客观描述，让故事本身直接感染读者，而少发议论。

语言方面，杜甫写作态度非常严肃。语言精炼，准确并时有创新，善于运用民间口语和方言俚谚入诗。形象生动，多姿多采。

体裁方面，杜甫作品众体兼善，五七言古体、律诗绝句，无所不工。他往往用不同的诗体，表达不同的内容，叙事多用较少格律限制，便于铺叙描写的古体诗，抒情则多用近体诗。

杜甫大量创作七言律诗，作品内容广泛，技巧纯熟，注重声律对仗，格律严谨，语言锤鍊，为历代典范之作，达到极高的成就，使七律创作臻于成熟。他又开创「即事名篇」的新乐府诗，描写社会的民生疾苦。

风格方面，杜诗主要风格是沉郁顿挫，气魄阔大雄伟，诗歌意象鲜明强烈。风格多样，丰富多姿，或雄浑奔放，或清新细腻，或沉郁悲凉、或辞藻富丽、或平易质朴、或通俗自然。杜诗融冶吸收前人艺术技巧，发展成一种独特的新风格。

杜甫的诗歌在语言上，普遍认为具有「沉郁」的特点，「沉郁」一词最早见于南朝，「体沉郁之幽思，文丽日月」，后来杜甫更以「沉郁顿挫」四字准确概括出他自己作品的语言，「至于沉郁顿挫，随时敏捷，而扬雄、枚皋之徒，庶可跂及也」。杜甫「对中兴济世的热切，对淆乱乾坤的指斥，对横行霸道的愤慨，对漂泊流离的悲伤，对生灵涂炭的悲悯，对物力衰竭的惋惜，对博施济众的赞美」，而正是这些沉重情感的表达，使得杜诗的语言趋于「沉郁顿挫」。

吴沆《环溪诗话》评杜甫晚期诗句「恣肆变化、阳开阴合」，又云：「惟其意远，举上句，即人不能知下句」。吴沆又说：「凡人作诗，一句只说得一件事物，多说得两件。杜诗一句能说得三件、四件、五件事物；常人作诗，但说得眼前，远不过数十里内，杜诗一句能说数百里，能说两军州，能说满天下，此其所为妙」。

杜甫的诗歌兼备多种风格的，元稹这样评价杜甫：「至于子美，盖所谓上薄风骚，下该沈、宋，言夺苏、李，气吞曹、刘，掩颜、谢之孤高，杂徐、庾之流丽，尽得古今之体势，而兼人人之所独专矣。」秦观也有类似的看法：「于是杜子美者，穷高妙之格，极豪逸之气，包冲淡之趣，兼俊洁之姿，备藻丽之态，而诸家之所不及焉。然不集众家之长，杜氏亦不能独至于斯也。」例如杜甫也有狂放不羁的一面，从其名作《饮中八仙歌》就可以看出杜甫的豪气。「为人性僻耽佳句，语不惊人死不休」是他的创作风格。

唐代的大文学家韩愈曾把杜甫与李白并论说：「李杜文章在，光焰万丈长」。唐末王叔文当永贞革新垂败时，反覆吟诵杜诗「出师未捷身先死，长使英雄泪满襟」以抒悲愤。王安石表彰杜诗「丑妍巨细千万殊，竟莫见以何雕锼」的成就。陈善《扪虱新语》卷七：「老杜诗当是诗中《六经》，他人诗乃诸子之流也」。蒋士铨《忠雅堂文集》卷一《杜诗详注集成序》亦称「杜诗者，诗中之《四子书》也。」胡应麟在《诗薮》中说：「唯工部诸作，气象巍峨，规模巨远，当其神来境诣，错综幻化，不可端倪。千古以还，一人而已。」

杜甫的诗歌在格律上，具有鍊字精到，对仗工整的特点，符合中国诗歌的「建筑美」，例如「风急天高猿啸哀，渚清沙白鸟飞回，无边落木萧萧下，不尽长江滚滚来」就是杜诗鍊字与对仗高超的体现。另外，在体裁上杜甫有许多创新，例如他在五七律上的创造性也是他文学创作的独到之处。

