人物生平

出生与早年

胤禛于康熙十七年十月三十日（1678年12月13日）寅时出生于紫禁城永和宫，为康熙帝第四子，母亲是孝恭仁皇后。康熙帝曾评价幼年的胤禛「喜怒不定」，后经胤禛请求，于康熙四十一年（1702年）撤此考语。因胤禛性情急躁刚烈，父皇康熙用「戒急用忍」训喻他。胤禛早年随康熙巡历四方。

储位斗争中的角色

康熙三十七年（1698年）三月，康熙帝第一次赐给胤禛爵位，封为多罗贝勒。

康熙四十六年（1707年），康熙赐皇家园林圆明园给贝勒胤禛，十一月，胤禛恭请康熙幸（圆明园）进宴用膳（1707年至1722年，康熙帝总共去了圆明园12次）。

康熙四十七年（1708年）九月十八日，康熙第一次罢黜皇太子允礽。允禔和马齐就因帮助允禩争太子之位，就被康熙斥责和疏远过。

康熙四十八年（1709年）三月十日，康熙帝谕曰：「兹值复立皇太子允礽大庆之日，著封胤禛的爵位为亲王…」。十月二十一日，多罗贝勒胤禛册封为和硕雍亲王。

康熙五十年（1711年）八月，胤禛妾室典仪之女藩邸格格钮祜禄氏（熹妃）生下雍亲王胤禛第四子弘历，即后来的乾隆帝。

康熙五十一年（1712年）康熙再次废黜允礽，此时不再立皇太子。因此争夺储位斗争更加激烈。

康熙五十三年（1714年），朝鲜国王所派的使臣回国后，向朝鲜国王表明大清康熙皇帝当时的意旨：「(胤禛二哥)允礽之子弘皙颇贤，难于废立(太子)允礽」；或康熙五十六年(1717年)，亦表明康熙皇帝当时意旨：「弘皙甚贤，故不忍立他子，而尙尔贬处允礽矣」。

康熙六十一年（1722年），胤禛依照往常邀请康熙帝在自宅的圆明园进宴用膳，弟兄亦邀请集结在圆明园。(乾隆朝以后，于《高宗纯皇帝实录》记载，康熙因乾隆之故在圆明园进宴用膳，康熙连称乾隆生母为有福之人;但是在《圣祖仁皇帝实录》《世宗宪皇帝实录》《起居注》上并未记载任何乾隆母子受康熙惊爱的历史，也未赏赐他们世子或福晋，唯独遗诏承认乾隆帝受康熙帝锺爱抚养宫中)。

康熙六十一年（1722年）十一月二十日，胤禛登基为雍正皇帝，颁立恩诏于天下，诏曰：「…昔允礽弱龄建立深为康熙帝圣慈锺爱，寝处时依恩勤倍笃，不幸中年神志昏愦病类风狂，皇考念宗社重任付托为艰，不得已再行废斥，待至十有馀年，沈疾如故，痊可无期，是以皇考升遐之日，诏朕缵承大统，朕之昆弟子侄甚多，惟思一体相关敦睦罔替，共享升平之福永图磐石之安…」。

胤禛二哥允礽的第二子弘皙是胤禛上位后第一位晋升王爵的侄辈。据朝鲜使臣回国后，向朝鲜国王禀报大清国所盛传的：「康熙帝于升遐之日所留下的最后遗言：『允礽的第二子弘皙朕所锺爱，其特封为和硕亲王』，康熙帝言讫而逝」。(朝鲜国王实录里并没有载录康熙预备为皇子封王，只有载录康熙特为弘皙一人特封和硕亲王)

雍正元年（1723年）三月，雍正帝亲生皇子皇女中，只追封侧福晋李氏满十八岁的皇二女爵位：和硕格格为和硕怀恪公主（因康熙帝的未成年儿子一律不封爵位，雍正遵从前朝康熙的旨意皇子皇女未满18岁的均不册封爵位）。

雍正元年（1723年）八月十七日，雍正于乾清宫召诸王满汉大臣入见，面喻曰：「康熙帝去年升遐之日仓猝之间一言而定大计（为储君人选谋定的大计），薄海内外莫不倾心悦服，共享安全之福……康熙帝既将大事付托于朕，朕身为宗社之主不得不预为之计，今朕特将此事亲写密封藏于匣内，置之乾清宫正中……正大光明匾额之后……」。命诸臣皆退，仍留总理事务王大臣：允禩、允祥、马齐、隆科多，以康熙旨意，首度破例以元年极早订立储君，将密封遗诏收藏于乾清宫最高之处，特别不立皇太子。

雍正元年（1723年）九月二十日卯时，郑家庄建成后，雍正以康熙遗命，分家理郡王弘晳距京城外二十里的郑各家庄，特命人以隆重礼数礼遇弘皙、和他的众多妻妾子女及已成年弟弟，一起藏身至皇城外面，分至四百房。并安排弘皙的一子仍由十五阿哥允禑养育之。而弘晳生父允礽因有罪因此仍旧被禁锢于皇城之内咸安宫。雍正帝十分关心弘晳，弘皙亦于奏摺中称呼本是叔父的雍正皇为：「皇父」，与弘晳关系融洽。，并命数千位兵丁家臣奴仆保护弘皙的郑各家庄。

并且，弘皙每月可特别例行一次赴京参与朝会、射箭及坛庙祭祀等活动。

雍正元年（1723年）十月三十日，雍正帝谕万寿节，命令停止朝贺与筵宴，遣官祭神祇与清朝祖宗的陵寝（顺治时期和康熙时期，元旦万寿节免众人群聚朝贺筳宴行庆贺礼，其中原因是因京城的痘疹瘟疫盛行）

雍正元年（1723年）十一月十三日，适逢康熙忌辰，雍正命熹妃所生皇四子弘历祭景陵。

雍正二年（1724年）十二月，允礽病逝后，雍正帝追封二哥允礽为和硕理亲王，諡号曰：密，以亲王例下葬。奉雍正谕旨曰：「允礽病逝前奏曰：臣蒙皇上种种施恩甚厚，臣心实深感激，又训弘皙，你若能一心竭诚效力以事君父(雍正皇帝)，方为令子，此皆二阿哥允礽至诚由衷之言」。

而且，雍正还特别赐弘皙之生母李佳氏为允礽的侧福晋，令弘皙尽心孝养李佳氏。并且让允礽各妻妾，皆能丰衣足食，以终馀年。

据《雍正朝起居注》记载，雍正二年十二月十五日，总理事务王大臣满汉大臣等谨奏：「皇上因允礽事所降谕旨恩恤稠叠至优至渥，臣等伏思允礽获罪废禁多年，我皇上仁厚如天御极之初，即封其子弘晳为郡王…」。

雍正四年(1726年)，雍正皇帝给鄂尔泰御笔朱批中有提到：『朕之关心(你)，胜朕顽劣之皇子』。雍正八年(1730年)又说：『皇子皆中庸(平凡)之资，朕弟侄辈也缺乏卓越之才，朕此血诚，上天列祖皇考康熙帝早鉴之矣』。

雍正五年（1727年）三月，雍正帝谕旨：「朕仰赖康熙帝福庇……见宫中传留古玩器皿，皆质朴之物，朕仰思康熙恭俭至德，实可垂法万世，朕意欲俟暇时，将宫中所有之物，或系康熙传留，或朕藩邸旧蓄，分晰标记，以明康熙之俭德，俾世世子孙共知之」。

