生平经历

出生异象

孙权的一族富春孙氏是江东士族，但不太显赫，世代仕于吴。生父孙坚据说是春秋时期军事家孙武后人，孤微发迹；孙权亦因此可能是孙武的第22代孙。

孙权生母为吴郡豪族出身的吴夫人，当初怀孕的时候，梦见月亮进去怀里，之后生下了孙策。及后在怀孙权的时候，又梦见太阳进去怀里。之后告诉孙坚说：「妾昔日怀著孙策的时候，梦见月亮入怀里；如今又梦见太阳入怀里，为什么会这样呢？」孙坚回答：「太阳和月亮，是阴阳的能量精气，是极其贵象的徵兆。我们的子孙大概会发家兴旺吧！」孙坚在担任下邳县丞时生有孙权。

早年经历

汉光和七年（184年），朱儁奏请孙坚担任佐军司马，孙坚随朱儁南征北战，将妻吴氏和孙权等诸子都留在九江郡寿春县。

汉中平六年（189年），汉灵帝逝世，长沙（治所在今湖南省长沙市）太守的孙坚起兵从长沙经荆州响应讨伐董卓的关东联军。当时孙权的长兄孙策已在寿春淮南一带颇有名气。其中有庐江人周瑜前来拜会，在周瑜的建议下，孙策于是携母弟搬到庐江郡舒县（今安徽省庐江县西南）。

汉初平二年（191年），孙坚奉袁术之命讨伐荆州刘表，结果中刘表手下的黄祖的埋伏身亡。而孙坚遗子孙策孙权都跟随袁术行动 ，《江表传》也记载孙权常随从孙策左右。孙权为世所知后，孙策对这个弟弟感到很惊奇，自认为不如他。每当宴请宾客时，孙策常常回头看著孙权说：「这些人，以后都会是你的将领。」。后来孙策在江都遇到张紘，便托付他照看母弟。

汉初平四年（193年）因孙策到寿春去见袁术，就派吕范将孙权等人护送到住在曲阿的舅舅吴景那里居住。翌年，孙策击破了陆康为袁术取得了庐江郡。当时，还是扬州刺史的刘繇担心自己也会被袁氏吞并，与袁术和孙策产生嫌隙，于是将孙权堂兄孙贲和吴景驱逐出曲阿，只有孙权及其母弟弟们还留在那里，于是朱治特意将其从曲阿接到自己家里奉养卫护。孙权和母亲后来又迁至历阳县和阜陵县居住。

汉兴平二年（195年）孙策渡江击败刘繇后，派遣陈宝迎接母亲弟弟。孙权到江东以后，与朱然胡综一起读书，结下了深厚的友谊。

汉建安元年（196年），孙权14岁的时候，由朱治举为孝廉，任阳羡县（今江苏宜兴）长，代行奉义校尉。，当时已有属下周泰和潘璋。

孙策平定江东的丹阳、会稽和吴三郡后开始给汉廷进贡。建安二年（197年），汉廷派刘琬前往江东授予孙策会稽太守的职务，刘琬对人说：「我看孙家的兄弟虽然每个都才华横溢，智慧通达，都是荣华福贵不长久。只有次男孝廉，相貌高大挺拔，有大贵之表，且会是最为长寿的，你们等著瞧吧。」袁术与孙策决裂后，拉拢丹阳等六县及山贼头目祖郎，鼓动山越和自己一起共同对付孙策。当时孙策率兵前往讨山贼，仅孙权等数百人留在宣城，山贼数千人蜂拥而至，年轻的孙权在周泰的保护之下得以幸免。

汉建安四年（199年）末至次年初，孙权随同孙策征庐江太守刘勋于皖城。刘勋败逃后，又进军沙羡讨伐黄祖，与仇敌黄祖在沙羡一带展开大战，黄祖几乎全军覆没，韩唏战死，黄祖只身逃走，士卒溺死者达万人，豫章太守华歆又举城投降。平定了庐江豫章二郡。孙策与曹操交好，表面臣服于汉朝廷之下，曹操加封孙策为吴侯，并任命严象将孙权举为茂才。并以礼徵辟孙权和孙权的弟弟孙翊到汉朝廷担当汉臣职务，但二人均没有前往。

继任与立足江东

汉建安五年（200年）春，孙策遭到刺杀，临终前将二弟孙权来病榻前，佩以印绶及兵符，将他定为继承人。孙权在兄长去世的悲痛中而未主持公务，经过长史张昭劝说，乃除去丧服，由张昭扶上马，外出巡察军营，程普、朱治、周瑜、吕范等为孙权效力辅助，但自己地盘的人却对孙权怀有异心。

孙策平定江东的时候，曾对当地士族进行打压、屠戮，导致孙家在本土得不到支持。未开发山地潜藏的山越也大规模发动叛乱，而江东许多的本地豪族士族与山越族群都有紧密联系，因此，在孙氏每次出征对外的时候，都给予江东内部很大的侵扰，也一直牵制著吴国数十年的对外作战。当时只占有江东会稽、吴郡、丹杨、豫章、庐陵、庐江六郡，而当中五郡却不服从发生叛变，当地人士大量逃离江东投靠北方，山越也大规模发起叛乱，北方的曹操也打算进攻江东。而兄弟孙辅认为孙权没有能力保卫江东，于是与曹操暗通出卖孙权，被孙权察觉后给予制裁。堂兄孙暠（孙静长男）欲攻打会稽郡夺取政权，但虞翻不从他。庐江太守李术不服从孙权，与梅乾、雷绪、陈兰数万人在集结淮水一带骚扰破坏，孙权写信要求李术扣留这些叛逃者。李术公开表示有德见归，无德见叛，不应复还为由拒绝。在内外双重压力之下，孙权以张昭为师傅，并任用父兄留下的部将，著力怀柔本土士族，起用豪族子弟，稳定江东孙家政权，并且招纳更多人才为自己效力。接著孙权用谋略写信给曹操，说严象被杀是李术所为，所以不应该理会李术。孙权随后与孙河、徐琨一起亲征叛徒李术于皖城。皖城被孙权包围，李术向曹操求救，但是曹操没有到来，一切发展正如孙权所设计的一样。城内粮尽只能用泥丸代替食粮充饥，随即破皖城，李术被枭首，孙权迁徙城里人及李术部将三万馀人到江东，留下一座空城。

陆逊、徐盛、留赞、诸葛瑾、步骘、顾雍、是仪、吕岱、朱桓、骆统等贤才良将都在这一时期加入孙权麾下。鲁肃本打算离开投靠北方，但是周瑜断言孙权在南方成就帝业，并挽留鲁肃而且把他推荐给孙权。鲁肃则向孙权说出汉室不能复兴，曹操不能一时间消灭。应该割据江东静观其变，在北方多战乱的时候乘势应消灭刘表，占据长江以南建立帝业的方案。曹操见孙策已死本打算伐吴，侍御史张紘劝谏曹操不该乘人之危。曹操听从其言，通过东汉朝廷册封孙权为讨虏将军，兼领会稽太守，以吴县为治所。孙权派顾徽到北方，打探曹操的动向。

汉建安八年（203年），豫章鄱阳县等地山越再起，孙权即刻命征虏中郎将吕范平定鄱阳、荡寇中郎将程普讨伐乐安，派贺齐讨平东冶地，建昌都尉太史慈分头进讨山越，又派别部司马黄盖、韩当、吕蒙等人扼守山越经常出没的郡县，恢复了原设县邑，稳定了秩序。汉建安十一年（206年）又率领孙瑜，周瑜，淩统，成功讨平山越麻、保二屯。

奠定基业

数伐黄祖

汉建安八年（203年），孙权曾发起夏口之战并击败黄祖的水军。

汉建安十二年（207年），自黄祖一处来降的甘宁说：「今汉已经日渐衰微，曹操为满足自己的心，终于成了篡汉的盗贼。南荆之地，山陵地势有利，江川流通，国的西边的确是这样的形势。我已看透刘表，考虑的不够长远，儿子也是无能的人，不是能够承传基业之才。主公应当尽早规划，不能落入曹操手上。进图之计，先取黄祖为佳。黄祖如今年老，老迈衰退严重，钱财粮谷都已经缺乏，左右蒙骗他，事出于钱财私利，侵要吏士的钱财，吏士心里都愤怒。舟船战具，废弃也不修理，耕农懒惰，军队没有法纪。如果主公现在去攻打，必定能大败。一旦打败黄祖军，击鼓行军至西，西据楚关，大局趋势扩张，这样就可以逐渐进取巴蜀。」孙权赞同并采纳。张昭当时就在席上坐，难言道：「吴国如今危惧，如果行军攻打，必然招致恐慌。」甘宁回答道：「国家将萧何的重任交给君，君留置守护却担心忧乱，那为什么还要仰慕古人？」孙权对举起酒杯附于甘宁说：「兴霸，今年行军讨伐，就如这杯酒，决意托付给卿你。卿尽量提出方略，如能够破黄祖，则是卿的功劳，不要因为张长史（张昭）之言而放弃。」出兵虏其人民而还。

汉建安十三年（208年），孙权发动江夏之战率军再次进攻江夏郡南部，以周瑜为大督，众将随军出征。黄祖见孙权兵来，急派水军都督陈就率兵反击，吕蒙统率前锋部队，身先战阵，亲自斩杀陈就。掳获其船只、士兵。返回到孙权大军，并引领自军兼程赶路，水路两路齐进。黄祖用水军拦截去路，董袭和凌统身先士卒以轻装上前突击，并攻下江夏等地，黄祖只身逃窜，被孙权军中的骑兵冯则所斩杀。此战，孙权成功收取江夏郡南部一带，后将治所自吴移居至京口。

赤壁之战与孙刘联盟

汉建安十三年（208年）秋，曹操对孙权发出以八十万军力会猎江东的书信，孙权打算与曹操决一死战，但张昭等群臣劝孙权归降，碍于豪族群臣的压力下孙权没有表达自己的意见，听后离开席间换衣服，唯独鲁肃离座找孙权说要对抗曹操，孙权很高兴鲁肃与自己的想法一致，对张昭等人所说的感到非常失望，鲁肃劝孙权召回进兵鄱阳的周瑜，并邀请刘备加盟的提议。孙权答应，随即派鲁肃到荆州打探情况。当时荆州牧刘表病死，刘表次子刘琮及其母蔡氏其舅蔡瑁因仇视刘备而投降曹操。鲁肃到荆州之前刘备被曹操打败，荆州已经落入曹操之手，刘备南渡长江，鲁肃与他相遇询问去向，刘备打算到苍梧投靠朋友吴巨，鲁肃则说明孙权的意向和实力，邀请刘备加盟孙权共同对抗曹操，而不是投靠力弱的人。刘备很高兴孙权的邀请，听后见事态紧急随即派诸葛亮去求见孙权。周瑜向群臣分析曹操与孙权两军的优劣胜败，指出：「其一，曹军背后仍有后顾之忧，西凉有马腾、韩遂等军阀，战端一开，必偷袭曹军背后。」、「其二，北方人惯习陆战而不擅水战，竟敢舍马鞍而就船桨，此乃舍长就短。」、「其三，寒冬将至，曹军兵缺衣食，马无槁草，兵卒士气低落。」、「其四，曹军远途跋涉，奔袭千里，水土不服，多生病患。」既而进步分析了曹军的实际力量，指出来自中原的曹军不过十五六万，而且所得刘表新降的七八万人，人心并不向曹。」此时只有周瑜、鲁肃坚持抗击曹操的主张，意见与孙权相合。随即以决断之势拔剑砍掉桌子一角，说：「敢再有言降曹者，如同此案！」藉此将投降派气焰压倒，并将一早已经准备好的三万军队交给周瑜指挥。周瑜、程普分别被任命为左、右都督，鲁肃为赞军校尉辅助周瑜。另外派贺齐和蒋钦前往后方平定山越骚乱。孙权派周瑜与曹操大军对峙，在赤壁与曹军相遇，周瑜采纳黄盖计谋大败曹操军，曹操只好撤回北方，与没有参战的曹仁汇合。孙权与众将跟随周瑜追击至乌林再次大破了曹军，乘胜进攻荆州南郡。周瑜派甘宁攻夷陵，曹操的盟友益州牧刘璋部将袭肃投降，但是甘宁被曹仁的万人军队包围。当时甘宁被曹仁围攻多日也没有被攻破，于是周瑜采纳吕蒙的计策，留下凌统抗拒曹仁，用其中一半兵力驰救甘宁，军队将曹仁击破，最终甘宁攻下夷陵（宜都）。

汉建安十四年（209年），曹仁得到后方大军的多方面支援，因此周瑜和曹仁两军在南郡相持了一年。而刘备以张飞和一千人向周瑜换取二千名江东兵，转攻长沙、桂阳、武陵、零陵荆南四郡。孙权为了减低周瑜们的前线压力，亲率剩馀的小量军力军围合肥，相持合肥一个多月分散敌人军力，最后听从张紘的建议撤退。曹仁军最终被周瑜重创而撤退，而关羽断北道失败，被曹仁成功撤出南郡。孙权阵营等人攻下南郡，转战平定了荆州，将势力延伸到荆南四郡。孙权以孙夫人联姻来巩固孙刘联盟的关系，孙权拜周瑜为偏将军兼领南郡太守，以长沙郡的下隽、汉昌、刘阳、南郡的州陵为领地奉邑，屯驻在江陵，拜程普为裨将军兼领江夏太守，以江夏的沙羡为领地，其中四县为其食邑。全柔为桂阳太守在桂阳当地负责运米回吴。武陵一带发生蛮夷骚乱，任命黄盖为武陵太守并到任前往平定，后再转战到长沙平定山贼。而蒋钦讨伐会稽乱贼平定五县有功，迁升为讨越中郎将，以泾拘、零陵郡的昭阳为奉邑领地。孙权表刘备为荆州牧，之后刘备向周瑜借地，周瑜分南岸地给刘备，后刘备将南岸地一处地油江口改名为公安。周泰当时屯兵在公安附近的岑，刘备嫌地少无法容纳人马，亲自到京口见孙权借荆州数郡（南郡、长沙、武陵、零陵、桂阳）并督领荆州。周瑜和吕范知道刘备到京城提议软禁他，而鲁肃建议孙权借荆州给刘备。但是，在伐蜀的途中周瑜病逝，程普代领为南郡太守。按周瑜遗言孙权任命鲁肃接替其职务，孙权此时将长沙郡分为汉昌，以鲁肃为汉昌太守屯驻陆口，后来采纳鲁肃建议借荆州（南郡、长沙、武陵、桂阳、零陵）给刘备，程普还领江夏太守。刘备上表奏封孙权代理车骑将军，兼任徐州牧。曾经，周瑜和甘宁劝孙权入蜀，孙权邀请刘备共同取益州，刘备以刘璋是同祖宗为由拒绝，并说如果孙权打刘璋自己一定阻止，如果我打刘璋的话，我必定会披发入山林归隐，不做攻取同宗的事。孙权不听并进攻益州，周瑜中途病故由孙瑜继续进攻，但刘备阻止并不给孙瑜前进的去路，并说不能这样做，孙权只有下令退还。