杜诗有诗史之称，这种说法最早见于晚唐，「杜逢禄山之难，流雍陇蜀，毕陈于诗，推见至隐，殆无遗事，故当号为诗史」。到宋时成定论，但诗史之义各有各说。人有以史事注杜诗，认为杜诗为纪实的诗，可以补史证史，所以称为诗史。这种说法只重史事之虚实真假，而轻视诗的情感特性。另一说是，杜甫之所以号诗史，因其悲天悯人，感时伤事。

但也有不喜欢杜甫诗者，杨亿就不喜欢杜甫，刘放《中山诗话》云：「杨大年不喜杜工部诗，谓为村夫子。」

影响

唐代

中、晚唐写实诗人如张籍、白居易、元稹、杜荀鹤、曹邺、皮日休均受杜诗影响。杜甫开创「即事名篇」的新乐府诗，描写民生疾苦，下启中唐新乐府运动。韩愈诗气势雄壮，沉雄博大、奇险生硬、拗折艰涩、喜以文为诗，乃受杜诗影响。李商隐诗浓丽沉郁、气象高远、造语精工，亦受杜诗影响。

宋代孙仅《读杜工部诗集序》说：「公之诗，支而为六家。孟郊得其气焰，张籍得其简丽，姚合得其清雅，贾岛得其奇僻，杜牧、薛能得其豪健，陆龟蒙得其赡博。」

唐人学杜诗的较少，叶少蕴《石林诗话》说：「唐人学老杜，唯商隐一人而已。」王安石亦称「唐人知学老杜而得其藩篱者，唯义山一人而已」。李调元《雨村诗话》认为：「学杜而处处规，此笨伯也，终身不得升其堂，况入其室。唐人升堂，惟李义山一人而已。」这在一定程度上是由他在风格和格律上的创新所导致的，某些评论家认为其中的有些作品仍然很大胆古怪。他在世时关于他的参考资料几乎没有，只有6名诗人共11首诗。而且这些诗关于他的影响这一方面，都没有提及他是诗歌和伦理观点的模范。

然而，就像洪业说的一样，杜甫是「中国唯一影响随著时间不断增长的诗人」。公元九世纪时他的作品开始出名，早期的正面积极评价来自白居易，他推广了杜甫部分作品伦理观点，尽管他只在杜甫的部分作品中找到这些观点。除了白居易，还有韩愈，他撰文以此批驳反对李杜的声音，捍卫了他们的美学地位。同时，这两位诗人的诗文中都有杜诗的影子。

杜甫的现实主义创作精神，自白居易后，影响了皮日休、曹邺、聂夷中、杜荀鹤等人的创作，从而形成一个现实主义诗派，在晚唐的诗坛上独领风骚。

宋代

宋初白话体诗人王禹偁评价杜甫说，「子美集开诗世界」。江西诗派的始祖黄庭坚诗宗杜甫，江西诗派有「一祖三宗」之说，「一祖」即为杜甫。江西诗派师法杜诗奇峭的一面，黄庭坚认为杜甫作诗，无一字无来处，而江西诗派亦要求字字有来历。江西诗派亦喜用始于杜甫的拗体。

宋代黄庭坚、陈师道等，专门探究杜诗奇峭的一面，形成了「江西诗派」，之后的王安石、苏轼、陆游、文天祥也都在一定程度上受到了杜甫的影响，文天祥在狱中作了200首集杜甫五言诗，自序里说：「凡吾意所欲言者，子美先为代言之。」杜甫更广泛的影响是，杜甫的作品将律诗从文字上的游戏变成了抒发政治抱负的载体，对后来的诗人政治题材的写作奠定了基础。

海外

杜甫不只在中国流名，还扬名海外。1481年，朝鲜王朝将杜诗翻译成韩文，叫《杜诗谚解》。他对日本文学影响相对较晚，直到十七世纪他在日本拥有和在中国一样的名声。杜甫对松尾芭蕉的影响尤深。杜甫也是美国作家雷克斯罗斯最喜欢的作家。