雍正六年（1728年）十一月十一日，雍正帝谕曰：「朕幼蒙康熙帝慈爱教育四十馀年以来，朕养志承欢至诚至敬屡蒙康熙帝恩谕诸昆弟中独谓朕诚孝，此朕之兄弟及大小臣工所共知者。朕在藩邸时仰托康熙帝福庇安富尊荣循理守分不交结一人、不与闻一事」。

雍正七年（1729年）十月，奉雍正帝谕旨：「朕自幼蒙(康熙帝)锺爱器重在诸兄弟之上，宫中何人不知，及至传位于朕之遗诏，乃诸兄弟面承于御榻之前者，是以诸兄弟皆俯首臣伏于朕前而不敢有异议，今云康熙帝欲传位于允禵，隆科多更改遗诏传位于朕，是尊允禵而辱朕躬(雍正帝)并辱康熙帝之旨焉……，曾静、张熙等系朕特旨赦宥之人，彼本地之人若以其贻羞桑梓有嫉恶暗伤者，其治罪亦然即朕之子孙将来亦不得以其诋毁朕躬，而追究诛戮之」。雍正八年（1730年），是年雍正帝本人的论著《大义觉迷录》一书发行于全国各地。

雍正八年（1730年）五月，雍正帝晋封弘皙继承父亲（前任皇太子）允礽之位：和硕理亲王。(当时，其他皇子按照惯例均没有册封王爵)

雍正九年（1731年）十二月，依历朝历代的惯例，康熙朝汉文谕旨朱批奏摺部份档案收录于《圣祖仁皇帝实录》和《圣祖圣训》编纂告成。

雍正十一年（1733年）正月，雍正帝预备封只剩两位皇子王爵时，谕宗人府：「朕幼弟(18岁)允秘，秉心忠厚赋性和平素为皇考（康熙）之所锺爱，数年以来在宫中读书学识亦渐增长，朕心嘉悦著封亲王。皇四子弘历(21岁)、皇五子弘昼(21岁)，年岁俱已二十外，亦著封为亲王，所有一切典礼著照例举行」。

雍正十三年（1735年）八月二十二日，雍正皇帝于圆明园病重，皇四子弘历和皇五子弘昼朝夕侍奉其侧。晚上八点，大学士鄂尔泰、大学士张廷玉至雍正皇帝寝室，恭捧上御笔亲书曰：『命皇四子宝亲王弘历为皇太子即皇帝位』。二十三日夜子时，雍正帝躺在病床上立皇四子弘历为皇太子后在圆明园驾崩，时年五十七岁。皇太子弘历回乾清宫揭开密封遗诏，喻旨：「宝亲王皇四子弘历……圣祖康熙帝于诸孙之中，最为锺爱……雍正元年八月朕于乾清宫召诸王满汉大臣入见，面谕以建储一事……即立弘历为皇太子之旨也，其后仍封亲王者，盖令备位藩封，谙习政事。……著继朕登极，即皇帝位。……俾皇太子弘历成一代之令主……与和亲王（弘昼）同气至亲，实为一体……大学士张廷玉器量纯全，抒诚供职，其纂修《圣祖仁皇帝实录》宣力独多；大学士鄂尔泰志秉忠贞，才优经济，……此二人者朕可保其始终不渝。」皇太子弘历登基，是为乾隆帝。以雍正驾崩前遗命嘱托封乾隆皇帝生母熹妃钮钴禄氏为皇太后(欠缺册封熹贵妃和裕妃的金册或金宝印，《世宗宪皇帝实录》亦未载册文)。封和亲王弘昼之母耿氏为皇贵太妃。两名抚育乾隆为皇子时的养母(皇考皇贵妃)及(皇考贵妃)，雍正时期本不封她们太妃，乾隆帝最后晋封她们皇贵太妃。

乾隆帝以西北军事底定撤除军机处，军机处改设总理事务处并兼理军机事务，总理事务王大臣以这四人：大学士鄂尔泰、大学士张廷玉、庄亲王允禄、果亲王允礼。原兼任军机大臣鄂尔泰、张廷玉改在总理事务处。(乾隆2年，准总理事务王大臣解职，复设军机处，乾隆以总理事务王大臣……入值军机处)。

雍正十三年（1735年）九月，奉乾隆帝谕旨：「允礽之子弘㬙、弘晥、孙永璥，(不满6岁)因年尚幼穉，蒙雍正垂慈恩养，仍住宫中，年已长成，雍正原欲赐宅另居尚未降旨，兹朕仰体圣慈为筹画久远之计，其应加封王爵，著总理事务王大臣会同内务府定议」。

雍正十三年（1735年）十月，总理事务鄂尔泰恭拟上崇庆皇太后的尊号

雍正十三年（1735年）十二月，乾隆帝下令将曾静和张熙押往京师凌迟处死，同时宣布《大义觉迷录》列为全国禁书，停止刊刻，私藏者治罪，在全国范围内收缴销毁。

乾隆二年（1737年），乾隆帝开始正式发行《乐善堂全集》。

乾隆三年（1738年）二月，乾隆帝的叔父果亲王允礼薨，乾隆帝命年幼的六弟弘曕过继给允礼的子嗣，且帮助弘曕袭果亲王爵位。(雍正时期乾隆三哥弘时获罪，过继阿其那允禩的子嗣)

乾隆四年（1739年）十月，乾隆帝谕曰：「理亲王弘皙乃允礽之子…雍正皇帝御极，敕封郡王，晋封亲王，是朕帮助弘晳的王爵」。对此，弘皙在宗人府听审时，极力反抗不实供述。而宗人府又查出弘晳的罪是与允禄、弘升、弘昌、弘晈等私相交结，因此乾隆帝革除弘皙的亲王爵位。二十九日，宗人府奏曰：「理亲王弘晳因罪革退，其王爵请令何人承袭」。乾隆帝命由弘皙之弟弘㬙递降继承允礽之位，封为理郡王。

乾隆四十八年（1783年），乾隆帝特别命人编撰诸多历史史籍，例如:《钦定古今储贰金鉴》《钦定皇朝文献通考》《钦定皇朝通典》…，奉乾隆帝谕旨，均收录以下：「弘皙纵欲败度，不克干蛊，年亦不永，使相继嗣立，不数年间连遭变故，岂我大清宗社臣民之福乎？是以皇祖康熙有鉴于兹，自允礽既废不复建储，迨我皇祖康熙龙驭上宾，传位雍正绍登大宝，十三年励精图治中外肃清……雍正元年，即亲书朕名，缄藏于乾清宫正大光明匾内，又另书密封匣，常以随身。至雍正十三年八月，雍正升遐，朕同尔时大臣等敬谨启视传位于朕之御笔，复取出内府缄盒密记，核对吻合……」。

登上皇位

康熙六十一年（1722年）年十一月十三日，康熙圣祖病重时于畅春园召集雍正多位亲兄弟：诚亲王允祉、淳郡王允佑、贝勒允禩、贝子允禟、敦郡王允䄉、贝子允祹、允祥至御榻前，谕曰：「皇四子胤禛人品贵重深肖朕躬，必能克承大统，著继朕登基即皇帝位」。康熙死时，包括宫人内侍和内廷行走之大小臣工当时也都在场，并于宣谕完毕七个时辰之后才病逝的，此之后才再次由隆科多负责宣述康熙帝的遗诏。。雍正继位，任命康熙皇八子允禩、皇十三子允祥、马齐和隆科多总理事务。