远征交州

汉建安十五年（210年），迁步骘为交州刺史，南征交州，211年拜其为征南中郎将。步骘到达交州，士燮率领家族臣服。刘表所置苍梧太守吴巨率多人马军迎接，步骘对此猜疑，结局被步骘发现有异心，于是在酒席间斩杀，声名大振。孙权自此得到交州九郡领有权，并加封臣服于自己的士燮为左将军。南海郡、郁林郡、苍梧郡、交址郡、日南郡、珠崖郡、儋耳郡、九真郡、合浦郡则属于孙权领土，但实际是士夑独立管治。

南北争衡

汉建安十六年（211年），孙权将治所迁至秣陵（今江苏省南京市）。次年，孙权修筑石头城，改秣陵为建业。听闻曹操率四十万大军进攻，孙权打算兴建水坞，部将大家都认为直接上下船就能著陆登船，建造水坞没用，只有吕蒙认为这个坞可以给步兵快速登船进退不失的便利，于是孙权同意吕蒙看法，派吕蒙建造濡须坞作为进出濡须到巢湖的水军防卫要塞，也是濡须之战的重要补给据点，与日后曹魏建造的合肥新城是互相对应的防卫设施。同时孙权向刘备发出救援，当时刘备作为客将在刘璋之下，刘备以救孙权为由向刘璋借兵去救孙权，其实先前刘备与庞统已经密谋采用中策攻取益州。刘璋对刘备猜疑所以只给他一半军需和4000兵马，刘备以此藉口说刘璋给物资和兵少，随后反戈偷袭了益州刘璋。

汉建安十八年（213年）正月，曹操亲率四十万大军攻孙权于濡须口，濡须口的江西营被曹军攻破都督公孙阳被俘虏。刘备最终也没有任何救援孙权，孙权知道刘备攻益州而不来救援出尔反尔，大骂刘备是狡猾的家伙竟然敢使诈。濡须战场最后只有孙权军独力以七万大军抵挡曹操号称的四十万大军，江西营被攻破公孙阳被生擒，而董袭赶往救援江西的途中遇溺身亡。之后，曹操作油船在夜中攻击洲上的孙权军。孙权亲自率军反击，驱使水军包围了曹操，曹操军战死溺死有数千人，被孙权俘虏的敌兵人数也有三千馀人。孙权乘胜追击，并对曹操进行多次挑衅，但是曹操受到孙权的打击下而不敢出击接战。孙权见曹操坚守不出，亲自督一艘船从濡须坞出击进入曹操大军阵地观阵，《吴录》记载曹操军众人打算射击孙权的船，但曹操知道孙权来观阵下令不要妄动，孙权在曹操大营饶了一圈，曹操看到孙权的胆量还有船上士兵器械严整，赞叹：「生子当如孙仲谋，刘景升儿子像猪狗」。随后，孙权下令吹号回营。而《魏略》记载则是说孙权进了曹操军阵地，曹操命部下拉箭乱射，孙权船身一则被箭矢射满将要翻船，孙权随即下令调转船身挡箭，船身也因此得到平衡，孙权从容地回营。此时战斗已经过了一个月有馀，曹操仍然无法打败孙权也无法攻克严防的濡须坞，孙权便写信给曹操说春天水增快点走吧，并在另一封信写上你不死我不安乐。孙权给曹操一个撤退的下台阶，曹操收到信后，对左右说孙权不会骗我，随即下令撤军。

汉建安十九年（214年）五月，孙权亲征庐江治所皖城。在半日内就攻破皖城，俘虏了庐江太守朱光及参军董和，男女数万人。在夹石赶来救援的张辽听到城被攻落只好归还。7月，曹操不听从傅干谏言率十万人攻取濡须一带，但受到甘宁100人奇袭而撤退。刘备得到益州，于是孙权派诸葛瑾向刘备讨还荆州各郡。刘备拒绝，并说得到凉州后再把荆州所有郡归还（当时益州与凉州之间还有一个汉中，而汉中当时是张鲁的领地），孙权经过濡须和益州一事后知道刘备的推托假话，随即派三名官吏去三郡，但被关羽逐出。于是孙权遣鲁肃、甘宁到益阳牵制关羽，吕蒙指挥孙皎、潘璋、吕岱、鲜于丹、徐忠、孙规等领兵二万，攻取长沙、零陵、桂阳三郡。孙权住在陆口，为各路军队的指挥、调度。吕蒙军队一到，长沙、桂阳二郡全部归服，同时通过书信令零陵太守郝普诱至开城投降，接著率军与鲁肃汇合。在单刀会鲁肃严厉斥责刘备一方没有信义，让关羽无言以对。这个时候，曹操准备攻取汉中，刘备害怕丢失益州，便派使者求和停战。刘备只能被逼把长沙、桂阳两个郡以东归还给孙权，同时孙权返还零陵给刘备，于是以湘水为界，江夏、长沙、桂阳属孙权领有，南郡、武陵、零陵则为刘备领有。江夏郡南部是孙权攻破黄祖后一直领有并没有借出，而当时江夏郡北部为曹操所拥有，在赤壁之战后拥有荆州南郡（不包括曹操的襄阳）、南郡、长沙、零陵、武陵、桂阳及宜都领有权。

215年，孙权北征合肥。孙权作战勇敢，进军时与数名部将作为先头部队率先到达前线扎寨立营，因为大军还没有集结只有数名部将的军队，所以被张辽有机可乘突袭成功，后方部队陆续到达前线，潘璋严惩手段回复战线士气，贺齐引后方中部队拒击，张辽因此撤回城内。之后进行围城二十多天，因为瘟疫所以撤退。撤军时孙权亦亲自与四名部将及1000人在后方稳定士气，张辽见此率七千人偷袭，当时孙权大军已经全部撤出，兵力只有一千人不如张辽七千人，吕蒙、蒋钦、凌统、甘宁等在逍遥津以北被张辽所袭击，吕蒙、凌统等拼死保护孙权，孙权弓马娴熟迎击张辽，最后骑著骏马飞跃津桥成功撤出。张辽在战后对孙权的弓射骑术感叹，当魏军知道这个弓骑勇将是孙权而悔恨没有捉到他。

汉建安二十二年（216年）冬，曹操率二十六大军（十几万人以上）再次伐吴出濡须，丹阳四郡（今安徽定量城）民帅尤突、费栈受曹操授权联合山越，聚集数万人起兵反叛。孙权即命贺齐和陆逊进兵征讨。贺齐和陆逊大破尤突及费栈等众，降服丹阳、吴郡、故鄣等三郡山越，得精兵数万人。曹操屯军至居巢（今安徽巢县东北）准备进军。孙曹交战，关羽联络长沙郡县长吴砀、袁龙再次发起叛乱，孙权派镇守陆口的鲁肃前去帮助吕岱，最终平定了叛乱。217年，曹操进攻濡须口，孙权便以吕蒙为督，与蒋钦共同担任此战的全军指挥。孙权首先在前方筑城保护濡须坞，二月，曹操军开始进攻，孙权的筑城部队被逼攻，在城未完成之下被攻破而后退。曹操率大军尝试进攻濡须附近的横江陆岸，孙权众将乘船前往迎击。当时遇上暴风，徐盛等人落到敌人大军的陆岸之下，众人不敢上陆，唯独徐盛一人率将兵上岸突击曹操大军，曹操军披靡败走而且受到徐盛所重伤。之后吕蒙据守之前的濡须坞，并设置万张强弓硬弩，以拒曹操。趁著曹操大军被徐盛击退，先锋尚未安然立屯的时候，吕蒙乘此攻破了曹操大军。周泰再追击把曹操击退，最终曹操攻不下孙权的濡须坞，亦被孙权军等人击败而引大军撤退。孙权击败曹操取得此战胜利后，但因为刘备关羽等人的举动以及后方山越问题，所以孙权更改外交战略，为了休养生息通过谋略休战，对汉朝诈降主动与曹操修好，曹操信以为真接受请降。鲁肃非常后悔借出荆州给刘备，同时也怒斥刘备、关羽没有信用。

联曹与樊城之战

汉建安二十三年（218年），鲁肃死后吕蒙接替他在前线总指挥职务，并向孙权提出要警惕关羽，不依靠刘备独立对抗曹操的建议，孙权经过多年独力对抗曹操见识过刘备等人的反复态度，也赞同吕蒙提议，与关羽表面交好。

汉建安二十四年（219年），孙权得知刘备获得汉中后，再次派诸葛瑾向刘备索还荆州的诉求，但刘备拒绝。时孙权派兵进攻合肥，曹操所属的全部州郡军队都前往支援合肥与孙权相持，关羽乘著曹操军防卫空虚而进攻樊城。诸侯身份的孙权打算以儿子向关羽女儿联姻，但关羽拒绝并辱骂使者。后来关羽在樊城之战俘虏于禁三万降兵，并立马把所有人送到江陵关押，城池还未攻下。曹操派人联络孙权，以荆州（包括荆州，也包括正被关羽围攻的襄樊地区）为条件割让希望孙权相助，但孙权没有马上答应。此前，孙权跟吕蒙分析局势时，孙权想打徐州，但吕蒙认为应该打关羽的荆州，分析认为曹军多为骑兵善于陆战，徐州虽然拿得下来，但也守不住。不如著手准备拿下荆州，完全控制整条长江，对外进可攻退可守，对内下游的吴国也会十分安全。关羽俘虏于禁围攻襄樊曹仁，孙权向关羽派兵增援，关羽嫌孙权增援慢大骂：「狢子（对东吴人的贬称），等我灭了樊城之后，我回去还不把你灭了」。孙权知道关羽傲慢轻视自己，便写信道歉。十月，孙权答应曹操的同盟请求，向汉朝廷申请讨伐关羽，孙权和曹操两军撤兵引还，并命吕蒙等实施计划。关羽假借食粮不足为藉口，对吴国湘水边境侵略且抢夺军需粮食。献帝同意了孙权上书，以吕蒙为大督兼任先锋，陆逊为右部督，孙皎为殿后，孙权则潜军一同北上。吕蒙以白衣渡江之策计，在夜半时分计破连绵不断的烽火台屏障，然后再占据南郡。关羽被徐晃等人击退后，荆州辎重又被孙权袭击，因此返还到当阳驻守麦城。孙权派使者对关羽劝降，关羽假装答应，在城上立旗后逃跑。孙权知道后派潘璋和朱然截击，吕蒙当时留在南郡指挥大局，陆逊则另率军攻取宜都郡房陵等。吕蒙通过善政安抚荆州民心，把蜀汉军家人的情况告诉给关羽军，顿时间关羽部下失去战意四散，关羽军数万人有的向孙军投降，有的被孙军的将军吸纳，最后在临沮马忠擒获了关羽、关平等人。孙权想用关羽制衡曹刘打算再次招降关羽，左右文臣此时对主子孙权说狼子不可养，曹操当年收留关羽，如今换来迁都的恶果。孙权听后只能把关羽斩首，并把首级送去给曹操，孙权则以诸侯的礼遇安葬关羽的遗体在当阳。自此荆州南北为曹、孙两家占有，于是孙权免除荆州百姓的所有租税。曹操向汉献帝上表任命孙权为骠骑将军，假节兼任荆州牧，封南昌侯，同时也徵召了张承、刘基等人。

纵横捭阖

汉建安二十五年（220年）年初，魏王曹操及吴大督吕蒙等名将相继病故。曹丕继位为魏王，适逢孙权军还经过樊城和襄阳，朝中认为襄樊没有谷粮所以不能与孙权对抗，而司马懿认为孙权刚破关羽与魏结好不会与我们为敌，同时认为襄樊是水陆要冲不能放弃。但曹丕不听还命曹仁焚烧襄、樊弃二城撤走。孙权没有占领，后来派陈邵占领襄阳，曹丕派曹仁、徐晃重夺襄樊，而孙权因为与刘备大战在即，且当时襄樊因为大水破坏城壁已经接近崩坏，因此孙权并未与暂时结好的曹魏为敌而放弃交战，曹仁夺回了城池，而曹丕非常后悔自己的所为。刘备宣称献帝被害，于建安二十六年（221年）4月也登基称帝。同年7月，藉以关羽报仇的名义讨伐孙权欲吞并江东领土发动夷陵之战，孙权自公安都鄂县，以鄂县等六县设置武昌郡，进入备战。孙权让诸葛瑾写信给刘备劝说他不要开战希望和睦相处，并陈说利害分清楚敌人主次，不要上了曹魏的当，如果真要开战他们也不会手软，刘备不听发兵东佂。11月，曹丕逼刘协禅让，正式建号，是为魏文帝。孙权命都尉赵咨出使魏国承认曹丕的禅让帝位，并以诸侯身份独立势力的形式藩属，再将于禁等败将送回北方，利用魏国确保北方安全，而当时曹丕对江东没有任何实际支配权。孙权又派遣陈化、沈珩为使节进行外交事宜，曹丕派邢贞册封孙权为诸侯藩王吴王及进立同盟关系，以大将军使持节的身份监督交州，兼任荆州牧，孙权立长子孙登为王太子。当时，群臣劝孙权不应该受封吴王，应该自称九州伯、上将军，孙权则说当年刘邦也是受封了项羽的汉王，最后还是成就了伟业。

