生平

知人之明

年少時已被其祖父陳寔讚揚：「此兒必興吾宗！」後與孔融結交。劉備到豫州時，請得他為別駕。興平元年（194年），徐州牧陶謙病死，劉備接任徐州牧。

據《三國志》記載，當時陳群曾警誡劉備不要領徐州，因為袁術還強大，必定會與他爭奪徐州，若果呂布乘機襲取徐州，他必大事不成；可是劉備沒有聽取，果真被呂布大敗，劉備才後悔沒有聽陳群的話。但陳景雲指出：當時呂布正在兗州與曹操相持，並沒有餘力分兵取徐州；劉備領徐州第二年，呂布才被曹操打敗投奔劉備；又一年後，袁術才誘使呂布襲取徐州，所以當時陳群能料到袁術爭奪徐州，卻不可能提前料到呂布會禍害劉備；而且劉備當時名義上領豫州，但只能屯兵小沛，如果陶謙死後劉備不領徐州，徐州歸了其他人，劉備便沒有容身之地了，袁術、呂布奪取徐州是意外，而不是劉備接手徐州本身太貪，劉備也沒有後悔不聽陳群之言的道理；故《三國志》這段記載可能是曹魏史官的附會。盧弼也認可陳景雲的說法。

劉備舉陳群為茂才，除授柘令，陳群沒有赴任，後來隨父親陳紀到徐州避戰，曹操攻滅呂布後，以陳群為司空西曹掾屬。後歷任多項官職，魏國建立後任御史中丞。

198年，呂布為曹操所打敗，陳群父子在呂布軍中見曹操皆拜。曹操久聞其名，便讓陳群為司空西曹掾屬。當時有人向曹操引薦王模、周逵，二人均曹操用之；陳群力言不可，認為王模、周逵二人德穢行劣，終其必壞事。曹操不聽，結果二人果然犯事受誅，曹操應信當初陳群之言，並向陳群承認錯失；陳群便推薦陳矯、戴乾，曹操皆加以任用。後來東吳為叛，戴乾因忠義死于變難；陳矯則成為一位名臣，是以舉世均認同陳群知人之明。

制定法度

自從劉備反曹後，東南多變。曹操便以陳群為酇令，以何夔為城父令，用名士以鎮撫諸縣，使吏民稍定。陳群又任蕭、酇、長平之令長，于父親亡時辭官。陳群後任司徒掾，舉高第，為治書侍御史，轉參丞相軍事。魏國建立後，又遷為御史中丞，常與曹操或他人討論或製定法度與政策問題。據《三國志》記載，陳群極力贊同恢復漢朝已被廢除的肉刑（包括宮刑、刖刑），提出：「若用古刑，使淫者下蠶室，盜者刖其足，則永無淫放穿窬之奸矣」。

九品官人法

及後陳群任侍中、領丞相東西曹掾，與曹丕交好，曹丕亦對他很器重。延康元年（220年），曹丕繼任魏王，封陳群為昌武亭侯，徙為尚書，創制「九品官人法」。文帝稱帝後，遷尚書僕射，加侍中，徙尚書令，進爵潁鄉侯。後為鎮軍大將軍，領中護軍，錄尚書事。

黃初七年（226年），文帝病重，陳群與曹真及司馬懿等並受遺紹輔政。明帝即位後，進封潁陰侯，增邑五百，並前千三百戶，開府。後任司空，錄尚書事。

太和四年（230年），明帝親政不久，司空陳群錄尚書事，輔助皇帝。吳質則認為輔弼的大臣影響國家的安危，於是對明帝大力稱贊驃騎將軍司馬懿，但則貶抑司空陳群，說他非國相之才。明帝聽後大為同意，翌日即下詔要督責陳群，連天下人都不實地批評陳群。