去世

据清朝官方文献记载，雍正十三年八月二十二日，雍正逝世前晚间时刻，皇四子弘历、皇五子弘昼两人皆随侍在侧，雍正帝病情加重时，大学士鄂尔泰、张廷玉恭捧上御笔亲书密旨，立皇四子弘历为太子后，雍正帝就于二十三日夜子时圆明园病逝，享年五十七岁。皇四子弘历登基继位，亲自命人把生父安葬于清泰陵。。

为政举措

政治

加强专制

• 军机处：雍正八年，成立军机处，当时主要为了紧急应对西北军情，协助办理皇帝处理对准噶尔用兵的各种军务。而军机处设有军机大臣，从大学士、尚书、侍郎以及皇亲国戚中担任。 议政王大臣会议与军机大臣在雍正时期，依然是并存的，并且双方职责各不尽相同，共同点皆需要处理军务。只是1792年乾隆当政时，废除了议政王大臣会议，乾隆以军机处为主要专一事权。例如雍正时期的首席军机大臣：怡亲王允祥、大学士鄂尔泰。

• 密摺制：雍正还在中央进一步完善密摺制度来监视臣民。

• 清除兄弟：雍正二年四月，明诏训饬康熙帝皇八子，令王公大臣察其善恶；削康熙帝皇十子爵永远拘禁之；十二月，康熙帝前废太子死。雍正三年二月，谕示康熙帝皇八子罪状；四年正月除宗籍，易名「阿其那」（满语骂人的话，意义众说纷纭，有「驮负罪过」、「驱赶犬只」、「冷冻的鱼」等众说），九月死。雍正三年二月，谕示康熙帝皇九子罪状，八月革爵；四年五月改名「塞思黑」，八月死。雍正三年二月，谕示康熙皇十子胤誐罪状。雍正二年七月，命同母弟、康熙帝皇十四子胤禵守陵；三年二月，谕示其罪状，十二月降爵；四年五月禁锢。雍正六年六月，康熙皇三子胤祉因罪降爵；八年二月复亲王爵，五月因康熙皇十三子之丧时「迟到早散，面无戚容」而削爵拘禁。关于雍正帝与亲兄弟之间的争议，请参见:《大义觉迷录》。

整顿吏治

康熙帝在位晚年，对下属过度宽纵，导致大清吏治腐败，官风松懈。雍正帝登基后第一项任务就是整顿吏治。一方面雍正帝告诫官员，在给总督的上谕中说：「今之居官者，钓誉以为名，肥家以为实，而曰『名实兼收』，不知所谓名实者果何谓也」，登基一周年时又说到：「朕缵承丕基，时刻以吏治兵民为念」。另一方面完善监督体系，紧抓思想反腐，并注重官员、民众的思想道德教化，树立反腐典范。

在整饬吏治的同时又打击朋党势力，他看到朋党之间各抒政见，妄议朝政，扰乱君父视听，妨碍坚持既定的政策，认为「朋党最为恶习」，因此宣称「将唐宋元明积染之习尽行洗涤」，「务期振数百年颓风，以端治化之本」。

秘密立储

改善秘密立储制度，即皇帝在位时不公开宣布太子，而将写有继承人名单的一式两份诏书分别置于乾清宫「正大光明」匾额后和皇帝身边，待皇帝去世后，宣诏大臣共同拆启传位诏书，确立新君。这样使得皇位继承办法制度化，也在一定程度上避免康熙帝晚年诸皇子互相倾轧的局面。

用人方法

雍正初年，重用年羹尧和隆科多。隆科多为吏部尚书、步军统领，兼理藩院，赐太子太保衔，被雍正尊称为「舅舅」。显赫异常，但未过几年，即被雍正整肃。雍正三年七月削隆科多太保衔；雍正四年正月削职；雍正五年十月廷臣上四十二罪款，下狱，永远禁锢；雍正七年六月，死于禁所。其较为宠信的四位臣工：李卫（江苏人）、田文镜（福建人）、张廷玉（安徽人）、鄂尔泰；李卫和张廷玉为汉人，田文镜为汉军的旗人，以民族分，汉族占了四分之三，足见雍正确实了解也重用汉人。雍正四年十二月，河南、陕西、四川均摊丁银入地并徵；谢济世劾田文镜，被褫职，发赴阿尔泰军前效力，陆生楠亦以党援同时遭遣。

整顿旗务

清兵入关以后，国家承平日久，军备废弛。而作为大清军队主力的八旗兵也是丧失斗志，特别是在旗的八旗子弟，每日游手好闲，贪图享乐。雍正帝对于此情此景对八旗旗务进行了一些整顿，例如：给那些无所事事的旗人分的土地和农具，让其自力更生，派遣八旗子弟去前线参战等。

雍正八案

九子夺嫡、胤禔软禁、年羹尧案、曾静吕留良案、隆科多案、谢济世案、陆生楠案、屈大均案。

军事

年羹尧先后被任命为川陕总督、抚远大将军，赴青海征讨厄鲁特罗卜藏丹津叛乱。

雍正元年三月，封年羹尧三等公；四月命康熙皇十四子留护康熙帝遗体；五月，生母仁寿皇太后死；八月，密封立四子弘历之上谕于正大光明匾后；十月授年羹尧抚远大将军。雍正二年三月，平定青海，进年羹尧为一等公。成为实际的西北王。雍正三年三月，下诏斥责年羹尧，四月调为杭州将军，六月削太保衔，七月黜为闲散旗员，十二月廷臣上九十二罪款，赐死，斩其子年富。

经济

康熙末年吏治松弛，贪污成风，加上诸王皇族同官僚结党营私，致使财政经济从中央到地方混乱不堪，「积弊甚大」。仅户部就亏空白银二百多万两。面对如此局面雍正帝在税制上推动「摊丁入亩」，「火耗归公」，「官绅一体当差纳粮」等一系列改革。

同时，设会考府，清查亏空。推广养廉银制度，养廉银不但是一项经济政策，同时也是清朝前期整顿封建制度的一项综合改革措施。

文化

雍正帝在位期间还对科举制度实行了一系列改革，例如：创考差先例，改革选派考官制度；变更考的试内容和重点；增设考试科目，考生的资格限制有所放宽；还创行「朝考」、翻译翰林 「大考」等复试制，变通一试而定终身的制度；调整用人政策，数途并用，以抑科甲。这些措施的实行力剔积弊的施政作风。

文字狱

雍正时期大兴文字狱，以打击全国各地对皇帝和朝廷散布不实谣言的逆党，雍正当时怀疑是逆党所为，此事件甚至波及雍正多位亲兄弟、年羹尧和隆科多等多人（汪景祺案和钱名世案）。雍正三年十一月，年贵妃死；十二月斩《西征随笔》作者汪景祺。雍正四年三月，钱名世以曾投诗年羹尧获罪，雍正亲书「名教罪人」悬其家门，又命文臣作诗文刺恶他。又有人对于隆、年的死因，指出是由于年、隆位重之后过于骄奢、行为不检，加上结党营私，触犯了皇权的大忌，为雍正所不容。但雍正早年过于宠信放纵，随后又残酷打击，被史学家所批评。雍正四年九月，查嗣庭以谤讪下狱，五年五月死，戮尸。