孙权派周泰准备向白帝城作攻防姿态，任命陆逊为大都督，率领朱然、韩当、骆统、潘璋、孙桓等领兵前往抵抗。曹丕处事浮华，在他守丧期间向孙权索求雀头香、大贝、明珠、象牙、犀角、玳瑁、孔雀、翡翠、斗鸭、长鸣鸡，吴群臣听后说这些是珍稀贵重物劝孙权不要给，孙权则认为现在大战在即应该分清楚轻重，曹丕索求的珍品，对自己来说只是瓦片石头罢了，我为什么要爱惜？如果他在守丧所求的是这些，我们该如何道谢他。自负与虚荣的曹丕过于天真相信孙权而拒绝刘晔伐吴的建议，还说如果打投诚的人，将来就没有人会来投诚。黄初三年（222年）六月，陆逊彻底击败蜀军。蜀军被斩杀和放下武器投降者有几万人。刘备被孙桓追至差点被擒获，最后仅保得自身不死。当时，徐盛、潘璋、宋谦等人认为只要继续追击刘备，必能把他杀掉，但陆逊、朱然、骆统等认为不要追击，他们察觉到曹丕有进攻江东的态势。而孙权根据自己的判断，采纳陆逊等人的看法，下令不要对逃往白帝城方向的刘备展开追击。

夷陵之战后，孙权一直在自己领地横江屯兵提防曹魏，曹丕派曹休袭击孙权的领地历阳又派兵进攻居巢，而周泰和全琮临时交锋，魏吴双方大有杀伤。曹丕打算控制孙权，派侍中辛毗、尚书桓阶前来东吴要求孙权将孙登送到魏国都城做人质，孙权知道其用意以藉口多次玩弄曹丕拖延时间，曹丕认为孙权诚心不款，于是发兵攻打江东，刘晔认为不会成功。夷陵之战一结束，吴魏之间就开始有交战态势，曹丕派出三十万大军，命令曹休、张辽、臧霸出兵洞口，曹仁出兵濡须口，曹真、夏侯尚、张合、徐晃率军围攻南郡。当时要处理扬州境内的山越问题，孙权故意示弱，谦卑上书诱骗曹丕，只是为了拖延曹丕进军期限争取平定山越内乱的时间，曹丕则相信他送儿子而没有进军，而另一方，孙权则派遣吕范、朱然、朱桓率领其他部将暗中部署。黄初三年（222年）十月，孙权把魏国舍弃，曹丕见孙权没有送儿子来，正式开战。孙权命吕范率领徐盛、孙韶、全琮、贺齐等人在水路抵御曹休等，孙盛、诸葛瑾、潘璋、杨粲前往南郡增援朱然，朱桓接替周泰以濡须督的身份在濡须坞抵挡曹仁。三方面战斗中，曹仁被朱桓多个战术配搭被打得大败，曹休、张辽、臧霸则是强弩之末被吕范、徐盛、全琮、贺齐等人反击而败退，曹丕亲自率军在宛增兵支援前线，曹真、夏侯尚、徐晃、张合、文聘、满宠等则包围了江陵，切断了朱然与外部的所有联络，但仍然久攻不下受到瘟疫困扰只有五千人战力的朱然，反被朱然出城击破两个军屯，相持半年朱然仍然屹立不倒，兵少粮食将尽因此出现叛徒，朱然察觉异样后将叛徒处刑，最终魏军攻不下朱然而全军撤退，此时诸葛瑾等追击撤退的魏军，进攻他们的浮桥，魏军被逼退；此战朱然名震魏蜀两方敌国。最终在次年三月春，魏军全部撤走，江南国境皆得安宁。战事结束，孙权改年号为黄武，也是取代曹魏的延康、黄初二年号。另一边，孙权收到在白帝城休养的刘备的求和信后，信中提及刘备对自己的所作所为感到惭愧，于是十二月派遣太中大夫郑泉出使蜀汉，吴、蜀两国开始有重新友好的迹象。

开创东吴

登基为帝

黄武二年（223年），孙权在江夏修筑山城。改用乾象历。夏四月，孙权的大臣们进劝他称帝，孙权不答应。此前，魏国令吴领地的戏口太守晋宗造反杀同僚王直，骚扰江南国境，孙权因为三方面大战分身不下而不能马上消灭他。六月孙权派贺齐、胡综等人率军平定，最终擒获晋宗。刘备死后，诸葛亮派邓芝向东吴再次确立联盟关系，孙权知道诸葛亮用意，也非常器重邓芝，所以答应修好。孙权便断绝同曹魏来往，派辅义中郎将张温回访蜀汉。

黄武五年（226年），孙权下令各州郡守，对百姓实行宽容安息政策。这时陆逊因驻守的地方缺粮，上表孙权，命令诸将广开农田。七月，孙权听说曹丕去世，率领五万人进攻江夏郡。自己围攻石阳城，另外派孙奂封锁淮水的退路。曹睿派荀禹侵扰孙权后方阵地，因此撤退。另一方孙奂亲率鲜于丹等攻降江夏郡高城，捕获三名敌将。孙权任命全琮为东安郡太守，讨伐山越的反叛。孙权分交州另置广州，不久又复合为交州。

黄武七年（228年）五月，孙权命鄱阳太守周鲂以断发诈降，假装叛离东吴，引诱魏将曹休。爆发石亭之战，秋八月，孙权前往皖口，派征西将军陆逊率领朱桓、全琮在石亭大败曹休。

黄龙元年（229年）夏四月十三日丙申（5月23日），统治江东三十年的孙权在南郊正式登基为帝，改年号为黄龙。四月，孙权大赦改年，在南郊拜天，即皇帝位，诸葛亮派卫尉陈震去东吴祝贺孙权登皇帝位，3个月后孙权把国都从武昌迁回建业。追谥父亲孙坚为武烈皇帝，母亲吴氏为武烈皇后，长兄孙策为长沙桓王。立吴王太子孙登为皇太子。将军官吏都晋爵加赏。六月，蜀国派人前来庆贺孙权登基。孙权还礼，承认东西二帝共存，并与蜀汉使节商议平分天下。其中，豫、青、徐、幽四州属吴；兖、冀、并、凉四州归蜀。司州的土地，以函谷关为界分属两国，双方制定盟书，共同声讨曹睿。秋九月，孙权从武昌迁都到建业，就住在原来的府第中，不再另建新宫殿，徵召上大将军陆逊辅佐太子孙登，掌管武昌事宜。

即位早期

孙权即位后，曾多次派人出海。黄龙二年（230年），他派卫温、诸葛直等航行到达夷洲；242年，他又派聂友等航行到珠崖儋耳（指现今的海南岛）。

嘉禾元年（232年），孙权派遣将军周贺等航海到辽东。十二月，辽东太守公孙渊向孙权称藩。

嘉禾二年（233年），孙权派太常张弥、贺达等万人，带上金银财宝奇货异物，加上九锡，经海路送给公孙渊。举朝大臣全都规劝孙权，认为公孙渊其人不可信，对他的恩宠礼遇不要太过分。孙权一意孤行，没有接受规劝。后来公孙渊果然将张弥等杀死，以其首级并东吴赐予的金印送往曹魏邀功。孙权闻之，大感惭恨，企图亲自征讨公孙渊，尚书仆射薛综等极力谏阻，最终中止了这个计划。

嘉禾三年（234年）二月，诸葛亮再次与兵北伐。诸葛亮集中在汉中十万大军全部出动，木牛流马，运粮不停，同时相约东吴东西并举。五月，东吴出兵，七月退兵。孙权下诏放宽徭役，夏五月，孙权派遣陆逊、诸葛瑾等驻军江夏、沔口，派孙韶、张承等进军广陵、淮阳，孙权自己亲率大军进围合肥新城，爆发合肥新城之战后退兵回返，孙韶也停止进军广陵等地。秋八月，孙权任命诸葛恪为丹杨太守，讨伐山越部族。次年，孙权派吕岱领兵讨伐贼寇李桓等。

嘉禾六年（237年），孙权让群臣讨论奔丧立科、丞相顾雍奏请违法奔丧应处以死罪。此后吴县县令孟宗违法奔母丧归家，事后在武昌将自己拘禁起来听候处罚。陆逊向孙权说明孟宗的平时作为，并藉机为孟宗求情，孙权于是给孟宗减刑一等，并申明下不为例，于是违法奔丧的事绝迹。

即位后期

赤乌元年（238年），改年号为赤乌。当时，吕壹纠正豪族不法滥用私刑，吕壹本性苛刻残忍，执法严酷。太子孙登屡次进谏，孙权都不采纳，大臣们于是都不敢进言。后来吕壹奸邪的罪行败露被处死，孙权自我批评，认错误，派中书郎袁礼代自己向曾经规劝但未被采纳的大臣们致歉。

赤乌二年（239年），公孙渊不满曹魏对其待遇不高，便又复叛魏国，自立为燕王，结果受到魏国司马懿攻击。公孙渊派遣使者向吴国求助。当时吴人都对公孙渊的反覆无常历历在目，劝说孙权斩杀使者。唯有羊衜说：「陛下，斩首公孙渊的使者固然能让您出口恶气，可这样做是出了匹夫的怒气，而放弃了霸王之计。臣以为，朝廷不如藉此机会，出奇兵前往以观动静。如果魏国进攻公孙渊失败，那么我军远赴辽东解救，是恩结于远夷，义盖于万里；如果魏军和公孙渊相持不下，公孙渊首尾不能相顾，那我军正好进攻辽东，这样也足以让上天惩罚公孙逆贼，一雪往日之耻。」羊衜此言深得孙权赞许，于是派遣使者羊衜、郑胄、将军孙怡以海军前往辽东。到达后辽东已经被魏军攻下，公孙渊也被杀，同时当地人惨遭司马懿屠城。因此，吴军击败魏国守将张持、高虑等人，与当地百姓一同归还。十月，孙权派遣将军吕岱、唐咨前往平定叛乱。

传位

赤乌四年（241年），太子孙登去世。孙权后立三子孙和为太子。孙权听从百官封建诸子的意见，又立孙和之弟孙霸为鲁王。但孙霸始终不服孙和。遂召集手下宾客及结交诸大臣，常与围绕在孙和一侧的太子党分庭抗礼。赤乌十三年（250年），孙权决定废黜太子孙和并赐死鲁王孙霸，同时改立七子孙亮为皇太子。第二年册立孙亮之母潘氏为皇后。

去世

太元元年（251年），冬十一月，孙权祭祀南郊回来后，就因风疾（相当于今称中风）生病卧床。十二月，遣驿使传书召大将军诸葛恪回京，拜为太子太傅，孙权下诏省徭役、减征赋，将国家大事交给诸葛恪管理，并修改诸多不便法令。

太元二年（252年），孙权立原太子孙和为南阳王、五子孙奋为齐王、六子孙休为琅琊王。二月，大赦，改年号为神凤。孙权曾有意召回孙和，但被孙鲁班、孙峻等人阻止未果。

神凤元年四月二十六日（公元252年5月21日），执掌江东政权长达五十二年的孙权于太初宫内殿中驾崩，享寿七十岁。滕胤与太子太傅诸葛恪、少傅孙弘、荡魏将军吕据、侍中孙峻等人一同受遗诏辅佐太子。孙权称帝后在位23年。葬于建业蒋陵，谥大皇帝，庙号太祖。

主要成就

政治

稳定东南

孙权担任家督弱冠继承江南政权以来，对外招纳人才培养部下，以怀柔策略笼络不服从孙家的江南豪族，以白手兴家统合内部对抗外压，巩固孙家政权在江南的地位，另一方面通过平定扬越叛乱进行强兵吸收老幼弱者补户的政策，同时给予落后山越民提供汉文化的学习。诸侯时期的孙权不属于任何一方，也没有所谓的兴汉灭汉的政治口号，故此可以根据时势局势发展，判断哪一方有利用价值，并进行联合的自由外交战略获取自己的利益。作为开创基业的帝王，孙权以出色的政治智慧及战略判断，深谙纵横捭阖，最终缔造一方霸业。赤壁之战后加强控制江东，并将江东六郡扩展到扬、荆、交三州，积极开发南方的荒芜之地，稳健控制中国东南。

用人方面

孙权在数年间将国土政权安定，以适才适所为第一原则，而不以辈分、资历、交情、名气为优先，深知人无完人，故此不追究缺点而用其优点的用人风格，处事也是严罚主义者，就算亲族或功臣的家族犯罪，也会给予严刑处分。例如选择寒门出身的周泰为平虏将军，与孙权为同窗的朱然则身居其下，在夷陵之战任命资历尚浅的陆逊为大都督，许多人因是孙策旧将或者公室贵戚，一度有所不满，但最终都心服口服，步骘虽然出身豪族，但是避难到江东而家道中落，但却长期为孙吴镇守一方，最终做到丞相一职。孙权亦能主动培养部下，同时对待功臣的态度是忘其短而贵其长。孙权以顾雍为丞相而非众人所推荐的张昭，就是因为丞相位置处理的事情多且繁重，而张昭性情刚烈固执，不遵从他的意见则会埋怨归咎到底，到时反而对公事没有益处。对一众孙氏宗亲孙瑜孙桓孙韶皆委以重任，孙氏宗女皆嫁于国家重臣，即使是谋反者的后代也能不计前嫌。可见孙权对于同族亲戚的重视。陈寿因此赞曰「况此诸孙，或赞兴初基，或镇据边陲，克堪厥任，不忝其荣者乎」。