杜甫对后人的影响还有道德方面的。二十世纪，美国现代诗人雷克斯罗斯认为杜甫所关心的是人跟人之间的爱，人跟人之间的宽容和同情：「我的诗歌毫无疑问地主要受到杜甫的影响。我认为他是有史以来在史诗和戏剧以外的领域里最伟大的诗人，在某些方面他甚至超过了莎士比亚和荷马，至少他更加自然和亲切。」

地位

杜甫在其有生之年以及去世后的一段时间，没有受到多少嘉奖和重视，高仲武编《中兴间气集》专门选录从肃宗到代宗末年这一时期的诗，竟未选录杜诗。《河岳英灵集》亦未选杜诗。今存唐人选唐诗十种选本中，除韦庄《又玄集》选杜甫七首诗外，其馀选本均不选杜诗。

公元十世纪初，五代诗人韦庄找到了草堂遗址，重新修建茅屋，所以得以保存。

到了宋朝，杜甫的声名达到了顶峰，苏轼首倡杜诗「集大成」说，其《书唐氏六家书后一首》诗云：「杜子美诗，格力天纵，奄有汉、魏、晋、宋以来风流。」。

宋朝理学的发展确保了杜甫作为诗的典范和他的至高无上的地位，苏轼阐释了理由：「古今诗人众矣，而子美独为首者，岂非以其流落饥寒，终身不用，而一饭未尝忘君也欤！」他思考的能力铸就了他的影响力，出于他对建立良好社会秩序的向往，他深受政治家的推崇，改革家也学习他对穷人的悲悯，文学家学习他在艺术手法上的创新。清初文学家金圣叹，把杜甫所作之诗，与屈原的《离骚》、庄周的《庄子》、司马迁的《史记》、施耐庵的《水浒传》、王实甫的《西厢记》，合称「六才子书」。在当代，杜甫对国家的忠心和对人民的关切被重新诠释为民族主义和社会主义的含义，而他本人因为使用「人民的语言」而受到现代研究者的赞赏。