大义觉迷录

雍正七年五月，曾静供称因读吕留良书而有谋反；十年十二月，治吕留良罪，与儿子吕葆中、门人严鸿逵一同戮尸，斩另一儿子吕毅中与门生沈在宽。雍正七年九月，颁行《大义觉迷录》。湖南汉人曾静和其门徒张熙受到吕留良华夷之辨思想的影响，因此主要不满身为「蛮夷」满人皇帝的统治，并于乡野间误信受逆党指使散布的流言蜚语现任皇帝凶暴等恶名的影响，因此曾静著作逆书于民间各地宣扬雍正帝篡位和十大不实罪状。雍正六年（1728年），曾静和张熙游说当时的封疆大吏岳锺琪反清复明，岳锺琪假装同意，反过来逮捕此二人。之后在刑部侍郎杭奕禄等的审问下，曾静表示认罪，并写了《归仁录》表示悔过，后来并收录两年来关于此案雍正皇帝本人的上谕，以及曾静的口供《归仁录》，合为《大义觉迷录》一书。在此书中，雍正帝阐述华夷、正统、君臣、封建等问题，明明白白论述所谓的民族「大一统」观，并亲自驳斥自上位期间所有不实的谣言，为自己的十大罪状作出进一步解释和辩白。

雍正十三年（1735年），乾隆帝下令将曾静和张熙押往京师凌迟处死，同时宣布《大义觉迷录》列为全国禁书，停止刊刻，私藏者治罪，在全国范围内收缴销毁。

蒙古与藏族

雍正二年（1724年）设置西宁办事大臣，办事大臣衙门最初设于察罕托洛亥（青海湖东南），后改驻西宁，故乾隆以后又称为西宁办事大臣。

雍正五年，在西藏设置驻藏大臣，加强对西藏的控制。

西南各族

废除西南少数民族原本的土司制度，改用朝廷分发的流官，史称「改土归流」，派遣官吏统治，加强对少数民族的统治及同化。

外交

• 严厉禁止天主教传教

• 与俄国订定《恰克图条约》

• 海禁问题上，开始严格执行海禁，后来考虑到闽地百姓生计困难，同意适当开禁；雍正二年降旨准广东人移民台湾，但对外洋回来的人民仍有戒心。雍正严禁中国商人出海经商，海设置各种障碍，并说道"海禁宁严毋宽，余无善策"。在沿海各省的要求下，虽放宽海禁，但仍加以限制盘剥。尤其对久住外国的华侨商贩和劳工，「逾期不归，甘心流移外方，无可悯惜，不许其复回内地」。

社会

雍正帝在位期间还实施「废除贱籍」一项改革。雍正帝下令为贱民开豁为民，编入正户，准许置产定居、考试，宣示废除贱民阶级，但影响有限，未能改变社会大众的歧视风气，贱民仍然存在，如福州疍民群体较明显存续到清末，及所谓发功臣暨披甲家为辛者库。

陵墓

努尔哈赤和皇太极的陵墓位于渖阳的盛京三陵。清入关后，从顺治帝、康熙帝都安葬到北京东边的遵化县马兰峪皇家陵园，即清东陵。雍正帝另选北京西边的易县开辟自己的陵墓，即清西陵。

家族

后妃

雍亲王胤禛的妻和妾室皆一起活至雍正帝登基即位后。嫡福晋乌拉那拉氏封为皇后，侧福晋年氏封为贵妃， 侧福晋李氏封为齐妃，格格钮祜禄氏封为熹妃，格格宋氏封为懋嫔，格格耿氏封为裕嫔。

后代

满清贵族缺于子息的人，大都因为出过痘疹天花所伤，假使种痘也无力预防。雍正三年（1725年），患痘疹者居多。奉上谕：「派种痘之医生令其诊视若痘疹科医生不敷用，著奏请添取特谕」。

雍正帝胤禛即位后，8子4女只剩下四位皇子，其中只有三名皇子活至成年：皇三子弘时（雍正四年，弘时突然获罪，雍正命皇三子弘时过继给阿其那允禩的子嗣）、皇四子（乾隆）弘历、皇五子弘昼。

雍正元年（1723年）三月，雍正皇帝只追赠已逝世皇次女和硕怀恪公主爵位（所有皇子在雍正早中期均不封爵位）。

雍正十一年（1733年）二月，雍正皇子皇女只剩下两位时：皇四子（乾隆帝）弘历封和硕宝亲王爵位、皇五子弘昼封和硕和亲王爵位。

雍正即使拥有众多妃嫔，但在位十三年之间仅诞育两名皇子：福沛（夭折）、皇六子弘曕。乾隆三年（1738年）二月乾隆帝令六弟弘曕过继给已病逝的果亲王允礼，然于二十八年后宣判弘曕谋民霸占财物，弘曕获罪降封多罗贝勒爵位，永远停俸。

皇子

养子

雍正帝在宫中特别抚养废太子允礽多位年幼的子孙。

皇女

养女

雍正朝有永和宫公主及永和宫格格等称，由于当时世宗的亲生女儿皆已离世，此时居住在六宫区域的公主应为其养女。例如：废太子允礽的女儿，雍正帝特别收为养女。

评价

《清史稿》：圣祖政尚宽仁，世宗以严明继之。论者比于汉之文、景。独孔怀之谊，疑于未笃。然淮南暴伉，有自取之咎，不尽出于文帝之寡恩也。帝研求治道，尤患下吏之疲困。有近臣言州县所入多，宜厘剔。斥之曰：「尔未为州县，恶知州县之难？」至哉言乎，可谓知政要矣！

《清世宗实录》：天表奇伟，隆准颀身，双耳半垂，目光炯照，音吐洪亮，举止端凝。……幼耽书诗，博览弗倦，精究理学之原，旁彻性宗之旨。天章浚发，立就万言。书法遒雄，妙兼众体。毎筹度事理，评骘人才，因端竟委，烛照如神。韬略机宜，皆所洞悉。

李氏朝鲜君臣受儒家正统华夷之辨观念的影响对清国以及清国皇帝的态度多持批评态度，甚至有妖魔化倾向。朝鲜人毫无忌讳地记录康熙帝的「雌雄眼」容貌，还认为雍正帝贪财爱银。但是朝鲜使臣李樴亲见雍正「气象英发，语言洪亮」。

英国历史学家史景迁认为，雍正的父亲康熙为政宽松，执政末期受储立之争所扰且出现典型长寿帝王的统治能力退化现象，雍正即位之初的满清实已浮现官僚组织膨大腐败、农民生活水准恶化的危机；由于雍正即位时正处于政治历练、精神与人格上的成熟阶段（45岁），因此得以精准的分析问题并有魄力的作出应对。他的改革同时包含力行整顿与和现实的妥协（如火耗归公与养廉银）。虽然史学家黄仁宇认为雍正未能了解与解决明清两代作为内敛式王朝的根本问题，但满清得以建立起一套继续运行百年以上仍大致有效的统治体制，而未沦为「立国百年而亡」的异族王朝，此当归功于雍正一朝的改革。

英国人濮兰德·白克好司评价雍正：「控御之才，文章之美，亦令人赞扬不值。而批臣下之折，尤有趣味，所降谕旨，洋洋数千言，倚笔立就，事理洞明，可谓非常之才矣」。

中国社科院研究员杨珍认为雍正是一位善于观察与思考者，其思想的敏锐性以及思维广度与深度，都超过允禩、允禵等人。

中国历史学家钱穆认为：「雍正是有名能专制的。他的上一代是康熙。在中国历史上，康熙也算是一个好皇帝，至于雍正便太专制了。我们现在看他的朱批上谕，就可以看出清代皇帝是如何般统制中国的。在当时，全国各地地方长官一切活动他都知道，大概全国各地，都有他私派的特务人员的。因此许多人的私生活，连家人父子亲戚的琐碎事，都瞒不过他。一切奏章，他都详细批。他虽精明，同时是独裁。但他有他的精力，他有他的聪明，中外事，无论大小，旁人还不知道，他已经知道了……不能说皇帝私下决定了，不再给政府行政长官预闻就可办。这决不能说是一种制度，也不能说它是习惯法，只能说它是法术。为什么？因为这是纯粹出之于私心的。而私心则决不能形成出制度。」。