孙权擅长用人，更能信人，称呼臣下常用表字，较少直呼其名，君臣关系之亲密可见一斑。

崇尚节俭

孙权崇尚节俭，并效法大禹以卑宫为美，原本住的建业宫其实只是孙权早期的将军府而已，一直住到赤乌十年(247年)建材腐朽，还诏令将武昌宫拆了，把木材运来建业修缮，但其实当时武昌宫也有二十八年的历史不堪使用，这么做的目的是节省木料避免妨碍农桑工作，由此也可知孙权对农业的重视。陆凯向孙皓劝谏时也称孙权时代「后宫列女，及诸织络，数不满百，米有畜积，货财有馀」。

法家思想

孙权认为法律可以遏恶防邪，主张以严刑峻法治国，即使面对至亲也是法律优先从不循私。孙辅因通敌而被流放。爱子孙霸更因图危太子，而被赐死。

治世

对内广纳谏言，任用父兄旧部稳定局面，平定叛徒和山越，攻灭杀父仇人黄祖，吸纳北方难民。在一片降曹之声时果断与曹操一战并与刘备结盟，任用周瑜打败曹操稳定江南地盘，后来因为刘备一连串背离同盟关系的所作所为及荆州等问题而与蜀汉决裂，连本带利夺回荆州并在夷陵之战重创刘备，最终确立了三分天下的局面。黄龙元年（229年），孙权于武昌称帝，建国为吴，孙吴建立。称帝以后他分部诸将，镇抚山越，增设县邑，编制户籍，设置农官，推行军屯与民屯；收容南迁移民，兴修水利，增广农田；亲自下田采用牛耕，大幅度改良农业生产技术，大兴佛教，奠定了六朝的经济与文化基础。

在晚年大批豪族过分插手孙权的家事，而且分党立派，造成政局动荡不安，孙权对此非常不满。之后孙权得知自己继承人意向的消息外泄之后大为愤怒，并将相关人员等捉拿问罪。。后来孙权遭到豪族暗杀及背叛，所以在二宫之战爆发后，通过部下弹劾而削弱豪族权力来巩固政权，之后难能可贵的是孙权同时也具有认错的勇气，从陆逊一族陆抗陆凯陆机的著作来看，孙陆二家情谊仍然十分深厚，陆氏亦对孙权十分肯定。

由于孙权大力开拓海上事业并且开拓江南，因此在中国史上有非常重要的地位，很多南方县市的历史都是起源于孙吴。然而他死后的待遇与他的功绩完全不成正比，诗人曾极在其作品《吴大帝陵》中提到「四十帝中功第一，坏陵无主使人愁」，刘克庄也在《吴大帝庙》中叹息「今人浑忘却，江左是谁开」。

军事

孙权一生中胜多负少，战果往往显赫而败绩也少有损失。19岁即位之初就平定庐江太守李术之乱俘虏三万馀人。在江夏之战击杀江夏太守黄祖，樊城之战兵不血刃取得荆州并击杀关羽，皖城之战击败庐江太守朱光，俘虏数万人。而在曹氏入侵的防御战赤壁之战、濡须口之战、曹丕三次伐吴、曹睿三方面伐吴等战役皆取得胜利，以致曹氏终世不能过江,不果而还。刘备入侵的夷陵之战中选择当时不被人看好的陆逊为大都督，使得刘备全军覆没，「仅以身免」。合肥之战虽然不能克，但伤亡亦不大。

经济

北方战乱，孙权也吸纳南渡的北方民众，其北方的手工技术也在江南得到发扬及应用。另外由于孙权积极扩张海上事业，并曾发兵辽东，因此江南造船业大大兴盛。

首都建业原名秣陵，最初是一小县，因孙权定都建业并开凿运河而成为一流都市，被称为六朝古都，现名南京。

外交

《吴历》曰，黄武四年，扶南诸外国来献琉璃。这是中国最早与南海诸国交流的记载。孙权主动派出朱应与康泰出访南海各国，先后到过林邑（今越南中南部）、扶南（今柬埔寨）、西南大海州（今南洋群岛）、大秦（罗马）、天竺（今印度），并记下各国物产以利贸易奠定了南海贸易的基础，回国后，二人分别撰写《扶南异物志》及《外国传》（又称《吴时外国传》），之后继续派出使节进行南国宣化，同扶南、林邑、堂明（今柬埔寨）建立关系。，这是史无前例的事情，虽然南海诸国之前已与中国有接触，但是由官方政府主动派出官员积极寻求国际贸易，孙权却是创举，贸易的范围甚至到达了罗马，并在建业接见了罗马商人秦论。

《吴书》曰，孙权曾派使者出使辽东公孙渊，而后使者前往高句丽（今朝鲜及辽东一带），成功说服高句丽王向孙权称臣上贡。后高句丽被曹魏威胁杀吴使，使者谢宏提前得到消息后，先下手为强，直接动用武力劫持了三十多位高句丽贵族，高句丽王只能向吴赔礼谢罪，并献上马匹数百，谢宏遂放回高句丽人带贡品回国。

容貌

《江表传》中记载孙权方颐大口，眼神非常清澈明亮。汉朝遣使者刘琬为孙策加锡命之时看见孙权，形容孙权的相貌高大挺拔。刘备和张辽都看到孙权坐著时显得很高，认为他躯干较长，中国民国学者黎东方分析，只有不需要站著伺候人，而是坐著让人伺候的贵人才会是所谓躯干长而双腿短的外形，古代这被视为大贵之相，刘备被形容为手长过膝也是基于同样的道理。东晋名将桓温的雄姿与气质被刘惔评价为与孙权和司马懿相同的人物。

《三国演义》里孙权则被记载「碧眼紫髯，堂堂一表人才」。

在阎立本《十三帝王图》之中，孙权为站姿，此为开国之君之意，身著的冕服应有天子十二章，在图中有被画出来的有「日、月、藻、火、黼」五章，其中日月为明，明火三章表示的是孙权振兴经济，教化百姓，让其光明之面普照天下之意，藻则代表孙权称帝随时代顺应天意而起，黼则表示孙权「能断割」，这与三国志中孙权好侠养士仁而多断的人格特质图中孙权手持麈尾扇，表现了他的帝王风度，为十三帝王图中唯一持扇者，「麈」是领队大鹿尾，魏晋以来，尚清谈，手执麈尾有「领袖群伦」含意，艺文类聚亦记载司马懿见诸葛亮乘素舆、葛巾毛扇指挥三军，叹诸葛亮为名士，诸葛亮在《三国演义》中也常持羽扇指挥军队，扇子有善战之意，因此苏轼在《念奴娇》形容周瑜时亦说周瑜「羽扇纶巾」谈笑间强虏灰飞烟灭，孙权在位期间，赤壁与夷陵之战均以少胜多，甚至取荆州而兵不血刃，足见他用人正确调度有方的善战特质，因此辛弃疾会说「天下英雄谁敌手？曹刘，生子当如孙仲谋」。

性格

• 孙权性格宽宏开朗，仁爱而有决断力，好侠养士，因此很早就与父兄齐名。由于非常重视集体的力量，能毫无保留地信任臣下，甚至部下死后代为教养其孤儿赡养其妻儿及其父母。也会调解部属纠纷，亦下诏勿杀叛逃将领的妻子子女。孙权与臣下的亲密关系也体现在称呼其表字上，甚至是对于初见的潘浚，曾与陆逊当众对舞，又将自身所穿衣物皆赐之。对于他国贤才，孙权也毫不掩饰地表达喜爱，如诸葛亮费禕邓芝宗预等。孙盛因而称许孙权尽心关爱部下，令其甘心为自己拼命，是东吴能够立于江东的原因。

• 孙权天性活泼奔放，能言善辩，常常肆无忌惮地恶作剧、戏弄人，经常开些无关紧要的玩笑，即使是面对蜀汉来使也不例外。其本人亦参与配合部下的戏谑。

• 孙权善于外交，先以诸侯身份向曹魏称臣，利用对方进行结盟避免两面受敌。后来因为刘备乞求再次结盟所以孙权答应再次与蜀国结盟。三国之中，也是东吴最晚称帝。卧薪尝胆一词出自苏轼的《史记》原文为：「越王勾践返国，乃苦身焦思，置胆于坐，坐卧即仰胆，饮食亦尝胆也。」没有特指「卧薪」，这是苏轼为孙权而创作出来的成语，诗内苏轼代入孙权，形容不求功名，一直密谋待发，养精蓄锐。陈寿亦提过「孙权屈身忍辱，任才尚计，有句践之奇英，人之杰矣」，赵咨答曹丕时亦说「屈身于陛下，是其略也」。因孙权处世手段极其柔软，曹丕和钟繇也曾以妩媚形容孙权，所以有诗歌咏孙权时说「孝廉妩媚还能霸」。

• 孙权善于判断国内外形势，如认定魏延和杨仪会在诸葛亮死后内讧。也预见到曹魏亡国的先兆。

逸闻

孙权擅长骑术和弓术，在合肥面对张辽的突袭能平安跃马过桥，他的弓术也给张辽留下了很深的印象。

孙权有六口宝剑，分别是白虹、紫电、辟邪、流星、青冥、百里。

关于孙权嗜好，其中射猎（射虎、射雉）与好酒和开宴会派对尤其出名。每当猛兽近前，孙权总是以亲手击打为乐趣。宴会中常常对部下进行劝酒，孙权喜好冒险，如顶著大风天坐船出航，乘轻船去见曹操军队， 密令甘宁夜袭曹营等等。

孙权也喜爱读书，据其本人所言，其所涉猎内容涵盖《诗经》、《尚书》、《礼记》、《左传》、《国语》及三史（《史记》、《汉书》和《东观汉记》），惟不曾研读《周易》，孙权在书法上亦有成就，被认为擅长行书和草书。

在宗教方面，孙权早年信仰道术，与诸多方术之士交往甚密。主要人物为吴范、刘敦、赵达、姚光、介象等人。而被后世尊为道教天师的葛玄也与孙权有过交往。孙权也对当时的新宗教佛教非常开明，赤乌年间为高僧康僧会建立建初寺。

争议

晚年政局动荡

孙权因在家事上随心所欲，表现的不在乎上下尊卑而招致陈寿的批评，称其可比拟春秋时代的齐桓公，对外「有识士之明」，对内却「嫡庶不分，闺庭错乱」，最终在继承人问题上埋下祸根，导致很长一段时间内国家都动荡不安。裴松之则意见相反，认为孙权废掉无罪的太子，虽然是开启祸乱的前兆，但最多只是东吴灭亡的次因而非主因，毕竟东吴灭亡已是孙权死后二十八年的事情，而且灭亡主因仍是暴君孙皓，即使孙权当时传位于孙和，最后也是孙皓登基，国之灭亡的根本问题其实是出在为政者昏虐，并非只有孙权废黜一事就能造成，如孙亮能保住国祚，或者孙休不早死，则孙皓不得继位，孙皓不得登上皇位，则孙吴不会灭亡。陆逊的孙子陆机更著有《辩亡论上》《辩亡论下》详细说明东吴亡国非因蜀国灭亡，而是孙权死后的当政者用人不当。

册封问题

陈寿于《三国志》认为孙策为开国奠基人但子孙未被封为王爵，孙权于义俭矣。后人据此穿凿附会，认定孙权对孙策有所怠慢，但是由尚书仆射存和胡综的上书可知孙权以谦虚为美德，不愿效仿汉代旧制过分尊崇皇族，在孙权诸子中，被孙权宠爱的次子孙虑也止在侯爵。另一爱子孙和在十九岁册封为太子前也未获王爵。群臣请立孙权馀下四子为王时也被孙权拒绝。至于孙权的孙辈中为诸王之子者，如皇太子孙登子吴侯孙英，南阳王孙和三子乌程侯孙皓、钱塘侯孙德、永安侯孙谦。鲁王孙霸二子吴侯孙基、宛陵侯孙壹，也未有一人获封为王爵。

孙盛从国家大局方面对陈寿的看法也表示了不同意见，认为当时天下局势尚未统一，宜正名定本贵贱疏邈，不宜给与孙策之子更高的权力与爵位制造内乱机会，此为稳定局势之必要行为，况天伦笃爱，孙权既已将孙策宗庙立于建业，应不会刻意吝于给予地位，这明显是为了稳定国家局势的必要处置方式。

从实际史料出发，孙权反倒有相当多不忘旧情的举动，如孙盛所言为孙策建庙于建业并派太子祭祀。在赤乌年间再次为孙策进行厚葬，因吕范往日对其兄的帮助而对之大加溢美，以致严峻私下认为夸大其词了，直到后来才信服。

评价

时人评价

• 孙策临终传权时：「举江东之众，决机于两陈（阵）之间，与天下争衡，卿（孙权）不如我。举贤任能，各尽其心，以保江东，我不如卿。」（《三国志·吴书·孙破虏讨逆传第一》）

• 曹操于濡须之战：「生子当如孙仲谋，刘景升（刘表）儿子若豚犬耳！」（《三国志·吴书·吴主传第二》裴松之注引《吴历》）于孙权称臣时「此儿欲踞吾著炉炭上邪！」（《晋书·宣帝纪第一》）

• 刘备：「孙车骑长上短下，其难为下，吾不可以再见之。」

• 关羽：「鰂子敢尔，如使樊城拔，吾不能灭汝邪！」（《三国志·蜀书·关张马黄赵传第六》）

• 周瑜：「将军以神武雄才，兼仗父兄之烈，割据江东，地方数千里，兵精足用，英雄乐业，尚当横行天下，为汉家除残去秽。」（《三国志·吴书·周瑜鲁肃吕蒙传第九》）「今主人亲贤贵士，纳奇录异。」