太和六年（231年），曹真數度上表從斜谷進攻蜀漢，陳群認為危險。及後曹真再上表從子午谷道攻蜀。陳群又向明帝分析計劃的不當處，更提出自己用兵之計，明帝聽從他的計劃，於是命令曹真按計劃攻蜀。但因為連日下雨，不利行軍，陳群又說服明帝退兵。其後又多次秘密地向明帝進諫，陳述各個政令決策的得失。

青龍四年十二月癸巳（237年2月7日），陳群逝世，諡曰靖侯，其子陳泰繼嗣。

經學成就

• 《隋書·經籍志》載述《論語》源變時，稱：「魏司空陳群、太常王肅、博士周生烈，皆為義說。」又《經籍志·別傳》載司空陳群有五卷個人文集，經已佚失。

• 《舊唐書·經籍志·楚詞類》輯有「陳群集三卷」。

• 《清史稿·藝文志·經部·四書類》尚輯有「魏陳群《論語義說》一卷」。

性格特徵

• 陳群有知人之能，曾稱王模和周逵德行差劣，勸曹操不要任用；又先後推薦陳矯及戴乾。王模和周逵日後因作亂而被誅殺；而陳矯成為曹魏的重臣，戴乾亦為曹魏盡忠而死。

• 陳群家世顯赫，是當世清流名士，對人物的行為舉止甚有要求，他因此不滿行為放誕的郭嘉，曾於朝上當曹操之面責備郭嘉。

• 陳群善於鑒賞印章，據《魏略》引《相印書》記載：「相印法本出陳長文（即陳群），長文以語韋仲將（即韋誕），印工楊利從仲將受法，以語許士宗（即許允）。利以法術占吉凶，十可中八九。仲將問長文『從誰得法』？長文曰：『本出漢世，有《相印（經）》、《相笏經》，又有《鷹經》、《牛經》、《馬經》。印工宗養以法語程申伯（魏徵東將軍），是故有一十二家相法傳於世。』」

評價

• 《三國志·陳群傳》載陳寔語：「此兒必興吾宗！」

• 袁準：「故司空陳群則不然，其談論終日，未嘗言人主之非；書數十上而外人不知。君子謂群於是乎長者矣。」

• 《三國志·陳群傳》載：「在朝無適無莫，雅杖名義，不以非道假人。」又稱其「弘博不伐」。

• 《三國志·辛毗傳》載曹叡語：「陳公可謂善變矣。」

• 《三國志·桓二陳徐衛盧傳》陳壽評：「陳群動仗名義，有清流雅望；泰弘濟簡至，允克堂構矣。魏世事統台閣，重內輕外，故八座尚書，即古六卿之任也。陳、徐、衛、盧，久居斯位，矯、宣剛斷骨鯁，臻、毓規鑒清理，咸不忝厥職雲。」「追觀陳群之議，棧潛之論，適足以為百王之規典，垂憲范乎後葉矣。」

• 《三國志·文昭甄皇后傳》載孫盛語：「於禮，婦人既無封爵之典，況于孩末，而可建以大邑乎？悳自異族，援繼非類，匪功匪親，而襲母爵，違情背典，於此為甚。陳群雖抗言，楊阜引事比並，然皆不能極陳先王之禮，明封建繼嗣之義，忠至之辭，猶有闕乎！」

• 《三國志·后妃傳》陳壽評：「魏后妃之家，雖雲富貴，未有若衰漢乘非其據，宰割朝政者也。鑒往易軌，於斯為美。追觀陳群之議，棧潛之論，適足以為百王之規典，垂憲範乎後葉矣。」

• 《三國志·荀彧傳》裴注引《荀彧別傳》載：「（荀彧）前後所舉者，命世大才，邦邑則荀攸、鍾繇、陳群，海內則司馬宣王，及引致當世知名郗慮、華歆、王朗、荀悅、杜襲、辛毗、趙儼之儔，終為卿相，以十數人。」