争议

即位之谜

雍正皇帝于生前还在位期间，全国各地民间早已经对雍正继位之谜的谈论便不绝于耳。详见：大义觉迷录。

从古至今民间多年来有「十改于」和「十改第」的说法，指因为「于」字和「第」字在构做上均含有「十」字，所以雍正把遗诏上「传位十四子」一句改为「传位于四子」或「传位第四子」，进而把皇位继承权从身为康熙帝第十四个儿子的允禵手上夺去。

「十改于」和「十改第」这两个说法已被中华民国中央研究院的人员加以否定。他们说清朝时代的官方文书里如果提及皇族和皇帝的子嗣，文书里一定会把那人的正式爵位、皇室兄弟之间的排名与名字完整列出。根据中央研究院现在保存的康熙遗诏，雍正在遗诏上被称为「雍亲王皇四子胤禛」。如此类推，如果康熙原本是属意让允禵继位的话，那文书里则会把允禵写成「贝勒皇十四子胤禵」，写法与「雍亲王皇四子胤禛」完全不同。

康熙遗诏亦以满文和蒙文书写与中文一同的内容。满文里，「于」和「十」两字的写法完全不同，并没有矫饰可能。亦有人说「于」字是简体字，等于繁体字里的「于」字。因为「于」和「十」写法差别甚大，所以在更改方面会有难度。

康熙帝传位雍正帝之徵兆

• 徵兆一：「康熙六十年正月，命皇四子雍亲王胤禛、皇十二子贝子胤祹、世子弘晟以御极六十年，告祭永陵、福陵、昭陵。」康熙登基一甲子六十年之重大祭告先祖非同一般，派遣雍亲王胤禛主持，岂能不具备重大意义？为何不是派遣支持皇十四子胤禵的皇八子胤禩、皇九子胤禟、皇十子胤䄉？或是皇三子胤祉？

• 徵兆二：康熙御极六十年派雍亲王胤禛祭祖此举，让废太子胤礽之师王掞看出端倪，故于三月「大学士王掞密奏请建储，至是监察御史陶彝、任坪、范长发等人曾疏请建储，帝不悦，并掞切责之。诸王、大臣奏请治大学士王掞罪，帝赦不治。」这亦可视为康熙安排接班人的布署迹象之一，毕竟皇十四子胤禵尚且领兵在西北，一旦提早公布，易生事端。

• 徵兆三：「五月壬戌，命抚远大将军胤禵移驻甘州。以年羹尧总督四川陕西，色尔图署四川巡抚。」康熙以皇四子雍亲王胤禛之亲信年羹尧箝制皇十四子胤禵的军后补给已然成形。

• 徵兆四：康熙六十一年四月，「命抚远大将军胤禵复往军前。十月，命雍亲王胤禛率弘升、延信、孙渣齐、隆科多、查弼纳、吴尔台察阅京师通州仓廒。」康熙指示由雍亲王胤禛亲率隆科多、查弼纳等众多京师王公重臣，竟然只为「察阅京师通州仓廒」，已有不寻常迹象。

• 徵兆五：「十一月帝不豫，驻跸畅春园。命皇四子胤禛恭代祀天。」康熙驾崩前祀天仍然未派皇三子胤祉、皇八子胤禩、皇九子胤禟、皇十子胤䄉代祀，更未召皇十四子胤禵返京，此时康熙意欲传位于雍亲王皇四子胤禛已然十分明显。

雍正时期大兴文字狱，是为了打击全国各地对雍正皇帝和朝廷散布不实谣言的逆党，此事件甚至波及多位雍正的亲兄弟、雍正重臣隆科多、年羹尧等多人。

雍正三年二月，谕示康熙帝皇八子罪状；四年正月除宗籍，易名「阿其那」（满语骂人的话，意义众说纷纭，有「驮负罪过」、「驱赶犬只」、「冷冻的鱼」等众说），九月死。康熙帝皇九子胤禟发往西宁。雍正三年二月，谕示康熙帝皇九子罪状，八月革爵；四年五月改名「塞思黑」（意为「颤抖」，也有人说是「刺伤人的野猪」），八月死。雍正三年二月，谕示康熙皇十子胤䄉罪状；后被圈禁。雍正二年七月，命同母弟、康熙帝皇十四子胤禵守陵；三年二月，谕示其罪状，十二月降爵；四年五月禁锢。雍正六年六月，康熙皇三子胤祉因罪降爵；八年二月复亲王爵，五月因康熙皇十三子之丧时「迟到早散，面无戚容」而削爵拘禁。皇十二子胤祹被降爵。

死因之谜

乡野民间流传著各种雍正皇帝死因。

• 病死：有人认为雍正帝「是中风死去的」。

• 丹药中毒：近年来由于对清代的档案进行了大量研究，许多史学工作者认为，雍正吃丹药中毒致死也有很大可能，而乾隆帝即位后，马上将圆明园内的炼丹道士和民间术士全部赶出。某些近年与雍正帝有关的电视剧集（例如后宫甄嬛传）都根据此说法而描述雍正之死因。

轶事典故

个人信仰

雍正帝笃信佛教，热衷藏传佛教、汉传佛教，与密宗的章嘉活佛交往密切；雍正也研究禅宗，精通《金刚经》，并著作佛学书籍数部，为章嘉活佛认可其参透三关，成为中国佛教史上唯一一位自认为已觉悟的皇帝。雍正帝也喜欢道教，常常服食道士的金丹。雍正元年重申禁止天主教，史称雍正禁教。

喜爱装扮

雍正皇帝委托宫廷画师郎世宁，创作一幅《雍正行乐图》（现存于北京故宫博物院），显示雍正喜爱打扮成不同年代的各式人物。

早期未即位前（九子夺嫡时期），就曾委托画师给自己家人画《春耕图》进献给康熙皇帝以表明无争位之心，后来的乾隆皇帝也有相似的喜好。

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 2.jpg|道袍像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 3.jpg|藏传佛教袈裟像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 4.jpg|汉装像（故事原型为东方朔偷桃）

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 5.jpg|汉装像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 6.jpg|汉装像

File:Yongzheng Reading.jpg|穿汉装读书

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 9.jpg|汉装像

File:Father and Son. Emperors Qianlong and Yongzhen.jpg|郎世宁平安春信图 雍正帝与乾隆帝著汉装像

File:Portraits of the Yongzheng Emperor Enjoying Himself during the 8th lunar month.jpg|身穿汉装游戏像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 7.jpg|扮成身穿汉装的渔夫

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes 8.jpg|西式服装像

File:Album of the Yongzheng Emperor in Costumes.jpg|蒙古服装像

File:Emperor Yongzheng.JPG|雍正帝观书像

影视作品

• 《大内群英》-万梓良饰

• 《雍正王朝》、《李卫当官》-唐国强饰

• 《康熙微服私访记》- 郝心饰

• 《刺虎》- 巍子饰

• 《后宫甄嬛传》-陈建斌饰

• 《步步惊心》吴奇隆饰

• 《年羹尧新传》黄香莲饰

注释

Birth and early life

Yinzhen was the eleventh recorded son of the Kangxi Emperor, and the fourth prince to survive into adulthood. His mother, historically known as Empress Xiaogongren, was originally a court attendant from the Manchu Uya clan. Around the time when Yinzhen was born, his mother was of low status and did not have the right to raise her own children. For most of his childhood, Yinzhen was raised by Noble Consort Tong, the daughter of Tong Guowei, the Kangxi Emperor's maternal uncle and an eminent official in the early part of the Kangxi Emperor's reign. She died when Yinzhen was just 9 years old. After she gave birth to more children, Yinzhen's mother was promoted to a pin and then to a fei, and became known as defei or "Virtuous Consort". The Kangxi Emperor did not raise his children only inside the palace. He also exposed his sons (including Yinzhen) to the outside world and gave them a rigorous education. Yinzhen accompanied his father on several inspection trips around the Beijing area, as well as one further south. He became the honorary leader of the Plain Red Banner during the Battle of Jao Modo between the Qing Empire and the Mongol Dzungar Khanate led by Galdan Khan. Yinzhen was made a beile in 1689 along with several brothers and promoted to junwang (second-rank prince) in 1698.