纪念建筑

• 杜甫草堂，有二处，分别位于四川省成都市和甘肃省成县，前者较著名。

• 杜甫江阁，位于湖南省长沙市。

• 杜甫故里，位于今河南省巩义市。

• 少陵台，位于山东省兖州市。

• 杜公祠，位于陕西省西安市长安区少陵原畔。

• 全国现有八处杜甫墓

　• 杜甫陵园，位于河南省巩义市城区西北5公里处的康店镇康店村西部邙岭上，占地34亩，有杜甫墓，及其长子杜宗文，次子杜宗武之墓。

　• 杜甫墓祠，位于湖南省平江县安定镇小田村。

注释

参考

• 杜甫，2003，《杜工部集》 上海古籍出版社，上海市，ISBN 978-7-5325-3587-3

• 黄珅，2004，《杜甫心影录》 中华书局，上海市，ISBN 978-7-101-03983-2

• 郭永榕，1996，《杜甫文学游历：杜少陵传》 文史哲出版社，台北市，ISBN 978-957-549-023-2

• 曾枣庄，2001，《杜甫在四川》 学海出版社，深坑乡，台北市，ISBN 978-957-614-183-6

• 萧涤非，1983，《唐诗鉴赏辞典》 上海辞书出版社，上海市，ISBN 978-7-5326-1723-4

• 谢思炜，2005，《唐诗名家诵读:杜甫诗》人民文学出版社，北京市，ISBN 978-7-02-005075-8

• 莫砺锋，1998，《杜甫评传——中国思想家评传丛书》 南京大学出版社，江苏省 ISBN 978-7-305-01797-1

• 华文轩，2001，《古典文学研究资料汇编·杜甫卷·上编》 中华书局 ，上海市 ISBN 978-7-101-02801-0

• 莫砺锋，《杜甫的文化意义》（上，下），中央电视台《百家讲坛》，2004年9月。

• 洪业著，曾祥波译：《杜甫：中国最伟大的诗人》（上海：上海古籍出版社，2011）。

• 叶嘉莹：《叶嘉莹说杜甫诗》（北京：中华书局，2007）。

• 叶嘉莹：〈杜甫诗在写实中的象喻性〉。

• 叶嘉莹：〈杜甫七律诗演进的几个阶段〉。

• 叶嘉莹：〈谈李白、杜甫的友谊和天才的寂寞〉。

• 冯至：《杜甫传》（北京：人民文学出版社，1980）。

• 吉川幸次郎著，李寅生译：《读杜札记》（南京：凤凰出版社，2011）。

• 倪豪士：〈过去与现在：对杜甫诗歌的个人解读〉。

扩展阅读

• McMullen, David L. "Recollection without Tranquility: Du Fu, the Imperial Gardens, and the State." (Archive) Asia Major (FR), vol. 14-2, 2001. p. 189-252.

• Motsch, Monika. "Slow Poison or Magic Carpet: The Du Fu Translations by Erwin Ritter von Zach." (Archive) In: Alleton, Vivianne and Michael Lackner (editors). De l'un au multiple: traductions du chinois vers les langues européennes Translations from Chinese into European Languages (EN, FR. Éditions de la maison des sciences de l'homme (Les Editions de la MSH, FR), 1999, Paris. p. 100-111. ISBN 978-2-7351-0768-1, 9782735107681.

外部链接

• 杜甫诗选全集共一千一百四十一首

• 杜甫

• 见证历史的杜甫杜甫——生平事迹

• 杜甫草堂

Life

Traditional Chinese literary criticism emphasized the life of the author when interpreting a work, a practice which the American scholar Burton Watson attributed to "the close links that traditional Chinese thought posits between art and morality". Since many of Du Fu's poems feature morality and history, this practice is particularly important. Another reason, identified by the Chinese historian William Hung, is that Chinese poems are typically concise, omitting context that might be relevant, but which an informed contemporary could be assumed to know. For modern Western readers, "The less accurately we know the time, the place and the circumstances in the background, the more liable we are to imagine it incorrectly, and the result will be that we either misunderstand the poem or fail to understand it altogether". Stephen Owen suggests a third factor particular to Du Fu, arguing that the variety of the poet's work required consideration of his whole life, rather than the "reductive" categorizations used for more limited poets.

Early years

Most of what is known of Du Fu's life comes from his poems. His paternal grandfather was Du Shenyan, a noted politician and poet during the reign of Empress Wu Zetian (r. 690–705). Du Fu was born in 712; the exact birthplace is unknown, except that it was near Luoyang, Henan province (Gong county is a favourite candidate). In later life, he considered himself to belong to the capital city of Chang'an, ancestral hometown of the Du family.

Du Fu's mother died shortly after he was born, and he was partially raised by his aunt. He had an elder brother, who died young. He also had three half brothers and one half sister, to whom he frequently refers in his poems, although he never mentions his stepmother.

The son of a minor scholar-official, his youth was spent on the standard education of a future civil servant: study and memorisation of the Confucian classics of philosophy, history and poetry. He later claimed to have produced creditable poems by his early teens, but these have been lost.

In the early 730s, he travelled in the Jiangsu/Zhejiang area; his earliest surviving poem, describing a poetry contest, is thought to date from the end of this period, around 735.

In that year, he took the Imperial examination, likely in Chang'an. He failed, to his surprise and that of centuries of later critics. Hung concludes that he probably failed because his prose style at the time was too dense and obscure, while Chou suggests his failure to cultivate connections in the capital may have been to blame. After this failure, he went back to traveling, this time around Shandong and Hebei.

His father died around 740. Du Fu would have been allowed to enter the civil service because of his father's rank, but he is thought to have given up the privilege in favour of one of his half brothers. He spent the next four years living in the Luoyang area, fulfilling his duties in domestic affairs.