• 鲁肃：「将军神武命世。」「孙讨虏聪明仁惠，敬贤礼士，江表英豪，咸归附之」（《三国志·蜀书·先主传第二》裴松之注引《江表传》）

• 邢贞：「江东将相如此，非久下人者也。」(《三国志·卷五十五·吴书十·程黄韩蒋周陈董甘凌徐潘丁传第十》）

• 陆逊：「陛下（孙权）以神武之姿，涎膺期运，破操（曹操）乌林，败备（刘备）西陵，禽羽（关羽）荆州，斯三虏者当世雄杰，皆摧其锋。」（《三国志·吴书·陆逊传第十三》）

• 诸葛亮：「海内大乱，将军（孙权）起兵据有江东，刘豫州亦收众汉南，与曹操并争天下。今操芟夷大难，略已平矣，遂破荆州，威震四海。英雄无所用武，故豫州遁逃至此。将军量力而处之：若能以吴、越之众与中国抗衡，不如早与之绝﹔若不能当，何不案兵束甲，北面而事之！今将军外托服从之名，而内怀犹豫之计，事急而不断，祸至无日矣！」（《三国志·蜀书·诸葛亮传第五》）「权有僭逆之心久矣」（《三国志·蜀书·诸葛亮传第五》裴松之注引《汉晋春秋》）「孙将军可谓人主，然观其度，能贤亮而不能尽亮，吾是以不留。」（《三国志·蜀书·诸葛亮传第五》裴松之注引《袁子》）「孙权据有江东，已历三世，国险而民附，贤能为之用。」「议者咸以权利在鼎足，不能并力，且志望以满，无上岸之情，推此，皆似是而非也。何者？其智力不侔，故限江自保；权之不能越江，犹魏贼之不能渡汉，非力有馀而利不取也。」

• 司马懿：「权之称臣，天人之意也。」（《晋书·宣帝纪第一》）

• 张辽：「向有紫髯将军，长上短下，便马善射。」

• 程昱：「权有谋。」（《三国志·魏书 ·程郭董刘蒋刘传第十四》）

• 陈琳：「夫天道助顺，人道助信，事上之谓义，亲亲之谓仁。盛孝章，君也，而权诛之，孙辅，兄也，而权杀之。贼义残仁，莫斯为甚。乃神灵之逋罪，下民所同雠。辜雠之人，谓之凶贼。」（《檄吴将校部曲文》）

• 彭羕：「仆昔有事于诸侯，以为曹操暴虐，孙权无道，振威暗弱，其惟主公有霸王之器，可与兴业致治，故乃翻然有轻举之志。」（《三国志·卷四十·蜀书十·刘彭廖李刘魏杨传第十》）

• 赵咨：「聪明仁智，雄略之主也」、「纳鲁肃于凡品，是其聪也；拔吕蒙于行陈，是其明也；获于禁而不害，是其仁也；取荆州而兵不血刃，是其智也；据三州虎视于天下，是其雄也；屈身于陛下（曹丕），是其略也。」（《三国志·吴书·吴主传第二》）

• 贾诩：「孙权识虚实，陆议见兵势。据险守要，泛舟江湖，皆难卒谋也。用兵之道，先胜后战，量敌论将，故举无遗策。臣窃料群臣，无备、权对，虽以天威临之，未见万全之势也。」（《三国志·魏书·荀彧荀攸贾诩传第十》）

• 邓芝：「大王命世之英。」

• 刘晔：「权无故求降，必内有急。权前袭杀关羽，取荆州四郡，备怒，必大兴师伐之。外有强寇，众心不安，又恐中国承其衅而伐之，故委地求降，一以却中国之兵，二则假中国之援，以强其众而疑敌人。权善用兵，见策知变，其计必出于此。」、「权虽有雄才，故汉骠骑将军南昌侯耳，官轻势卑。士民有畏中国心，不可强迫与成所谋也。不得已受其降，可进其将军号，封十万户侯，不可即以为王也。夫王位，去天子一阶耳，其礼秩服御相乱也。彼直为侯，江南士民未有君臣之义也。我信其伪降，就封殖之，崇其位号，定其君臣，是为虎傅翼也。权既受王位，却蜀兵之后，外尽礼事中国，使其国内皆闻之，内为无礼以怒陛下。」（《三国志·魏书·程郭董刘蒋刘传第十四》）

• 冯熙：「吴王体量聪明，善于任使。赋政施役，每事必咨。教养宾旅，亲贤爱士。赏不择怨仇，而罚必加有罪。臣下皆感恩怀德，惟忠与义。带甲百万，谷帛如山。稻田沃野，民无饥岁。所谓金城汤池，强富之国也。」

• 刘基：「大王以能容贤蓄众，故海内望风。」

• 钟繇：「顾念孙权，了更妩媚。」（《三国志·魏书·锺繇华歆王朗传第十三》）

• 刘琬：「吾观孙氏兄弟虽各才秀明达，然皆禄祚不终，惟中弟孝廉，形貌奇伟，骨体不恒，有大贵之表，年又最寿，尔试识之。」

后世评价

• 陈寿：「孙权屈身忍辱，任才尚计，有勾践之奇，英人之杰矣。故能自擅江表，成鼎峙之业。然性多嫌忌，果于杀戮，暨臻末年，弥以滋甚。至于谗说殄行，胤嗣废毙，岂所谓赐厥孙谋以燕冀于者哉？其后叶陵迟，遂致覆国，未必不由此也。」（《三国志·吴书·吴主传第二》）「割据江东，策之基兆也，而权尊祟未至，子止侯爵，于义俭矣。」（《三国志·吴书·孙破虏讨逆传第一》）

• 陆凯：「自昔先帝时，后宫列女，及诸织络，数不满百，米有畜积，货财有馀。先帝崩后，幼、景在位，更改奢侈，不蹈先迹。」（《三国志·吴书·潘浚陆凯传第十六》）

• 孙楚：「吴之先主，起自荆州，遭时扰攘，播潜江表，刘备震惧，逃迹巴岷，遂依丘陵积石之固，三江五湖，浩汗无涯，假气游魂，迄于四纪，二邦合从，东西唱和，卒相扇动，拒捍中国。」

• 陆机：「曹氏虽功济诸华、虐亦深矣、其民怨矣。刘公因险饰智、功已薄矣、其俗陋矣。吴桓王基之以武，太祖（孙权）成之以德，聪明睿达，懿度深远矣。其求贤如不及，恤民如稚子，接士尽盛德之容，亲仁罄丹府之爱。拔吕蒙于戎行，识潘浚于系虏。推诚信士，不恤人之我欺；量能授器，不患权之我逼。执鞭鞠躬，以重陆公之威；悉委武卫，以济周瑜之师。卑宫菲食，以丰功臣之赏；披怀虚己，以纳谟士之算。故鲁肃一面而自讬，士燮蒙险而效命。高张公之德而省游田之娱，贤诸葛之言而割情欲之欢，感陆公之规而除刑政之烦，奇刘基之议而作三爵之誓，屏气局蹐以伺子明之疾，分滋损甘以育凌统之孤，登坛慷慨归鲁肃之功，削投恶言信子瑜之节。是以忠臣竞尽其谋，志士咸得肆力，洪规远略，固不厌夫区区者也。故百官苟合，庶务未遑。」（《辩亡论》下）「用集我大皇帝，以奇踪袭于逸轨，睿心发乎令图，从政咨于故实，播宪稽乎遗风，而加之以笃固，申之以节俭，畴咨俊茂，好谋善断，东帛旅于丘园，旌命交于涂巷。故豪彦寻声而响臻，志士希光而影骛，异人辐辏，猛士如林。于是张昭为师傅，周瑜、陆公（陆逊）、鲁肃、吕蒙之畴入为腹心，出作股肱；甘宁、凌统、程普、贺齐、朱桓、朱然之徒奋其威，韩当、潘璋、黄盖、蒋钦、周泰之属宣其力；风雅则诸葛瑾、张承、步骘以声名光国，政事则顾雍、潘浚、吕范、吕岱以器任干职，奇伟则虞翻、陆绩、张温、张敦以讽议举正，奉使则赵咨、沈珩以敏达延誉，术数则吴范、赵达以禨祥协德，董袭、陈武杀身以卫主，骆统、刘基强谏以补过，谋无遗算，举不失策。故遂割据山川，跨制荆、吴，而与天下争衡矣。」（《辩亡论》上）

• 华谭：「赖先主承运，雄谋天挺，尚内倚慈母仁明之教，外杖子布廷争之忠，又有诸葛、顾、步、张、朱、陆、全之族，故能鞭笞百越，称制南州。」。「吴武烈父子皆以英杰之才，继承大业。今以陈敏凶狡，七弟顽冗，欲蹑桓王之高踪，蹈大皇之绝轨，远度诸贤，犹当未许也。」

• 裴松之：「孙权横废无罪之子，为兆乱。」「权愎谏违众，信渊意了，非有攻伐之规，重复之虑。宣达锡命，乃用万人，是何不爱其民，昏虐之甚乎？此役也，非惟暗塞，实为无道。」

• 孙盛：「盛闻国将兴，听于民；国将亡，听于神。权年老志衰，谗臣在侧，废适立庶，以妾为妻，可谓多凉德矣。而伪设符命，求福妖邪，将亡之兆，不亦显乎！」「观孙权之养士也，倾心竭思，以求其死力，泣周泰之夷，殉陈武之妾，请吕蒙之命，育凌统之孤，卑曲苦志，如此之勤也。是故虽令德无闻，仁泽（内）著，而能屈强荆吴，僭拟年岁者，抑有由也。然霸王之道，期于大者远者，是以先王建德义之基，恢信顺之宇，制经略之纲，明贵贱之序，易简而其亲可久，体全而其功可大，岂委璅近务，邀利于当年哉？语曰「虽小道，必有可观者焉，致远恐泥」，其是之谓乎！」

• 虞溥：「性度弘朗，仁而多断，好侠养士，始有知名，侔于父兄矣。」（《三国志·吴书·吴主传第二》裴松之注引《江表传》）

• 《荆州先德传》：「权好嘲戏以观人。」

• 王勃：「孙仲谋承父兄之馀事，委瑜肃之良图，泣周泰之痍，请吕蒙之命，惜休穆之才不加其罪，贤子布之谏而造其门。用能南开交趾，驱五岭之卒；东届海隅，兼百越之众。地方五千里，带甲数十万。」

• 谢鲲：「至于神鉴沉深，虽诸葛瑾之喻孙权不过也。」

• 朱敬则：「孙仲谋藉父兄之资，负江海之固，未敢争盟上国，竞鹿中原，自守未馀，何足言也。」（《全唐文》）

• 徐夤：「一主参差六十年，父兄犹庆授孙权。不迎曹操真长策，终谢张昭见硕贤。建业龙盘虽可贵，武昌鱼味亦何偏。秦嬴谩作东游计，紫气黄旗岂偶然。」

• 司马光：「文帝承父兄之烈，师友忠贤，以成前志，赤壁之役，决策定虑，以摧大敌，非明而有勇能如是乎？奄有荆扬，薄于南海，传祚累世，宜矣。」（《历代名贤确论·卷五十七》）

• 苏轼：「亲射虎，看孙郎。」（《江城子·密州出猎》）「孙权勇而有谋，此不可以声势恐喝取也。」

• 苏辙：「吴大帝方其属任贤将，抗衡中原，曹公惮之。及其老也，贤臣死亡略尽，喜诸葛恪之劲悍，越众而付以后事。闼其用兵劳民之后，继起大役，兵折于外，既归而不能自克，将复肆志于僚友。恪既以丧其躯，而孙氏因之三世绝统，吴、越之民陷于炮烙之地，国随以亡。彼以进取之资用进取之臣，以徼一时之功可耳，至于托六尺之孤，寄千里之命，而亦属之斯人，其势必至是哉。」（《栾城后集·孙仲谋》）「今夫曹操、孙权、刘备，此三人者，皆知以其才相取，而未知以不才取人也。世之言者曰：孙不如曹，而刘不如孙。」

• 谢采伯：「孙权运筹于内，刘备、诸葛亮、周瑜、关侯等，合谋并智，方拒得曹操，败之于赤壁，亦未为竒政縁。」

• 何去非：「权之勇决进取，无以逮其父兄，然审机察变，持保江东，于权有焉。」（《何博士备论》）

• 辛弃疾：「千古江山，英雄无觅，孙仲谋处。」（《永遇乐·京口北固亭怀古》）「何处望神州，满眼风光北固楼，千古兴亡多少事，悠悠。不尽长江滚滚流。 年少万兜鍪，坐断东南战未休，天下英雄谁敌手，曹刘。生子当如孙仲谋。」

• 吕祖谦：「孙权起于江东，拓境荆楚，北图襄阳，西图巴、蜀而不得。北敌曹操、西敌刘备，二人皆天下英雄。所用将帅，亦一时之杰。权左右胜之而后能定其国。及权国既定，曹公已死，丕、睿继世，中原有可图之衅。权之名将死丧且尽，权亦老矣。」（《吴论》）

• 晁补之：「吴人轻而无谋，自古记之矣。孙坚、孙策皆无王霸器。虽赖周瑜、鲁肃辈辅权嗣立，亦权稍持重，故卒建吴国也。」（《鸡肋集》）

• 萧常：「权承父兄之资，勇而有谋，愤曹操窃国，尝有讨贼之志；乌林之捷，亦一时之隽功。其后关羽围襄阳，降于禁，威振北方，操大惧，欲徙都以避之。权于是时，诚能与羽协力、东西并举，则操可图而汉室可兴。今乃不然，反袭杀羽以媚曹氏，不能少降意于帝室之胄，而甘心臣贼，昭烈之不能混一区夏，由此故也。他日虽有犄角之功，亦无及矣。吁，惜哉！」（《萧氏续后汉书》）