In 1709, the Kangxi Emperor stripped his second son Yinreng of his position as crown prince. Yinreng had been the crown prince for his whole life; his removal left the position of heir open to competition among the Emperor's remaining sons (the Kangxi Emperor had 24 sons who reached adulthood). In the same year, the Kangxi Emperor promoted Yinzhen from junwang to qinwang (first-rank prince) under the title "Prince Yong of the First Rank" (和硕雍亲王 Héshuò Yōng Qīnwáng; Manchu: hošoi hūwaliyasun cin wang). Yinzhen maintained a low profile during the initial stages of the succession struggle. To appoint a new heir, the Kangxi Emperor decreed that officials in his imperial court would nominate a new crown prince. The Kangxi Emperor's eighth son, Yinsi, was the candidate preferred by the majority of the court as well as many of the Kangxi Emperor's other sons. The Kangxi Emperor, however, opted not to appoint Yinsi as his heir apparent largely due to apprehension that Yinsi's political clout at court was beginning to overshadow that of himself. Thereafter, Yinzhen sensed that his father was in favour of re-instating Yinreng as heir apparent, thus he supported Yinreng and earned the trust of his father.

Yongzhengs quote

Yinzhen (胤禛: 13 December 1678 – 8 October 1735) had the highest honor to orchestrate the imperial ceremonies and rituals during the reign of the Kangxi emperor, which illustrated that Yinzhen was well acquainted with the Confucianism traditions and customs. In the imperial court, Yinzhen was also deeply immersed in the state's affairs and heavily engaged in the political debates where he acquired diplomatic skills. As the Yongzheng Emperor (雍正: r. 1723–1735 CE) of Qing China, Yinzhen was indubitably a very diplomatically inclined ruler who created an institution of a "moral government" based on the Confucian principles. Yinzhen sought four distinctive qualities: loyalty—忠, fairness—公, sincerity—, and capability—能, from his subjects in order to run an effective court and to achieve stability. Li Wei ( : February 2, 1687 – December 3, 1738) was a recruit among the Qing officials to possess the desired virtues, and was regarded highly by Yongzheng.

A notable quote from Yinzhen captured during his reign as the Yongzheng Emperor in the 1720s expresses his imperial will:

:— page 190, lines 7–10

If it is a trivial matter, do not just simply neglect the issue because it seems insignificant. If it is a complex matter, do not just simply conceal away the issue because it could become a challenge. To have good governance and dissuade seditionists, is all in the ruler's wish. If the civilians see a judicious court that is loyal and wholeheartedly for the country, and see that the court embraces its people; and the civilians feel the virtue in their court marshalls, then the people would not perceive the court as a threat. Thus, there would be no reason to have seditionaries.

In short, after several years of political chaos, Yongzheng earnestly strived to restore a functional court with "good government", immediately after he ascended the throne in 1723 CE, to stabilize Qing into a unified and harmonious empire. In 1733 CE, Yongzheng successfully institutionalized the Grand Council, which allows Qing to relay communication effectively and efficiently from region to region, thereby enabling the implementation of his domestic reform policy.

With the establishment of his Grand Council, Yongzheng was not only able to discourage corruption, but he was in a position to launch several domestic reforms beneficial to the empire and its people. Canals and irrigation systems were reconstructed to support agriculture and maintain farmlands. During famines, he provided relief to the affected regions by distributing resources. In reparation to the people, who were the backbone of the country, he issued an imperial decree to emancipate slavery under his reign. One of the several tax reform policies Yongzheng introduced was to shift the head taxation to the property taxation on landowners, which greatly reduced the tax burden on the civilians. Additionally, Yongzheng was indeed in full support with the construction of orphanages to shelter the orphans, in building elementary schools to educate the children, and poorhouses to house the paupers. Perhaps the Yongzheng era (雍正: r. 1723–1735 CE) may have been overshadowed by his predecessor's accomplishments, the Kangxi emperor, and his achievements may not have been as glorious as his successor, the Qianlong emperor; however, the Yongzheng era did serve as a remediation to the people, and resentments began to gradually decrease. Hence the Yongzheng era was a peaceful and prosperous reign of Qing China.

Succession

In 1712, the Kangxi Emperor deposed Yinreng again, and chose not to designate an heir apparent for the remaining years of his reign. This resulted in stiff competition among his sons for the position of crown prince. Those considered 'frontrunners' were Yinzhi, Yinsi, and Yinti (the third, eighth and 14th princes, respectively). Of these, Yinsi received the most support from the Mandarins, but not from his father. Yinzhen had supported Yinreng as heir, and did not build a large political base for himself until the final years of the Kangxi Emperor's reign. Unlike Yinsi's high-profile cultivation of a partisan base of support, Yinzhen did so largely away from the limelight. When the Kangxi Emperor died in December 1722, the field of contenders shrank to three princes after Yinsi pledged his support to the 14th prince, Yinti.

At the time of the Kangxi Emperor's death, Yinti, who held the appointment of Border-Pacification General-in-Chief, was leading a military campaign in northwestern China. Some historians believe that Yinti's appointment implied that the Kangxi Emperor favoured Yinti and was grooming him for succession by sending him on a campaign to train him in military affairs. Others, however, maintain that the Kangxi Emperor intended to keep Yinti away from the capital to ensure a peaceful succession for Yinzhen. It was Yinzhen who nominated Yinti for the post, not Yinsi, with whom Yinti was closely affiliated.

Official court records state that on 20 December 1722 the ailing Kangxi Emperor called seven of his sons and the general commandant of the Beijing gendarmerie, Longkodo, to his bedside. Longkodo read the will and declared that Yinzhen would be the Kangxi Emperor's successor. Some evidence has suggested that Yinzhen contacted Longkodo months before the will was read in preparation for his succession through military means, although in their official capacities frequent encounters were expected.

Disputes over succession

There is a widely circulated legend, persisting even to the present day, that Yinzhen was crowned emperor after he modified Kangxi Emperor's final will that detailed who will succeed him.

There are two versions of the legend, both of which involves the Chinese character "十" ( shí, literally ten), and by extension, Yunti, Prince Xun. One version involves changing the "十" in the phrase "transfer the throne to the Fourteenth Prince" to "于" ( yú), which changed the phrase to "pass the throne on to the Fourth Prince" ). Another version states the character "十" was changed to "第" ( dì), which means "sequence number" (四 = four, 第四 = the fourth / number four), thus changing the phrase to "transfer the throne to the Fourth Prince".