In the autumn of 744, he met Li Bai (Li Po) for the first time, and the two poets formed a friendship. David Young describes this as "the most significant formative element in Du Fu's artistic development" because it gave him a living example of the reclusive poet-scholar life to which he was attracted after his failure in the civil service exam. The relationship was somewhat one-sided, however. Du Fu was by some years the younger, while Li Bai was already a poetic star. We have twelve poems to or about Li Bai from the younger poet, but only one in the other direction. They met again only once, in 745.

In 746, he moved to the capital in an attempt to resurrect his official career. He took the civil service exam a second time during the following year, but all the candidates were failed by the prime minister (apparently in order to prevent the emergence of possible rivals). He never again attempted the examinations, instead petitioning the emperor directly in 751, 754 and probably again in 755. He married around 752, and by 757 the couple had had five children—three sons and two daughters—but one of the sons died in infancy in 755. From 754 he began to have lung problems (probably asthma), the first of a series of ailments which dogged him for the rest of his life. It was in that year that Du Fu was forced to move his family due to the turmoil of a famine brought about by massive floods in the region.

In 755, he received an appointment as Registrar of the Right Commandant's office of the Crown Prince's Palace. Although this was a minor post, in normal times it would have been at least the start of an official career. Even before he had begun work, however, the position was swept away by events.

War

The An Lushan Rebellion began in December 755, and was not completely suppressed for almost eight years. It caused enormous disruption to Chinese society: the census of 754 recorded 52.9 million people, but ten years later, the census counted just 16.9 million, the remainder having been displaced or killed.

During this time, Du Fu led a largely itinerant life unsettled by wars, associated famines and imperial displeasure. This period of unhappiness was the making of Du Fu as a poet: Eva Shan Chou has written that, "What he saw around him—the lives of his family, neighbors, and strangers– what he heard, and what he hoped for or feared from the progress of various campaigns—these became the enduring themes of his poetry". Even when he learned of the death of his youngest child, he turned to the suffering of others in his poetry instead of dwelling upon his own misfortunes. Du Fu wrote:

In 756, Emperor Xuanzong was forced to flee the capital and abdicate. Du Fu, who had been away from the city, took his family to a place of safety and attempted to join the court of the new emperor (Suzong), but he was captured by the rebels and taken to Chang'an. In the autumn, his youngest son, Du Zongwu (Baby Bear), was born. Around this time Du Fu is thought to have contracted malaria.

He escaped from Chang'an the following year, and was appointed Reminder when he rejoined the court in May 757. This post gave access to the emperor but was largely ceremonial. Du Fu's conscientiousness compelled him to try to make use of it: he caused trouble for himself by protesting the removal of his friend and patron Fang Guan on a petty charge. He was arrested but was pardoned in June. He was granted leave to visit his family in September, but he soon rejoined the court and on 8 December 757, he returned to Chang'an with the emperor following its recapture by government forces. However, his advice continued to be unappreciated, and in the summer of 758 he was demoted to a post as Commissioner of Education in Huazhou. The position was not to his taste: in one poem, he wrote:

He moved on in the summer of 759; this has traditionally been ascribed to famine, but Hung believes that frustration is a more likely reason. He next spent around six weeks in Qinzhou (now Tianshui, Gansu province), where he wrote more than sixty poems.

Chengdu

In December 759, he briefly stayed in Tonggu (modern Gansu). He departed on 24 December for Chengdu (Sichuan province), where he was hosted by local Prefect and fellow poet Pei Di. Du subsequently based himself in Sichuan for most of the next five years. By the autumn of that year he was in financial trouble, and sent poems begging help to various acquaintances. He was relieved by Yan Wu, a friend and former colleague who was appointed governor general at Chengdu. Despite his financial problems, this was one of the happiest and most peaceful periods of his life. Many of Du's poems from this period are peaceful depictions of his life at Du Fu Thatched Cottage.

In 762, he left the city to escape a rebellion, but he returned in summer 764 when he was appointed an advisor to Yan, who was involved in campaigns against the Tibetan Empire.