• 叶适：「权有地数千里，立国数十年，以力战为强，以独任为能。残民以逞，终无毫髪爱利之意，身死而其后不复振，操术使之然也。」（《习学记言·读吴志》）

• 元好问：「孙郎矫矫人中龙，顾盼叱吒生云风。」

• 郝经：「东汉之衰，孙权承父兄之烈，尊礼英贤，抚纳豪右，诛黄祖，走曹操，袭关侯，遂奄有荆扬，今年出濡须，明年战合肥，嶷然势常北向，而以守为攻，称臣于魏，结援于汉，始忍勾践之辱，终为熊通之谮，保据江淮，奄征南海，卒与汉魏鼎峙而立，先起而后亡，非惟智勇足抗衡，亦国势便利然也。」（《续后汉书》）

• 胡三省：「当方面者，当如吕岱；委人以方面者，当如孙权。」（《资治通鉴注》）

• 朱元璋：「君臣之间，以敬为主。敬者，礼之本也。故礼立而上下之分定，分定而名正，名正而天下治矣。孙权盖不知此，轻与臣下戏狎，狎其臣而亵其父，失君臣之礼。」（《明太祖宝训》）

• 罗贯中在《三国演义》有诗赞曰：「紫髯碧眼号英雄，能使臣僚肯尽忠，二十四年兴大业，龙磐虎踞在江东。」

• 孙承恩：「仲谋强明，委任才智。听言能断，业乃鼎峙。倍义负汉，屈身事曹。传世四君，霸图亦消。」（《文简集·卷三十八》）

• 王夫之：「于是而知先主之知人而能任，不及仲谋远矣。」「于子瑜也、陆逊也、顾雍也、张昭也，委任之不如先主之于公，而信之也笃，岂不贤哉？」（《宋论·卷一·太祖》）

• 王懋竑：「至权时，张昭、张紘虽见尊礼而不复任用，昭且几不免，而翻竟以窜死，惟顾雍、潘浚辈从容讽议，得安有位。陆逊有大功，而以数直谏愤恚而卒。周瑜、鲁肃幸已早死，不与陆逊同祸，而亦恩不及嗣。有所爱重者，惟吕蒙、凌统、甘宁、周泰辈，以视策万万不逮矣。其保有江东者，以有吕蒙辈为之用，得其死力，而其不能廓大基业，窥中原者，亦以此。」（《三国志集解》）

• 赵翼：「至孙氏兄弟之用人，亦自有不可及者。」「以人主而自悔其过，开诚告语如此，其谁不感泣？使操当此，早挟一『宁我负人，勿人负我』之见，而老羞成怒矣！此孙氏兄弟之用人，所谓以意气相感也。」

• 王鸣盛：「孙权称臣事魏已久，及黄武元年春大破蜀，刘备奔走，势愈强盛，则魏欲与盟而不受，九月魏兵来征，又卑辞上书求自改悔，乞寄命交州乃随，又改年临江拒守，彼此互有杀伤，不分胜负。十二月又通聘于蜀，乃既和于蜀，又不绝于魏，且业已改元而仍称吴王。五年令曰北虏缩窜，方外无事，乃益务农亩，称帝之举，直隐忍以至魏明帝太和三年，而后发，反覆倾危，惟利是视，用柔胜刚，阴谋狡猾，史评以勾践相比，非虚语也。」（《三国志集解》）

• 何焯：「老悖昏惑，吴亡不待皓而决。」

• 李慈铭：「三国时，魏既屡兴大狱，吴孙皓之残刑以逞，所诛名臣，如贺邵、王蕃、楼玄等尤多。少帝之诛诸葛恪、滕胤，皆逆臣专制，又当别论。惟大帝号称贤主，而太子和被废之际，群臣以直谏受诛者，如吾粲、朱据、张休、屈晃、张纯等十数人，被流者顾谭、顾承、姚信等又数人，而陈正、陈象至加族诛，吁，何其酷哉！自是宫闱之衅，未有至此者也。」（《越缦堂读书笔记》）

• 蔡东藩：「黄祖本无才智，而孙坚死于祖手；孙策又不能亲复父仇，命为之，势为之也。坚阻于命，策限于势；至权承父兄之业，用瑜蒙诸将，一出再出，方举黄祖而枭夷之，春秋之义大复仇，如孙仲谋者，其固不愧为令子乎？曹操谓生子至如孙仲谋，若刘景升诸儿，与豚犬等，原非虚言。」「孙权承父兄遗业，任才尚计，史谓其有勾践遗风，乃内宠相寻，晚年益愦，废长立幼，乱本已成。」（《后汉演义》）

• 卢弼：「窃谓有勾践之志则可，无勾践之志则终为奴虏而已，南宋其已事也。仲谋操纵其间，以江东而抗衡大国承祚，方之勾践其信然矣。」（《三国志集解》）

• 柏杨：「孙权是中国历史上最可爱最有人情味的皇帝之一。」

• 李宗吾：「他和刘备同盟，并且是郎舅之亲，忽然夺取荆州，把关羽杀了，心之黑，仿佛曹操，无奈黑不到底，跟著向蜀请和，其黑的程度，就要比曹操稍逊一点；他与曹操比肩称雄，抗不相下，忽然在曹丞相驾下称臣，脸皮之厚，仿佛刘备，无奈厚不到底，跟著与魏绝交，其厚的程度也比刘备稍逊一点。他虽是黑不如操，厚不如备，却是二者兼备，也不能不算是一个英雄。」

• 毛泽东：「孙权是个很能干的人。」「当今惜无孙仲谋。」（《毛泽东读古书实录》）「天下无所谓才,有能雄时者，无对手也。以言对手，则孟德、仲谋、诸葛而已。」（《讲堂录》）

• 金春泽：「夫欲灭吴蜀而一天下者，曹操也，欲讨曹操以兴复汉室者，刘备也，欲保守江东，未尝敢有并天下之志者，孙权也，未尝敢有并天下之志而强为大言以自壮者，又孙权也。观于孙策之谓权曰，举江东之衆，决机于两陈之间，与天下争衡，卿不如我，举贤任能，各尽其心，以保江东，我不如卿。知权莫如策，其所期，固不越于江东，周瑜荐鲁肃，权问计，肃曰，汉室不可复兴，曹操不可卒除，为将军计，惟有保守江东。其谋臣之计，亦止如此。嗟夫。权诚自量，而惟以江东为意，则率周瑜、鲁肃之徒，佐刘备讨曹操，以定天下。身为功臣之首，奉藩江东，世世称孤，岂不名正理得，其身安乐，而权之虑不及此者，诚谓若是，则不能复为大言也。是以曹、刘角立，而权于其间，反覆不常，或破曹或侵刘，或称臣于曹，或连和于刘，其计未尝素定而已。然坐江东而为大言，则又自若也。观于其所论三臣之言，亦可知已。其言曰，公瑾雄烈， 胆略兼人，遂破孟德，邈焉寡俦。子敬与孤燕语，便及大略，孟德率数十万众，水陆俱下，独劝孤呼公瑾付任，后虽劝我借玄德地，一短不足以损二长。孤常以比邓禹也。子明果敢有胆，筹策奇至，图取关羽，胜于子敬，又曰，子敬云，帝王之起，自有驱除，羽不足忌，此子敬内不能办，外为大言耳。权以区区才智，割据一隅，与数三谋臣，图议国事，其本末略具于此。夫以曹操之强，刘备之义，关羽之勇，萃于一时，而权之臣，破孟德则为功，取关羽则为能，劝借玄德地则为短，是其势，岂不杰然特立于天下哉。而乃又以鲁肃驱除之说为大言，此所以未尝敢有并天下之志。而其后有称臣、连和之事，亦其势然也。然权方且责人之大言，而权之大言又甚，其比鲁肃于邓禹是也。禹之初见光武曰，愿明公延揽英雄，务悦人心，立高祖之业，救万民之命。只此数言，与肃何如也。安有英雄之士，遇人主于草昧之间，而其所献计，乃曰汉室不可兴，曹操不可除。夫成大业者，举大名，未知吴之君臣所举何名。而肃而为禹，谁不为禹者，然且自谄其臣，而身欲为光武以自壮。则此权所以不肯佐刘备定天下也。」（《北轩集》卷8, 史论, 孙权三臣之论）

• 成大中：「孙权之获关羽也，宜用曹操法，待以上宾，享以美姬珍羞，而尽除其爪牙，则入圈之虎，安所用其猛哉。必自愧死尔。不然，数其罪而纵之，羽岂能去哉。羽自刎于吴纛之下也。乃获便杀之，由积畏之也。正自露吾之拙，而成彼之名也。曹操肯为此耶。使羽名烈，至今与日月争光者，权实成之也。故从古杀俊士者，适足成其名也。祢衡尚然，况关羽哉。」（《靑城杂记》卷4 醒言）

家庭

祖父

• 孙锺 孙坚父

父母

父

• 孙坚 父亲，孙权称帝后追諡为武烈皇帝

母

• 吴夫人 母亲，孙权称帝后追諡为武烈皇后

兄弟姊妹

兄弟

• 孙策 长兄，东吴奠基者，孙权称帝后追諡为长沙桓王

• 孙翊 三弟，丹杨太守，性格骁悍果烈，有孙策之风

• 孙匡 四弟，举茂才，早逝。

• 孙朗 五弟，庶出

姐姐

• 孙氏，嫁给曲阿人弘咨，有子弘缪（一说是孙）

• 孙氏，女儿陈氏为潘浚子潘秘妻，也有陈氏是孙权乳母女的说法

妹妹

• 孙夫人，嫁刘备，三国演义中称孙仁，戏剧中称孙尚香

异姓兄长

• 周瑜（吴夫人命其以兄事之）

表亲兄弟

• 徐琨（亦是徐夫人的生父）

• 吴奋

• 吴祺

后妃

• 谢夫人，正室，谢煚之女，谢承之姐

• 徐夫人，正室，徐琨之女，孙登之养母

• 潘皇后，皇后，生孙亮

• 步夫人，妃嫔，追赠皇后，生有孙鲁班、孙鲁育二女。

• 王夫人，妃嫔，追諡大懿皇后，王卢九之女，生孙和

• 王夫人，妃嫔，追諡敬怀皇后，生孙休

• 袁夫人，妃嫔，袁术之女

• 赵夫人，妃嫔，赵达之妹，为中国最早记载的女画家，也是蚊帐的发明者，有针绝、机绝、丝绝三绝之称的才女。

• 仲姬，妃嫔，生孙奋。

• 谢姬，妃嫔，孙霸子孙基和孙壹的祖母，应是孙霸的生母。

• 史书没有记载孙登、孙虑及孙权次女的生母，她们可能不在上述后妃之内。

子女

子

• 孙登，字子高，孙权长子。

• 孙虑，字子智，孙权次子。

• 孙和，字子孝，孙权三子。

• 孙霸，字子威，孙权四子。

• 孙奋，字子扬，孙权五子。

• 孙休，字子烈，孙权六子，被拥立为孙吴第三任皇帝。

• 孙亮，字子明，孙权七子，继任为孙吴第二任皇帝。

女

• 孙鲁班，字大虎，孙权长女，先配周循，后配全琮。

• 孙氏（待考），孙权次女。刘纂妻，早卒。

• 孙鲁育，字小虎，孙权三女，先配朱据，后配刘纂。

• 孙氏（待考），滕胤妻。

养子

• 凌烈，凌统长子。凌统死时只有数岁，被孙权接到宫中抚养。长大后领父兵。封为亭侯。

• 凌封，凌统次子，与兄一同被抚养。兄凌烈犯罪被免官后，袭其爵位、士兵。

孙子

• 孙皓，吴大帝孙权之孙，为吴末帝

艺术形象

戏剧 / 电影

• 丽的电视本港台电视剧集《三国春秋》（1976年）：由胡枫饰演孙权。

• 香港邵氏电影《神通术与小霸王》（1983年）：由邓伟豪饰演孙权。

• 亚洲电视（ATV）《诸葛亮》（1985年）：由徐正运饰演孙权。

• 香港亚洲电视电视剧《诸葛亮》（1985年）：由吴仕德饰演孙权。

• 香港中国长河影业公司《神通》：由马景饰演孙权。

• 中国中央电视台电视剧《三国演义》（1994年）：由恽浆铮（女）饰演少年孙权，吴晓东饰演成年孙权。在日语版《三国演义》中由鸟海胜美为少年孙权配音，小杉十郎太为成年孙权配音。

• 中国电视剧《东方小故事之添字得驴》（1994年）：由高原饰演孙权。

• 台湾华视电视剧《三国英雄传之关公》（1996年）：由李兴文饰演孙权。

• 电影《诸葛孔明》（1996年）：由彭志义饰演孙权。

• 电影《一代枭雄曹操》（1999年）：由彭志义饰演孙权。

• 中国中央电视台电视剧《武圣关公》（2004年）：由李东桥饰演孙权。

• 电影《赤壁》（2008年）/ 电影《赤壁：决战天下》：由张震饰演孙权。

• 台湾民视/八大电视电视剧《终极三国》（2009年）: 由修杰楷饰演。

• 中国电视剧《三国》（2010年）：由郑伟（少年）、张博饰演孙权。

• 中国电视剧《廉石传奇》（2010年）：由罗嘉良饰演孙权。

• 香港无綫电视电视剧《回到三国》（2012年）：由敖嘉年饰演孙权。

• 中国电视剧《武神赵子龙》（2016年）：由贺刚饰演孙权。

• 中国电视剧《大军师司马懿之军师联盟》（2017年）：由丁海峰饰演孙权。

• 电影《新解释·三国志》（2020年）：由冈田健史饰演孙权。

• 周显扬执导电影《真·三国无双》（2021年）：由卢展翔饰演孙权。

动漫作品

• 真三国无双系列 / 无双OROCHI系列（光荣公司开发，菅沼久义配音）

• 苍天航路（王欣太）

• 火凤燎原（陈某）、火凤燎原外传小说《伯符》（王贻兴）:设定为山无陵之义弟、义姐夫为司马懿、刘大之得意弟子，于孙策讨伐严白虎时带领「败将」成员徐盛和潘璋协助孙策，并于孙策攻下会稽时以「江东二乔」以胁迫乔老爷归顺孙策，其后二乔被迫分别下嫁于孙策和周瑜，晚年因孙登在狩猎时神秘中箭而死，间接酿成二宫之争。

• 三国志（横山光辉）

• 三国志

• 三国演义

• 《BB战士三国传》

• 《SD高达世界 三国创杰传》

Early life and career

The Records of the Three Kingdoms mentioned that Sun Jian was a descendant of Sun Wu (better known as Sun Tzu), a militarist in the Spring and Autumn Period and the author of The Art of War. Sun Quan was born in 182, while his father Sun Jian was still a low-ranking official of the Han dynasty. In 184, two years after Sun Quan was born, the Yellow Turban Rebellion led by Zhang Jue broke out across the country. Sun Jian joined the general Zhu Jun to quell the rebellion and allocated his family to stay in Shouchun. When Sun Quan's elder brother Sun Ce met Zhou Yu in 189, Sun Ce decided to take his mother Lady Wu and younger brothers to Shu County, Zhou Yu's hometown. There, the Sun family became acquainted with Zhou Yu.