• 《三國志·王衛二劉傅傳》中《吳質傳》裴注引《魏略》載吳質向曹叡評論：「驃騎將軍司馬懿，忠智至公，社稷之臣也。陳群從容之士，非國相之才，處重任而不親事。」曹叡根據此言下詔責備陳群，卻不被當世所認同，《魏略》又載：「天下以司空不如長文，即群，（吳質）言無實也。」

• 《三國志·趙儼傳》載：「初，儼與同郡辛毗、陳群、杜襲並知名，號曰辛、陳、杜、趙雲。」

• 《晉書·江逌傳》載江逌疏文：「昔漢起德陽，鍾離抗言；魏營宮殿，陳群正辭。」

• 《晉書·庾亮傳》載：「亮美姿容，善談論，性好莊老，風格峻整，動由禮節，閨門之內不肅而成，時人或以為夏侯太初、陳長文之倫也。」

• 《後漢書·禰衡傳》載：「或問衡曰：『盍從陳長文、司馬伯達乎？』對曰：『吾焉能從屠沽兒耶！』」《典略》亦載禰衡事：「或問之曰：『何不從陳長文、司馬伯達乎？』衡曰：『卿欲使我從屠沽兒輩也！』」

• 《三國志·諸葛亮傳》裴注評諸葛亮：「委質魏氏，展其器能，誠非陳長文、司馬仲達所能頡頏，而況於餘哉！」

• 《三國志·諸葛瑾傳》載諸葛瑾語：「聞任陳長文、曹子丹輩，或文人諸生，或宗室戚臣，寧能御雄才虎將以制天下乎？」

• 袁宏《三國名臣頌》：「長文通雅，義格終始。思戴元首，擬伊同恥。人未知德，懼若在己。嘉謀肆庭，讜言盈耳。玉生雖麗，光不踰把。德積雖微，道暎天下。」

• 曹植：「容中下士，則眾心不攜；進吐善謀，則眾議不格。至德純粹者，陳司空也。」

• 裴松之：「委質魏氏，展其器能，誠非陳長文、司馬仲達所能頡頏，而況於餘哉！」

• 《博物記》：「太丘長陳寔、實子鴻臚紀、紀子司空群、群子泰四世，于漢、魏二朝並有重名，而其德漸漸小減。」

• 洪邁：「夫曹氏篡漢，忠臣義士之所宜痛心疾首，縱力不能討，忍複仕其朝為公卿乎？歆、群為一世之賢，所立不過如是。」

• 王夫之：「魏從陳群之議，置州郡中正，以九品進退人才，行之百年，至隋而始易，其于選舉之道，所失亦多矣。……然且行之六代而未嘗不收人才之用，則抑有道焉。」 「曹孟德心知摧折者之固為亂政，而標榜者之亦非善俗也，于是進崔琰、毛玠、陳群、鐘繇之徒，任法課能，矯之以趨于刑名，而漢末之風暫息者數十年。」「青龍、景初之際，禍胎已伏，蓋岌岌焉，無有慮此為睿言者，豈魏之無直臣哉？睿之營土木、多內寵、求神仙、察細務、濫刑賞也，舊臣則有陳群、辛毗、蔣濟，大僚則有高堂隆、高柔、楊阜、杜恕、陳矯、衛覬、王肅、孫禮、衛臻，小臣則有董尋、張茂，極言無諱，不避喪亡之謗詛，至于叩棺待死以求伸；睿雖包容勿罪，而諸臣之觸威以抒忠也，果有身首不恤之忱。」 「陳群上封事諫魏主，輒削其草；楊阜觸人主之威以直諫，與人言未嘗不道；袁宏贊群之忠，而譏阜之播揚君惡。夫阜激而太過，誠然矣；以群之削草為忠臣之極致，又奚得哉？」「曹操以刻薄寡恩之姿，懲漢失而以申、韓之法鉗網天下；崔琰、毛玠、鐘繇、陳群爭附之，以峻削嚴迫相尚。士困于廷，而衣冠不能自安；民困于野，而寢處不能自容。故終魏之世，兵旅亟興，而無敢為萑葦之寇，乃蘊怒于心，思得一解網羅以優遊卒歲也，其情亟矣。」「曹孟德懲漢末之緩弛，而以申、韓為法，臣民皆重足以立；司馬氏乘之以寬惠收人心，君弒國亡，無有起衛之者。然而魏氏所任之人，自謀臣而外，如崔琰、毛玠、辛毗、陳群、陳矯、高堂隆之流，雖未聞君子之道，而鯁直清嚴，不屑為招權納賄、驕奢柔諂猥鄙之行，故綱紀粗立，垂及于篡，而女謁宵小不得流毒于朝廷，則其效也。」