Last years

Luoyang, the region of his birthplace, was recovered by government forces in the winter of 762, and in the spring of 765 Du Fu and his family sailed down the Yangtze, apparently with the intention of making their way there. They traveled slowly, held up by his ill-health (by this time he was suffering from poor eyesight, deafness and general old age in addition to his previous ailments). They stayed in Kuizhou (in what is now Baidicheng, Chongqing) at the entrance to the Three Gorges for almost two years from late spring 766. This period was Du Fu's last great poetic flowering, and here he wrote 400 poems in his dense, late style.

In autumn 766, Bo Maolin became governor of the region: he supported Du Fu financially and employed him as his unofficial secretary.

In March 768, he resumed his journey and got as far as Hunan province, where he died in Tanzhou (now Changsha) in November or December 770, in his 58th year. He was survived by his wife and two sons, who remained in the area for some years at least. His last known descendant is a grandson who requested a grave inscription for the poet from Yuan Zhen in 813.

Hung summarises his life by concluding that, "He appeared to be a filial son, an affectionate father, a generous brother, a faithful husband, a loyal friend, a dutiful official, and a patriotic subject."

Below is an example of one of Du Fu's later works, To My Retired Friend Wei. Like many other poems in the Tang it featured the theme of a long parting between friends, which was often due to officials being frequently transferred to the provinces:

Health

Du Fu is the first person in the historical record identified as a diabetic patient. In his later years, he suffered from diabetes and pulmonary tuberculosis, and died on board a ship on the Yangtze River, aged 58 years old.

Works

Criticism of Du Fu's works has focused on his strong sense of history, his moral engagement, and his technical excellence.

History

Since the Song dynasty, critics have called Du Fu the "poet saint" (, shī shèng). The most directly historical of his poems are those commenting on military tactics or the successes and failures of the government, or the poems of advice which he wrote to the emperor. Indirectly, he wrote about the effect of the times in which he lived on himself, and on the ordinary people of China. As Watson notes, this is information "of a kind seldom found in the officially compiled histories of the era".

Du Fu's political comments are based on emotion rather than calculation: his prescriptions have been paraphrased as, "Let us all be less selfish, let us all do what we are supposed to do". Since his views were impossible to disagree with, his forcefully expressed truisms enabled his installation as the central figure of Chinese poetic history.

Moral engagement

A second favourite epithet of Chinese critics is that of "poet sage" (, shī shèng), a counterpart to the philosophical sage, Confucius. One of the earliest surviving works, The Song of the Wagons (from around 750), gives voice to the sufferings of a conscript soldier in the imperial army and a clear-sighted consciousness of suffering. These concerns are continuously articulated in poems on the lives of both soldiers and civilians produced by Du Fu throughout his life.

Although Du Fu's frequent references to his own difficulties can give the impression of an all-consuming solipsism, Hawkes argues that his "famous compassion in fact includes himself, viewed quite objectively and almost as an afterthought". He therefore "lends grandeur" to the wider picture by comparing it to "his own slightly comical triviality".

Du Fu's compassion, for himself and for others, was part of his general broadening of the scope of poetry: he devoted many works to topics which had previously been considered unsuitable for poetic treatment. Zhang Jie wrote that for Du Fu, "everything in this world is poetry", Du wrote extensively on subjects such as domestic life, calligraphy, paintings, animals, and other poems.

Technical excellence

Du Fu's work is notable above all for its range. Chinese critics traditionally used the term (jídàchéng, "complete symphony"), a reference to Mencius' description of Confucius. Yuan Zhen was the first to note the breadth of Du Fu's achievement, writing in 813 that his predecessor, "united in his work traits which previous men had displayed only singly". He mastered all the forms of Chinese poetry: Chou says that in every form he "either made outstanding advances or contributed outstanding examples". Furthermore, his poems use a wide range of registers, from the direct and colloquial to the allusive and self-consciously literary. This variety is manifested even within individual works: Owen identifies the, "rapid stylistic and thematic shifts" in poems which enable the poet to represent different facets of a situation, while Chou uses the term "juxtaposition" as the major analytical tool in her work. Du Fu is noted for having written more on poetics and painting than any other writer of his time. He wrote eighteen poems on painting alone, more than any other Tang poet. Du Fu's seemingly negative commentary on the prized horse paintings of Han Gan ignited a controversy that has persisted to the present day.