Researchers at Academia Sinica have disproved the theory, as official Qing documents, when mentioning sons of the Emperor, always list the son's title, as well as the son's rank amongst the emperor's sons and the son's name. In this case, the will mentions "Prince Yong, Emperor's Fourth Son, Yinzhen", as well as Kangxi Emperor's high regards for Yinzhen, and his belief that Yinzhen can succeed on the throne. In this case, changing the will becomes impossible without leaving obvious signs of alteration, since Yinti, if referenced in the will, would show up as the Emperor's fourteenth son, which contains four Chinese characters instead of three for Yinzhen, as the Emperor's fourth son.

It has also been noted that the Chinese character "于" is a simplified character that is written as "于" in traditional character, which was exclusively used back in the Qing era.

In addition, the will is written in Traditional Chinese, Manchu, and Mongolian. The alteration theory is noted to be based solely on altering the will's Chinese version, as the will, as written in Manchu and Mongolian, is impossible to alter due to different language characteristics.

Reign

After ascending the throne in December 1722, Yinzhen adopted the era name "Yongzheng" ( lit. "Harmonious Justice") in 1723 from his peerage title "yong" ( lit. "harmonious") and "zheng" ( lit. "just, correct, upright"). It has been suggested that the second character of his era name was an attempt to cover up his illegal claim to the throne by calling himself "justified". Immediately after succeeding to the throne, the Yongzheng Emperor chose his new governing council. It consisted of the eighth prince Yinsi, 13th prince Yinxiang, Zhang Tingyu, Ma Qi, and Longkodo. Yinsi was given the title "Prince Lian" while Yinxiang was given the title "Prince Yi", and these two held the highest positions in the land.

Continued battle against princes

The nature of his succession remained a subject of controversy and overshadowed the Yongzheng Emperor's reign. As many of his surviving brothers did not see his succession as legitimate, the Yongzheng Emperor became increasingly paranoid that they would plot to overthrow him. The earlier players in the battle for succession, Yinzhi, the eldest, and Yinreng, the former crown prince, continued to live under house arrest. Yinreng died two years after the Yongzheng Emperor's reign began.

The Yongzheng Emperor continued to perceive Yinsi and his party, consisting of the princes Yintang, Yin'e, Yinti, and their associates, as his greatest political challenge in the early years of his reign. To diffuse their political clout, the Yongzheng Emperor undertook a 'divide and conquer' strategy. Immediately after ascending the throne, the emperor bestowed on Yinsi the title "Prince Lian", nominally of the highest noble rank. Yinsi was also then appointed as the Minister of the Lifan Yuan (Feudatory Affairs Office) and the top-ranking member of the imperial council assisting the Yongzheng Emperor; some historians believe his position at the time was essentially that of a "Chancellor or Prime Minister". By ostensibly elevating Yinsi to a more prominent political role, the Yongzheng Emperor held Yinsi under close watch and kept him busy with affairs of state, reducing the chance of him conducting behind-the-scenes political maneuvers. Yinsi's allies received notably different treatment. Yintang was sent to Qinghai under the pretext of military service, but in reality was watched over by the Yongzheng Emperor's trusted protégé, Nian Gengyao. Yin'e, the tenth prince, was told to leave the capital to send off a departing Mongol prince, but since he refused to complete this trip as the emperor commanded, the Yongzheng Emperor stripped him of all his titles in May 1724 and sent him north to Shunyi to languish in solitude.

The 14th prince, Yinti, born to the same mother as the Yongzheng Emperor, was recalled to Beijing from his military post. The emperor selected Nian Gengyao to replace Yinti as the commander of the northwestern expeditionary force. Yinti, who expected to be placed on the throne himself, was reluctant to recognise the Yongzheng Emperor's succession as legitimate. Yinti was accused of violating imperial decorum at the funeral proceedings of the late emperor, and placed under house arrest by the Yongzheng Emperor at the imperial tombs in western Beijing. Historians believe that their mother, Empress Dowager Renshou, favoured Yinti partly because she raised him herself, while she did not raise the Yongzheng Emperor. Nonetheless the increasingly sharp conflict between her two surviving sons caused their mother great sorrow. She died less than six months after the Kangxi Emperor.

By forcibly dispatching Yinsi's party to separate locations geographically, the Yongzheng Emperor made it extremely inconvenient for his rivals to link up and conspire against him. While some of Yinsi's subordinates were appointed to high office, others were demoted or banished, making it difficult for Yinsi's party to maintain the same set of partisan interests. The Yongzheng Emperor publicly reprimanded Yinsi in 1724 for mishandling an assignment, eventually removing him from office and then sending him into house arrest. Yinsi was forced to rename himself "Acina", a derogatory slur in the Manchu language. The emperor also confiscated the assets of Yintang and Yin'e.

Descendants of the Ming dynastys imperial family

In 1725, the Yongzheng Emperor bestowed a hereditary marquis title on Zhu Ming in line with his father Kang Xi emperor wish of a Manchu—Han population integration, a descendant of the imperial family of the Ming dynasty. Zhu was also paid by the Qing government to perform rituals at the Ming tombs and induct the Chinese Plain White Banner into the Eight Banners. Later in 1750, during the reign of the Yongzheng Emperor's successor, the Qianlong Emperor, Zhu Ming was posthumously honoured as "Marquis of Extended Grace". The marquis title was passed on to Zhu's descendants for 12 generations until the end of the Qing dynasty in the early 20th century.

Nian Gengyao and Longkodo

Nian Gengyao was a supporter of the Yongzheng Emperor long before the latter ascended the throne. In 1722, when he was recalling his brother Yinti from the northwest border in Xinjiang, the Yongzheng Emperor appointed Nian as the commander of the Qing army in Xinjiang. The situation in Xinjiang at the time was volatile, and a strong general was needed in the area. After several military conquests, however, Nian's stature and power grew. Some said he began seeing himself as equal to the emperor. Seeing Nian as no longer within his control, the Yongzheng Emperor issued an imperial edict demoting Nian to the position of a general of the Hangzhou Command. As Nian continued to remain unrepentant, he was eventually given an ultimatum and forced to commit suicide by consuming poison in 1726.

Longkodo was the commander of the militias stationed at the capital at the time of the Yongzheng Emperor's succession. He fell in disgrace in 1728 and died while under house arrest.

After taking the throne, the Yongzheng Emperor suppressed writings he deemed unfavorable to his court, particularly those with an anti-Manchu bias. Foremost among these were those of Zeng Jing, an unsuccessful degree candidate heavily influenced by the 17th-century scholar Lü Liuliang. Zeng had been so affected by what he read that he attempted to incite the governor-general of Shaanxi-Sichuan, Yue Zhongqi (a descendant of anti-Jurchen General Yue Fei), to rebel against the Qing government. Yue Zhongqi promptly turned him in, and in 1730 news of the case reached the Yongzheng Emperor. Highly concerned with the implications of the case, the emperor had Zeng Jing brought to Beijing for trial. The emperor's verdict seemed to demonstrate a Confucian sovereign's benevolence: He ascribed Zeng's actions to the gullibility and naïveté of a youth taken in by Lü Liuliang's abusive and overdrawn rhetoric. In addition, the emperor suggested that Lü Liuliang's original attack on the Manchus was misplaced, since they had been transformed by their long-term exposure to the civilising force of Confucianism.