家庭

祖父輩

• 陳寔，曾任東漢太丘縣長，黨錮之禍後到荊州隱居。

父輩

• 陳紀，陳群父親，曾任平原相、侍中、大鴻臚。

• 陳諶，陳群叔父，曾任司空掾。

妻

• 荀氏，荀彧的女兒。

子輩

• 陳泰，陳群之子，曹魏重要將領，曾領兵抵抗姜維發動的北伐戰爭。

• 陳佐，陳諶之孫，陳群族子，官至青州刺史。

• 陳坦，陳諶之孫，陳群族子，官至廷尉。

孫輩

• 陳恂，陳泰之子，繼承陳泰爵位，無子。

• 陳溫，陳泰之子，陳恂之弟，兄長死後承繼封爵，咸熙年間改封慎子。

• 陳準，陳佐之子，官至太尉，封廣陵郡公。

• 陳戴，陳佐之子，陳準之弟，曾任高官。

• 陳徵，陳佐之子，陳準之弟，曾任高官。

• 陳堪，陳佐族子，陳準族弟，曾任高官。

曾孫輩

• 陳逵，字林道，陳準之孫，於江左有名譽，擔任西中郎將，死後追贈衛將軍。

後世創作

• 章回小說《三國演義》中，陳群登場於第五十八回「馬孟起興兵雪恨，曹阿瞞割鬚棄袍」中。當時其身分是治書侍御史，向曹操獻策，勸曹操乘劉備打算入蜀之前，再次從合肥攻打孫權，劉備為了取川之計必定不肯救援孫權，成功消滅孫權後，便可一舉東向，攻荊州、取巴蜀，一統天下。曹操深感認同，採納其策。後來諸葛亮勸劉備致信馬超，慫恿他襲擊長安，結果令曹軍無暇南顧。此後，陳群一直擔任魏國重臣及託孤顧命大臣，先後以侍中、鎮軍大將軍、司空等身分登場，並與司馬懿關係良好。其子陳泰在小說後部擔任魏國西邊防線主將，表現亦頗出眾。

影視形象

• 1994年電視劇《三國演義》：張世軍飾演陳群

• 2010年電視劇《三國》：孫海飾演陳群

• 2017年電視劇《軍師聯盟》：褚栓忠飾演陳群

動漫遊戲

• 《火鳳燎原》（陳某）:設定於赤壁之戰後登場，任職治書待御史，編寫《曹操兵法以孫子兵法為藍本，由戲志才、荀彧、郭嘉至司馬懿、楊修和蔣濟等多位謀士撰寫》

注釋

Early life

Chen Qun was born in the illustrious Chen family of Yingchuan Commandery (潁川郡), which is around present-day Xuchang, Henan. His grandfather Chen Shi, father Chen Ji and uncle Chen Chen all held high offices in the central government of the Eastern Han dynasty. As a child, he was already recognised as a talent by the official Kong Rong, a descendant of Confucius and close friend of his father Chen Ji.

In the days when Liu Bei was nominally the Inspector of Yu Province (where Yingchuan Commandery was located), Chen Qun became a subordinate of Liu Bei. He tried to dissuade Liu Bei from succeeding Tao Qian as the Governor of Xu Province after Tao died in 194 because he believed that whoever controlled Xu Province would be under threat from rival warlords: Yuan Shu to the south and Lü Bu to the east. Liu Bei ignored his advice and assumed office as the Governor of Xu Province, but he soon lost the province to Lü Bu.