The tenor of his work changed as he developed his style and adapted to his surroundings ("chameleon-like" according to Watson): his earliest works are in a relatively derivative, courtly style, but he came into his own in the years of the rebellion. Owen comments on the "grim simplicity" of the Qinzhou poems, which mirrors the desert landscape; the works from his Chengdu period are "light, often finely observed"; while the poems from the late Kuizhou period have a "density and power of vision".

Although he wrote in all poetic forms, Du Fu is best known for his lǜshi, a type of poem with strict constraints on form and content, for example:

About two thirds of Du Fu's 1500 extant works are in this form, and he is generally considered to be its leading exponent. His best lǜshi use the parallelisms required by the form to add expressive content rather than as mere technical restrictions. Hawkes comments that, "it is amazing that Tu Fu is able to use so immensely stylized a form in so natural a manner".

Influence

According to the Encyclopædia Britannica, Du Fu's writings are considered by many literary critics to be among the greatest of all time, and it states "his dense, compressed language makes use of all the connotative overtones of a phrase and of all the intonational potentials of the individual word, qualities that no translation can ever reveal."

In his lifetime and immediately following his death, Du Fu was not greatly appreciated. In part this can be attributed to his stylistic and formal innovations, some of which are still "considered extremely daring and bizarre by Chinese critics." There are few contemporary references to him—only eleven poems from six writers—and these describe him in terms of affection, but not as a paragon of poetic or moral ideals. Du Fu is also poorly represented in contemporary anthologies of poetry.

However, as Hung notes, he "is the only Chinese poet whose influence grew with time", and his works began to increase in popularity in the ninth century. Early positive comments came from Bai Juyi, who praised the moral sentiments of some of Du Fu's works (although he found these in only a small fraction of the poems), and from Han Yu, who wrote a piece defending Du Fu and Li Bai on aesthetic grounds from attacks made against them. Both these writers showed the influence of Du Fu in their own poetic work. By the beginning of the 10th century, Wei Zhuang constructed the first replica of his thatched cottage in Sichuan.

It was in the 11th century, during the Northern Song era that Du Fu's reputation reached its peak. In this period a comprehensive re-evaluation of earlier poets took place, in which Wang Wei, Li Bai and Du Fu came to be regarded as representing respectively the Buddhist, Daoist and Confucian strands of Chinese culture. At the same time, the development of Neo-Confucianism ensured that Du Fu, as its poetic exemplar, occupied the paramount position. Su Shi famously expressed this reasoning when he wrote that Du Fu was "preeminent ... because ... through all his vicissitudes, he never for the space of a meal forgot his sovereign". His influence was helped by his ability to reconcile apparent opposites: political conservatives were attracted by his loyalty to the established order, while political radicals embraced his concern for the poor. Literary conservatives could look to his technical mastery, while literary radicals were inspired by his innovations. Since the establishment of the People's Republic of China, Du Fu's loyalty to the state and concern for the poor have been interpreted as embryonic nationalism and socialism, and he has been praised for his use of simple, "people's language".

Du Fu's popularity grew to such an extent that it is as hard to measure his influence as that of Shakespeare in England: it was hard for any Chinese poet not to be influenced by him. While there was never another Du Fu, individual poets followed in the traditions of specific aspects of his work: Bai Juyi's concern for the poor, Lu You's patriotism, and Mei Yaochen's reflections on the quotidian are a few examples. More broadly, Du Fu's work in transforming the lǜshi from mere word play into "a vehicle for serious poetic utterance" set the stage for every subsequent writer in the genre.

In the 20th century, he was the favourite poet of Kenneth Rexroth, who has described him as "the greatest non-epic, non-dramatic poet who has survived in any language", and commented that, "he has made me a better man, as a moral agent and as a perceiving organism".

Influence on Japanese literature

Du Fu's poetry has made a profound impact on Japanese literature, especially on the literature from the Muromachi period and on scholars and poets in the Edo period, including Matsuo Bashō, the very greatest of all haiku poets. Even in modern Japanese, the term is mostly synonymous with Du Fu.