After Sun Jian's death in 191, the Sun family moved again to Jiangdu in order to mourn him. Two years later, Sun Ce decided to join Yuan Shu's army so he ordered Lü Fan to take his family members to his maternal uncle Wu Jing's home in Danyang. However, Liu Yao, the Governor (牧) of Yang Province became angry when Sun Ce and Yuan Shu defeated Lu Kang, the administrator of Lujiang in 194. He felt worried that they would attack him further so he drove Wu Jing away from Danyang. Since Suan Quan and his mother were still in Liu Yao's territory, Zhu Zhi sent people to rescue them. Sun Quan and his mother moved to Fuling later.

When Sun Ce defeated Liu Yao in 195, he ordered Chen Bao to bring his family back to Danyang. As Sun Quan grew up, he served his brother during the conquests of the region south of the Yangtze River. He was made Yangxian County magistrate in 196, at the age of 14, and continued to rise through the ranks as his brother gave him more and more important tasks. Since he was passionate about gathering the retainers like Pan Zhang and Zhou Tai, his fame soon approached his father and elder brother. Zhu Ran and Hu Zong, the men he met during his schooldays, later became ministers of Eastern Wu. He was loved by his brother Sun Ce, who said that he would put his men under Sun Quan's management in the future. In 199, Sun Quan was promoted to the rank of Colonel (校尉) and followed his brother to conquer Lujiang and Yuzhang. While Cao Cao attempted to further reinforce the alliance with Sun Ce, both Sun Quan and his younger brother Sun Yi were invited to be officials in Xuchang, but they refused.

Succeeding Sun Ce

Sun Ce was assassinated in 200 during a hunt. On his deathbed, he knew that his son was still too young to be considered a realistic heir, so he entrusted the 18-year-old Sun Quan to his faithful subordinates. Initially, Sun Quan mourned his brother's death so much that he couldn't stop crying, but at Zhang Zhao's behest, he dressed himself in military uniform and set out to visit the commanderies under his brother's control. Many of Sun Ce's subordinates thought that Sun Quan was too young to sustain Sun Ce's domain and wanted to leave. Particularly, Li Shu, the Administrator of Lujiang, defected to Cao Cao. Sun Quan wrote a letter to Cao Cao to state Li Shu's crime then headed his troops to defeat Li Shu and regain Lujiang.

Zhang Zhao and Zhou Yu saw special qualities in the young man and chose to stay to serve Sun Quan. Zhang Hong, whom Sun Ce had earlier sent as a liaison to the warlord Cao Cao, also returned from Cao's domain to assist Sun Quan. At Zhang Hong's request, Cao Cao, in the name of Emperor Xian who was controlled by Cao Cao at the time, commissioned Sun Quan as General Who Attacks Barbarians, a title under which he would be known for a long time. He listened carefully to his mother Lady Wu's encouraging words, and greatly trusted Zhang Zhao and Zhang Hong with regard to civilian affairs and Zhou Yu, Cheng Pu, and Lü Fan with regard to military matters. Sun Quan also sought out talented young men to serve as his personal advisors, and it was around this time that he befriended Lu Su and Zhuge Jin, who would later play prominent roles in his administration. In addition, Lu Xun, Bu Zhi, Gu Yong, Shi Yi, Yan Jun, Xu Sheng and Zhu Huan also became his men. Throughout this period and decades to come, Sun Quan's leadership would be characterised by his ability to find men of character and entrust important matters to him, and his ability to react swiftly to events.

For the next several years, Sun Quan was largely interested in expanding against the Shanyue, hill tribes which controlled the most southern part of China and outside the reach of the Han government, in order to ensure his realm. Sun Quan launched numerous campaigns against the Shanyue. In 206, he conquered the fortress of Shanyue in Matun and Baodun and captured more than 10,000 men. Furthermore, he gradually sought to harass and weaken Liu Biao's key subordinate, Huang Zu (who controlled the northeastern region of Liu Biao's domain) – particularly because Huang Zu had killed his father in battle. He made war on Huangzu twice in 203 and 207. In 208, he was finally able to defeat and kill Huang Zu in battle, and as a result, he obtained the most of the territory of Jiangxia. Soon after, Liu Biao died while Cao Cao was preparing a major campaign to subjugate both Liu Biao and Sun Quan under his control, precipitating a major confrontation.

Battle of Red Cliffs

At the end of 208. After Liu Biao's death, a succession struggle for his domain came into being, between his sons Liu Qi and younger son Liu Cong, whom Liu Biao's second wife Lady Cai favoured (because he had married her niece). After Huang Zu's death, Liu Qi was therefore given Huang's post as the governor of Jiangxia Commandery. Liu Cong therefore succeeded Liu Biao after his death, and Liu Qi was displeased and considered, but did not carry out, an attack against his brother. Nevertheless, Liu Cong, in fear of having to fight Cao Cao and his brother on two fronts, surrendered to Cao Cao against the advice of Liu Biao's key ally Liu Bei. Liu Bei, unwilling to submit to Cao Cao, fled south. Cao caught up to him and crushed his forces, but Liu Bei escaped with his life; he fled to Dangyang. Cao Cao took over most of Jing Province, and appeared set on finally unifying the empire.

Sun Quan was well aware of Cao Cao's intentions, and he quickly entered into an alliance with Liu Bei and Liu Qi to prepare for an attack by Cao. Cao Cao wrote Sun Quan with a letter intending to intimidate, and in face of Cao's overwhelming force (estimated to be about 220,000 men, although Cao claimed 800,000, against Sun's 30,000 and the Lius' combined force of 10,000), many of Sun's subordinates, including Zhang Zhao, advocated surrender. Sun Quan refused, under advice from Zhou Yu and Lu Su that Cao Cao would surely not tolerate him even if he surrendered.

Sun Quan put Zhou Yu in charge of his 30,000 men, largely stationed on naval ships, and Zhou set up a defensive position in conjunction with Liu Bei, whose army was stationed on land. About this time, there was a plague developing in Cao Cao's forces which significantly weakened it. Zhou Yu set up a trap where he pretended to be punishing his subordinate Huang Gai, and Huang pretended to surrender to Cao Cao in fear. Zhou Yu then sent ships under Huang Gai's command to pretend to surrender and, as Huang's ships approached Cao Cao's fleet, they were set aflame to assault Cao's fleet, and Cao's fleet was largely destroyed by fire. Cao Cao led his forces to escape on land, but much of the force was destroyed by Sun Quan and Liu Bei's land forces.

Uneasy alliance with Liu Bei

Immediately after Cao Cao withdrew, Sun Quan took over the northern half of Jing Province. Liu Bei marched south and took over the southern half. The Sun-Liu alliance was further cemented by a marriage of Sun Quan's younger sister, Lady Sun, to Liu Bei. Zhou Yu was suspicious of Liu Bei's intentions, however, and suggested to Sun Quan that Liu be seized and put under house arrest (albeit be very well-treated) and his forces be merged into Sun's; Sun Quan, believing that Liu Bei's forces would rebel if he did that, declined. Sun Quan did agree to Zhou Yu's plans to consider attacking Liu Zhang and Zhang Lu (who controlled the modern southern Shaanxi) to try to take over their territories, but after Zhou Yu died in 210, the plans were abandoned. However, Sun Quan was able to persuade the warlords in Jiao Province to submit to him, and they became part of his domain. He then yielded parts of northern Jing Province to Liu Bei as well, agreeing with Liu that the south was insufficient to supply his troops. At the same time, Sun Quan appointed his subordinate Bu Zhi as the Inspector (刺史) of Jiao Province to replace Lai Gong. Shi Xie led his followers to submit to Bu Zhi's governorship. Sun Quan took over the entire Jiao Province.

In 211, Sun Quan moves his headquarters from Dantu to the city of Moling, and in the next year he rebuilt the walls and renamed the city Jianye. This new location gave him better control of the Yangtze River and better communications with his various other commanders. He also constructed fortresses at Ruxu, since Lü Meng anticipated an invasion there from Cao Cao.

The invasion Lü Meng expected came at the start of 213. Sun Quan personally led the army there to resist Cao Cao and relied heavily on the fortresses Lü Meng built to give his soldiers strong positions from which to defend. At one point, Cao Cao tried to send his navy across the river to break Sun Quan's lines, but Sun Quan's own ships surrounded them and destroyed them. Due to the stalemate in the war, Sun Quan drove a big ship to enter the military camp of Cao cao on the other side of Yangtze River to observe his enemy situation. Cao Cao was very impressed with the military discipline of his opponent so he said that he should have a child like Sun Quan and didn't launch an attack on this occasion. Sun Quan ordered people to play music on the ship and returned to his camp safely. Ultimately, Lü Meng's defences held and Sun Quan wrote a letter to Cao Cao to warn that the spring rains would come a month later, Cao Cao had to take his advice and pull back.

After Cao Cao's defeat at Ruxu, many people along the Yangtze River fled south to join Sun Quan. With the exception of Wan County and the immediate area, the region became abandoned. In 214, Cao Cao sent a man named Zhu Guang to Wan County with orders to revitalise the region and bring it under Cao Cao's control. Zhu Guang began extensive agricultural projects, and he also stirred up bandits and malcontents into rebellion in Sun Quan's territory. Lü Meng feared that if Zhu Guang's programmes were successful, it would make Cao Cao's hold in the area unbreakable and urged for a campaign against Huan. Sun Quan followed Lü Meng's strategy and used the seasonal flooding to travel to the city by boat, which allowed them to attack unexpectedly. Rather than a lengthy siege, Lü Meng, Gan Ning and Ling Tong led a quick strike and broke Zhu Guang's defences, capturing the city.

After Liu Bei's conquest of Yi Province, he was able to supply his troops on his own, so Sun Quan sent Lu Su as an emissary to demand for the return of Jing Province, but Liu Bei refused. Sun Quan then sent Lü Meng and Ling Tong to lead 20,000 men to attack southern Jing Province and they succeeded in capturing Changsha, Guiyang, and Lingling commanderies. Meantime, Lu Su and Gan Ning advanced to Yiyang (益阳) with 10,000 men (to block Guan Yu) and took over command of the army at Lukou (陆口). Liu Bei personally went to Gong'an County and Guan Yu led 30,000 men to Yiyang. When an all-out war was about to break out, the news that Cao Cao planned to attack Hanzhong was received by Liu Bei, and he requested for a border treaty with Sun Quan as he became worried about Cao Cao seizing Hanzhong. Liu Bei asked Sun Quan to give him back Lingling Commandery and create a diversion for Cao Cao by attacking Hefei; in return, Liu Bei ceded Changsha and Guiyang commanderies to Sun Quan, setting the new border along the Xiang River. Sun Quan's attack on Hefei was disastrous - he was nearly captured on one occasion, if not saved by Ling Tong.

In 217, Cao Cao brought a massive army to attack Ruxu again. Sun Quan personally led 70,000 men to defend the city, though he left actual command of the battle to Lü Meng. It was a furious campaign, and after several weeks of gruelling battle, Lü Meng's defences held and the spring floods forced Cao Cao to retreat once again.

Still, this was not a complete victory. Most of Cao Cao's army was still intact and he had a huge force under Xiahou Dun north of Sun Quan's position. This resulted in a stalemate in which as long as Sun Quan kept his army in Ruxu, Xiahou Dun could not hope to invade him; but as soon as Sun Quan pulled out of Ruxu, Xiahou Dun could break through. Also, Xiahou Dun's force was simply too large and too well-entrenched to be driven away. Sun Quan had no military options, so he settled on a diplomatic solution. In 217, Sun Quan allied with Cao Cao, recognising him as the legitimate representative of the Han central government. While officially this was a surrender, Cao Cao knew that Sun Quan would not be content with being treated like a subject, so he confirmed all of the titles Sun Quan had claimed for himself and formalised his control over the lands he held. Sun Quan was permitted to continue to rule independently but was now officially one of Cao Cao's subordinates.

Breaking of alliance with Liu Bei

In 219, Guan Yu advanced north, attacking Fancheng, scoring a major victory over Cao Ren. While Fancheng did not fall at this time, Guan Yu put it under siege, and the situation was severe enough that Cao Cao considered moving the capital away from Xu. However, Sun Quan, resentful of Guan Yu's prior constant instigation of hostilities (including seizing Sun's food supplies to use for his campaign north), took the opportunity to attack Guan from the rear, and Guan's forces collapsed. Guan Yu was captured by forces under Lü Meng and Jiang Qin; Guan Yu was executed, Jing Province came under Sun's control, and the Sun-Liu alliance ended.