Service under Cao Cao

In 198, the warlord Cao Cao, who was the de facto head of the Han central government, led his forces to attack Lü Bu in Xu Province and defeated him at the Battle of Xiapi, after which he took control of the province. Chen Qun and his father Chen Ji, who were both previously subordinates of Lü Bu, surrendered to Cao Cao and entered the service of the central government in the Han imperial capital, Xuchang.

Chen Qun made accusations against Guo Jia, one of Cao Cao's trusted advisers, on a number of occasions because he was unhappy with Guo Jia's unbridled ways. Although Cao Cao was pleased to see that Chen Qun upheld his moral principles, he did not take action against Guo Jia since Guo Jia's advice was crucial to Cao Cao's victories in battles against rival warlords.

In 216, Emperor Xian, the figurehead Han emperor, enfeoffed Cao Cao as a vassal king under the title "King of Wei". Cao Cao then sought Chen Qun's opinion on reestablishing an abolished system of corporal punishment within the Wei kingdom since he knew that Chen Qun's father, Chen Shi, supported capital punishment when he was still alive on the grounds that corporal punishment was more humane than bodily mutilation as a legal punishment. Chen Qun, however, favoured bodily mutilation because he thought that it provided more flexibility in the administration of justice, being more lenient than the death penalty yet less lenient than corporal punishment. Zhong Yao, another senior official, also shared the same view as Chen Qun, but others such as Wang Lang strongly objected to corporal punishment. Cao Cao ultimately did not reestablish the system of corporal punishment. Sometime between 216 and 220, Chen Qun urged Cao Cao to usurp the throne from Emperor Xian and become emperor himself, since Cao Cao was already the de facto ruler of the Han Empire at the time, but Cao Cao refused and remained as a nominal subject of Emperor Xian until his death.

Life in the state of Cao Wei

Service under Cao Pi

In late 220, some months after Cao Cao's death, Cao Pi (Cao Cao's son and successor) forced Emperor Xian to abdicate in his favour and established the state of Cao Wei to replace the Han dynasty, with himself as the new emperor. He enfeoffed Chen Qun as the Marquis of Changwu Village and appointed him as a Master of Writing in the government. Chen Qun proposed the nine-rank system for civil service nominations and it became enshrined in the laws of the Cao Wei state.

Chen Qun unsuccessfully pleaded with Cao Pi to pardon Bao Xun, who deliberately hid a report by Liu Yao which implicated Sun Yong in a potentially dangerous breach of protocol when the latter paid a visit to Cao Pi.

In 226, when Cao Pi became critically ill, he entrusted his son and heir apparent, Cao Rui, to the care of Cao Zhen, Sima Yi and Chen Qun.

Service under Cao Rui

In 226, Chen Qun stopped Cao Rui from attending his father's funeral on the grounds of protecting Cao Rui from contracting an unknown disease in the hot summer.

When one of Cao Rui's daughters died prematurely before she even reached one year old, Chen Qun did not want the emperor to attend the funeral because the emperor's presence at funerals was only necessary if the deceased was at least eight years of age. Cao Rui nonetheless ignored Chen Qun's advice and attended his daughter's funeral.

Many of Cao Rui's subjects, including Chen Qun, were concerned about the excessive costs of the construction of the emperor's lavish palaces and ancestral temples. Chen Qun wrote several memorials to the emperor, seeking a reduction in the scale of these projects and eventually managed to convince him to do so.

Chen Qun died on 7 February 237. One of his sons, Chen Tai, inherited his marquis title and marquisate and became a prominent military general in the Cao Wei state later.

Appraisal

It has been said that in his career, Chen Qun was not affected by his personal preferences in deciding whether a policy had merit or not. In his life, Chen Qun was very much concerned with honour and righteousness, and he was also esteemed as a good judge of character.