Until the 13th century, the Japanese preferred Bai Juyi above all poets and there were few references to Du Fu, although his influence can be seen in some kanshi ("Chinese poetry made by Japanese poets") anthologies such as Bunka Shūreishū in the 9th century. The first notable Japanese appreciator of Du Fu's poetry was Kokan Shiren (1278–1346), a Rinzai Zen patriarch and one of the most prominent authors of the literature of the Five Mountains; he highly praised Du Fu and made a commentary on some poems of Du Fu from the perspective of a Zen priest in Vol. 11 of Saihokushū. His student Chūgan Engetsu composed many kanshi which were clearly stated "influenced by Du Fu" in their prefaces. Chūgan's student Gidō Shūshin had close connection with the Court and Ashikaga Shogunate and propagated Du Fu's poetry in the mundane world; one day Nijō Yoshimoto, the Kampaku regent of the Court and the highest authority of renga poetry, asked Gidō, "Should I learn the poetry of Du Fu and Li Bai?" Gidō dared to reply, "Yes if you do have enough capability. No if do not." Since then, there had been many seminars on Du Fu's poetry both in Zen temples and in the aristocratic society, and as a result his poetry was often cited in Japanese literature in the Muromachi period, e.g., Taiheiki, a historical epic in the late 14th century, and some noh plays such as Hyakuman, Bashō, and Shunkan.

During the Kan'ei era of the Edo period (1624–1643), Shào Chuán (邵传) of the Ming Dynasty's was imported into Japan, and it gained explosive popularity in Confucian scholars and chōnin (townspeople) class. The commentary established Du Fu's fame as the highest of all poets; for instance, Hayashi Shunsai, a notable Confucian scholar, commented in Vol. 37 of Gahō Bunshū that Zǐměi Fu was the very best poet in history and praised Shào Chuán's commentary for its simplicity and readability, while he criticized old commentaries during the Yuan Dynasty were too unfathomable. Matsuo Bashō, the greatest haiku poet, was also strongly influenced by Du Fu; in Oku no Hosomichi, his masterpiece, he cites the first two lines of A Spring View (春望) before a haiku as its introduction and also many of his other haiku have similar wording and themes. It is said that when he died in Osaka during a long travel, a copy of Du Fu's poetry was found with him as one of a few precious items which he was able to carry around.

Translation

A variety of styles have been used in efforts to translate Du Fu's work into English. As Burton Watson remarks in The Selected Poems of Du Fu, "There are many different ways to approach the problems involved in translating Du Fu, which is why we need as many different translations as possible" (p. xxii). The translators have had to contend with bringing out the formal constraints of the original without sounding laboured to a Western ear (particularly when translating regulated verse, or lǜshi), and accommodating the complex allusions contained particularly in the later works (Hawkes writes that "his poems do not as a rule come through very well in translation"—p. ix). One extreme on each issue is represented by Kenneth Rexroth's One Hundred Poems From the Chinese. His are free translations, which seek to conceal the parallelisms through enjambement and expansion and contraction of the content; his responses to the allusions are firstly to omit most of these poems from his selection, and secondly to "translate out" the references in those works which he does select. Arthur Cooper also translated selected poems of Du Fu and Li Bai, which were published under the Penguin Classics imprint.

Other translators have placed much greater weight on trying to convey a sense of the poetic forms used by Du Fu. Vikram Seth in Three Chinese Poets uses English-style rhyme schemes, whereas Keith Holyoak in Facing the Moon approximates the Chinese rhyme scheme; both use end-stopped lines and preserve some degree of parallelism. In The Selected Poems of Du Fu, Burton Watson follows the parallelisms quite strictly, persuading the western reader to adapt to the poems rather than vice versa. Similarly, he deals with the allusion of the later works by combining literal translation with extensive annotation.

In 2015, Stephen Owen published annotated translations, with facing Chinese texts, of the complete poetry of Du Fu in six volumes.