After Cao Cao's death in 220, Cao Pi forced Emperor Xian to yield the throne to him, ending the Han dynasty and establishing the state of Cao Wei. Sun Quan did not immediately submit to Wei or declare independence after Cao Pi's enthronement, but took a wait-and-see attitude; by contrast, in early 221, Liu Bei declared himself emperor, establishing the state of Shu Han. Immediately, Liu Bei planned a campaign against Sun Quan to avenge Guan Yu. After attempting to negotiate peace and receiving no positive response from Liu Bei, fearing attack on both sides, Sun Quan became a vassal of Wei. Cao Pi's strategist Liu Ye suggested that Cao Pi decline — and in fact attack Sun Quan on a second front, effectively partitioning Sun's domain with Shu, and then eventually seek to destroy Shu as well. Cao Pi declined, in a fateful choice that most historians believe doomed his empire to ruling only the northern and central China — and this chance would not come again. Indeed, against Liu Ye's advice, on 23 September 221 he appointed Sun Quan the King of Wu and granted him the nine bestowments.

In 222, at the Battle of Xiaoting, Sun Quan's general Lu Xun dealt Liu Bei a major defeat, stopping the Shu offensive. Shu would not again pose a threat to Sun Quan from that point on. Later that year, when Cao Pi demanded that Sun Quan send his crown prince Sun Deng to the Wei capital Luoyang as a hostage (to guarantee his loyalty), Sun Quan refused and declared independence (by changing era name), thus establishing Eastern Wu as an independent state. Cao Pi launched a major attack on Wu, but after Wei defeats in early 223, it became clear that Wu was secure. After Liu Bei's death later that year, Zhuge Jin's brother Zhuge Liang, the regent for Liu Bei's son and successor Liu Shan, reestablished the alliance with Sun Quan, and the two states would remain allies until Shu's eventual destruction in 263.

Early reign

Early in Sun Quan's reign, the Wu administration was known for its efficiency, as Sun showed a knack for listening to correct advice and for delegating authorities to the proper individuals. For example, he correctly trusted the faithful Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin, so much so that he made a duplicate imperial seal and left it with Lu Xun; whenever he would correspond with Shu's emperor Liu Shan or regent Zhuge Liang, he would deliver the letter to Lu Xun first (as Lu's post was near the Shu border), and then if, in Lu's opinion, changes were needed, he would revise the letter and then restamp it with Sun's imperial seal. Further, Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin were authorised to coordinate their actions with Shu without prior imperial approval. Sun Quan treated his high-level officials as friends and addressed them accordingly (with courtesy names), and in accordance they dedicated all effort to Wu's preservation. He also knew what were the proper roles for officials that he trusted; for example, in 225, when selecting a chancellor, while the key officials all respected Zhang Zhao greatly and wanted him to be chancellor, Sun Quan declined, reasoning that while he respected Zhang greatly, a chancellor needed to handle all affairs of state, and Zhang, while capable, had such strong opinions that he would surely be in conflict with Sun Quan and other officials at all times. He also repeatedly promoted his official Lü Fan even though, while he was young, Lü Fan had informed to Sun Ce about his improper spending habits, understanding that Lü did so only out of loyalty to Sun Ce.

In 224 and 225, Cao Pi again made attacks on Wu, but each time the Wu forces were able to repel Wei's with fair ease — so easily that Cao Pi made the comment, "Heaven created the Yangtze to divide the north and south." However, Sun Quan was himself equally unsuccessful in efforts to make major attacks on Wei. After Cao Pi's death in 226, for example, Sun Quan launched an attack on Wei's Jiangxia Commandery, but was forced to withdraw as soon as Wei reinforcements arrived. However, later that year, he was able to increase his effective control over Jiao Province when his general Lü Dai was able to defeat the warlord Shi Hui (士徽) and end the effective independence that the Shi clan had. In addition, the several independent kingdoms in modern Cambodia, Laos, and southern Vietnam all became Wu vassals as well.

The Book of Liang records the arrival in 226 of a merchant from the Roman Empire (Daqin) at Jiaozhi (Chinese-controlled northern Vietnam). The Prefect of Jiaozhou sent him to the court of Sun Quan in Nanjing. Sun Quan requested that he provide him with a report on his native country and its people. An expedition was mounted to return the merchant along with 10 female and 10 male "blackish coloured dwarfs" he had requested as a curiosity and a Chinese officer who, unfortunately, died en route.

The one major victory that Wu would have over Wei during this period came in 228, when, with Sun Quan's approval, his general Zhou Fang pretended to be surrendering to Wei after pretending to have been punished repeatedly by Sun Quan. This tricked the Wei general Cao Xiu, who led a large army south to support Zhou Fang. He walked into the trap set by Zhou Fang and Lu Xun and suffered major losses, but was saved from total annihilation by Jia Kui.

In 229, Sun Quan declared himself emperor, which almost damaged the alliance with Shu, as many Shu officials saw this as a sign of betrayal of the Han dynasty — to which Shu claimed to be the legitimate successor. However, Zhuge Liang opposed ending the alliance and in fact confirmed it with a formal treaty later that year, in which the two states pledged to support each other and divide Wei equally if they could conquer it. Later that year, he moved his capital from Wuchang to Jianye, leaving his crown prince Sun Deng, assisted by Lu Xun, in charge of the western parts of Eastern Wu.

Middle reign

In 230, however, the first sign of the deterioration of Sun Quan's reign occurred. That year, he sent his generals Wei Wen (卫温) and Zhuge Zhi (诸葛直) with a navy of 10,000 into the East China Sea to seek the legendary islands of Yizhou (夷洲) and Danzhou (亶洲), likely Taiwan or Ryukyu, to seek to conquer them, despite strenuous opposition of Lu Xun and Quan Cong. The navy was not able to locate Danzhou but located Yizhou, and returned in 231 after capturing several thousand men — but only after 80-90% of the navy had died from illness. Instead of seeing his own fault in this venture, Sun Quan simply executed Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi. Perhaps concerned about this deterioration in Sun Quan's judgment, Sun Deng left the western empire in Lu Xun's hands in 232 and returned to Jianye, and would remain at Jianye until his own death in 241.

In 232, Sun Quan had another misadventure involving his navy — as he sent his generals Zhou He (周贺) and Pei Qian (裴濳) to the nominal Wei vassal Gongsun Yuan, in control of Liaodong Commandery, to purchase horses, against the advice of Yu Fan - and indeed, he exiled Yu Fan to the desolate Cangwu Commandery (roughly modern Wuzhou, Guangxi) as punishment. Just as Yu Fan predicted, however, the venture would end in failure — as Zhou He and Pei Qian, on their way back, were intercepted by Wei forces and killed. Regretting his actions, Sun Quan tried to recall Yu Fan back to Jianye, only to learn that Yu had died in exile.

The next year, however, Sun Quan would have yet another misadventure in his dealings with Gongsun Yuan, as Gongsun sent messengers to him, offering to be his subject. Sun Quan was ecstatic, and appointed Gongsun Yuan the Prince of Yan and granted him the nine bestowments, and further sent a detachment of 10,000 men by sea north to assist Gongsun Yuan in his campaign against Wei, against the advice of nearly every single one of his high-level officials, particularly Zhang Zhao. Once the army arrived, however, Gongsun Yuan betrayed them, killing Sun Quan's officials Zhang Mi and Xu Yan (许晏), whom Sun had sent to grant the bestowments and seized their troops. Once that happened, the enraged Sun Quan wanted to personally head north with a fleet to attack Gongsun Yuan, and initially, not even Lu Xun's opposition was able to stop him, although he eventually calmed down and did not follow through. To his credit, he also personally went to Zhang Zhao's house and apologised to him. Further, despite the deterioration in his previous clear thinking, he was still capable of making proper decisions at times. For example, in 235, when, as a sign of contempt, Wei's emperor Cao Rui offered horses to him in exchange for pearls, jade, and tortoise shells, Sun Quan ignored the implicit insult and made the exchange, reasoning that his empire needed horses much more than pearls, jade or tortoise shells.

In 234, in coordination with Zhuge Liang's final northern expedition against Wei, Sun Quan personally led a major attack against Wei's border city Hefei, while having Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin attack Xiangyang, with the strategy of trying to attract Wei relief forces and then attacking them. However, Wei generals correctly saw the situation and simply let Sun Quan siege Hefei. Only after Sun Quan's food supplies ran low did Cao Rui personally arrive with reinforcements, and Sun withdrew, as did Lu Xun and Zhuge Jin.

In 238, when Gongsun Yuan was under attack by Wei's general Sima Yi, Sun Quan, despite his prior rage against Gongsun, correctly judged the situation as one where he might be able to take advantage if Sima Yi were initially unsuccessful, so he did not immediately refuse Gongsun's request for help. However, as Sima Yi was able to conquer Gongsun Yuan quickly, Sun Quan never launched the major attack that he considered if Sima got stuck in a stalemate with Gongsun. That year, he also recognised how Lü Yi, the supervisor of the audit bureau, had been abusing his powers, and had Lü Yi executed; he then further confirmed his trust in the high-level officials by personally writing an emotional letter to Zhuge Jin, Bu Zhi, Zhu Ran, and Lü Dai, blaming himself for the recent problems with his administration while urging them to speak out honestly whenever they saw faults in him.

In 241, Sun Quan would launch the last major assault against Wei of his reign, in light of Cao Rui's death in 239, but he rejected a strategy offered by Yin Zha (殷札) to attack Wei in coordinated effort with Shu on four different fronts, and the campaign ended in failure as well.

Late reign

Later in 241, the crown prince Sun Deng died — an event that left open the issue of succession and appeared to mark the start of a precipitous decline in Sun Quan's mental health. In 242, he appointed his son Sun He, born to Consort Wang, crown prince. However, he also favoured another son by Consort Wang, Sun Ba, and permitted Sun Ba to have the same staffing level as the crown prince — a move that was objected to by a number of officials as encouraging Sun Ba to compete with Sun He, but Sun Quan did not listen to them. After 245, when Sun He and Sun Ba began to have separate residences, their relationship deteriorated further, and Sun Ba began to scheme at how to seize heir status from Sun He. Fanned by gossip from his daughter Sun Luban, Sun Quan blamed Sun He's mother Consort Wang for this — and she died in fear. He also cut off Sun He and Sun Ba's access to the officials who supported them in hopes of receiving future favours, but this could not stop Sun Ba's machinations. Indeed, when Lu Xun tried to intervene to protect Sun He, Sun Ba falsely accused him of many crimes, and Sun Quan became provoked so much that he repeatedly rebuked Lu Xun, causing him to die in frustration.

In 250, fed up with Sun Ba's constant attacks against Sun He, Sun Quan carried out an inexplicable combination of actions, He forced Sun Ba to commit suicide, while deposing Sun He (who had not been shown to have committed any crimes), and instead creating his youngest son, Sun Liang, crown prince to replace Sun He. This move was opposed by his son-in-law Zhu Ju (the husband of Sun Quan's daughter Sun Luyu), but Zhu Ju's pleas not only did not help Sun He, but also resulted in his own death, as Sun Quan forced him to commit suicide. Many other officials who also opposed the move, as well as officials who had supported Sun Ba, were executed.

Around this time, Sun Quan also had his generals destroy a number of levees near the border with Wei, creating large areas of flooding, in order to obstruct potential attacks from Wei.

In 251, Sun Quan created the first empress of his reign — Sun Liang's mother Consort Pan (previously, he had a succession of wives, but never made any of them empress, except for his favourite, Lady Bu, who was created empress posthumously after her death in 238). Later that year, however, he realised that Sun He was blameless and wanted to recall him from his exile, but was persuaded not to do so by his daughter Sun Luban and Sun Jun, who had supported Sun Liang's ascension. He realised that he was getting very old (69 by this point) and, at Sun Jun's recommendation, commissioned Zhuge Jin's son Zhuge Ke as the future regent for Sun Liang, even though he correctly had misgivings about how Zhuge Ke was arrogant and had overly high opinions of his own abilities. At that time virtually the entire empire, awed by Zhuge's prior military victories, was convinced that Zhuge would be the correct choice for regent.

In 252, as Sun Quan neared death, Empress Pan was murdered, but how she was murdered remains a controversy. Wu officials claimed that her servants, unable to stand her temper, strangled her while she was asleep, while a number of historians, including Hu Sanxing, the commentator to Sima Guang's Zizhi Tongjian, believed that top Wu officials were complicit, as they feared that she would seize power as empress dowager after Sun Quan's death. On 21 May 252, Sun Quan died at the age of 70 (by East Asian age reckoning), and Sun Liang succeeded him. Sun Quan was buried in August or September 252 in a mausoleum at the Purple Mountain in Jianye.

Family

Era names

• Huangwu (黄武 Huángwǔ) 222–229

• Huanglong (黄龙 Huánglóng) 229–231

• Jiahe (嘉禾 Jiāhé|w=Chia-ho|labels=no) 232–238

• Chiwu (赤乌 Chìwū) 238–251

• Taiyuan (太元 Taìyuán|w=Tai-yuan|labels=no) 251–252

• Shenfeng (神凤 Shénfèng) 252

In popular culture

Video games

Sun Quan appears as a playable character in Koei's Dynasty Warriors and Warriors Orochi video game series.

Sun Quan also appears in the mobile video game Puzzle & Dragons as part of the Three Kingdoms Gods series.

Sun Quan is also a playable character in Total War: Three Kingdoms as part of the Sun family faction.

Card games

In the collectible card game Magic: The Gathering there is a card named "Sun Quan, Lord of Wu", in the Portal Three Kingdoms set.

In the selection of hero cards in the Chinese card game San Guo Sha, there is also a Sun Quan hero that players can select at the beginning of the game.

Film and television

Zhang Bo, in the 2010 Chinese television series Three Kingdoms.

Zheng Wei as a child, in the 2010 Chinese television series Three Kingdoms.

Taiwanese actor Chang Chen portrayed Sun Quan in John Woo's 2008 two-part epic war film Red Cliff.

Deng Haifeng, in the 2017 Chinese television series The Advisors Alliance.