The Yongzheng Emperor is also known for establishing a strict autocratic-style rule during his reign. He detested corruption, and punished officials severely when they were found guilty of an offense. In 1729, he issued an edict prohibiting the smoking of madak, a blend of tobacco and opium. The Yongzheng Emperor's reign saw the Qing dynasty further establish itself as a powerful empire in Asia. He was instrumental in extending what became known as a "Kangqian Period of Harmony" (; cf. Pax Romana). In response to the tragedy of the succession struggle during his father's reign, the Yongzheng Emperor created a sophisticated procedure for choosing a successor. He was known for his trust in Mandarin officials. Li Wei and Tian Wenjing governed China's southern areas with the assistance of Ortai.

Cultural and economic achievements

Farming and land tax

During the massive population growth in the Qing dynasty and increasing demand from peasant and military populations for grain, the Yongzheng emperor launched a grain campaign in which he incentivized officials in local and provincial governments to compete in buying land meant specifically for farming. The Yongzheng emperor offered officials 5-10 year tax holidays in which they were free from paying taxes. This campaign led to more than one million new acres of farmable land. While these campaigns led to more food and land for the population to use for farming, it also led to officials lying about the amount of farmable land they were contributing in order to win the tax holidays. These tax holidays also pushed the burden of paying the taxes elsewhere.

Local charity

Ethnicity in Qing China could vary depending on where one was from even locally in China. This ethnic separation along with the booming population led to reduced access to the Civil Service Examinations based on ethnicity and locality. The Yongzheng emperor, in an attempt to allow for as many people to take the Civil Service Examination as possible, set up special exams for people in rural China. These special exams were called Miao exams and were located in Yunnan. In the 1730s, landholding shed people such as the Hakka were still not allowed to take the exams, Yongzheng made it legal for these people to take the exams in an attempt to dispel anger at being excluded from the exams.

A growing number of orphaned children or poor families came with the massive Qing population growth. The Yongzheng emperor sought to remedy this by mandating that orphanages (also called poor houses) be built in every county. These were funded not by local, provincial or high level government but privately funded and maintained. These orphanages existed less to help the local population get out of poverty and more to model how wealthy officials should act towards the impoverished populations.

Gentry privileges

The Kangxi Emperor mandated that scholars that had passed the Civil Service Examination at any level were able to bypass punishments from the legal system depending on which level of the exams they had passed. Instead of legal repercussions for crimes, criminal officials were instead recommended to the county education commissioner for counseling. This led to corruption among officials who were no longer bound by law. In an attempt to stop this the Yongzheng emperor made it illegal to offer privileges to officials going through the legal system. This did not last long as the Qianlong Emperor reinstated legal privileges for officials that had passed the Civil Service Examination shortly after becoming emperor after Yongzheng.

Tax privileges

In the mid 1720s Qing empire, complex levels of tax hierarchies put in place by the Kangxi emperor existed to separate the population into different tax brackets. Households with government officials were in privileged tax brackets that brought with it tax exemptions for not only the immediate family in the household but also extended family members. The Yongzheng emperor removed these privileged tax brackets as he saw the local gentry as competition to the throne. Just like the legal privileges that passing the Civil Service Examination offered, soon after the end of the Yongzheng emperor's reign, the Qianlong emperor quickly reinstated the privileged tax brackets.

Religious policy

Growing distrust of Jesuit missionaries by the Kangxi emperor and later Yongzheng in the early 1720s led to prohibition and action against the Christian presence in China. The Kangxi emperor had banned foreign missions (outside of Beijing and Guangzhou), and Yongzheng took this one step further by removing all foreign priests from China. All Christian churches were shut down and repurposed as local public offices.

Cohong

Chinese merchant houses belonging to Canton station were grouped together under a larger organization by Yongzheng called Cohong in 1725. This group was responsible for policing all trade within the Canton system.

Meltage fees and silver

As silver became more widely used as a currency in Qing china, the validity and purity of the currency being exchanged had to be verified. Silver taels were sent to official appraisers to do the job of verification. During the appraisal some silver was lost in the process, this lost silver must be covered by the payer. This extra charge on the lost silver became known as a meltage fee. These meltage fees were a very important source of income for local governments. It became practice to bribe appraisers to avoid meltage fees. Yongzheng attempted to ban all bribing to avoid these fees and also officially mandated meltage fees as a source of local income. These mandates helped silver become a major part of the Qing economy.

Expansion in the northwest

Like his father, the Yongzheng Emperor used military force in order to preserve the Qing Empire's position in Outer Mongolia. When Tibet was torn by civil war in 1727–1728, he intervened. After withdrawing, he left a Qing Resident (the amban) and a military garrison to safeguard the dynasty's interests.

On 1 November 1728, after the Qing reconquest of Lhasa in Tibet, several Tibetan rebels were sliced to death by Qing Manchu officers and officials. The Qing Manchu President of the Board of Civil Office, Jalangga, Mongol sub-chancellor Sen-ge and brigadier-general Manchu Mala ordered the Tibetan rebels Lum-pa-nas and Na-p'od-pa to be sliced to death. They ordered gZims-dpon C'os-ac'ad (Hsi-mu-pen ch'ui-cha-t'e), son of Lum-pa-nas and rNog Tarqan bsKal-bzajn-c'os-adar and dKon-mc'og-lha-sgrub (Kun-ch'u-k'o-la-ku-pu) and dGa'-ldan-p'un-ts'ogs (K'a-erh-tan-p'en-ch'u-k'o), sons of Na-p'od-pa to be beheaded. Byams-pa (Cha-mu-pa) and his brother Lhag-gsan (La-k'o-sang) and their brothers, younger and older, daughters, wives and mother were exiled after their father sByar-ra-nas was beheaded. The Manchus wrote that they "set an example" by forcing the Tibetans to publicly watch the executions of Tibetan rebels of slicing like Na-p'od-pa since they said it was the Tibetan's nature to be cruel. The exiled Tibetans were enslaved and given as slaves to soldiers in Ching-chou (Jingzhou), K'ang-zhou (Kangzhou) and Chiang-ning (Jiangning) in the marshall-residences there. The Tibetan rNam-rgyal-grva-ts'an college administrator (gner-adsin) and sKyor'lun Lama were tied together with Lum-pa-nas and Na-p'od-pa on 4 scaffolds (k'rims-sin) to be sliced. The Manchus used musket matchlocks to fire 3 salvoes and then the Manchus strangled the 2 Lamas while slacing (Lingchi) Lum-pa-nas and Na-p'od-pa to death while they beheaded the 13 other rebels leaders. The Tibetan population was depressed by the scene and the writer of MBTJ continued to feel sad as he described it 5 years later. All relatives of the Tibetan rebels including little children were executed by the Qing Manchus except the exiled and deported family of sByar-ra-ba which was condemned to be slaves and most exiles sentenced to deportation died in the process of deportation. The public executions spectacle worked on the Tibetans since they were "cowed into submission" by the Qing. Even the Tibetan collaborator with the Qing, Polhané Sönam Topgyé (P'o-lha-nas) felt sad at his fellow Tibetans being executed in this manner and he prayed for them. All of this was included in a report sent to the Qing emperor at the time, the Yongzheng Emperor. Qing Han Chinese general Yue Zhongqi interviewed the Tibetan collaborator with the Qing, Polhané Sönam Topgyé (P'o-lha-nas) concerning his involvement in crushing the Tibetan rebels and sent a report to the Qing Yongzheng emperor on 17 August 1728.

For the Tibetan campaign, the Yongzheng Emperor sent an army of 230,000 led by Nian Gengyao against the Dzungars and their army of 80,000. Due to geography, the Qing army (although superior in numbers) was at first unable to engage their more mobile enemy. Eventually, they engaged the Dzungars and defeated them. This campaign cost the treasury at least eight million silver taels. Later in the Yongzheng Emperor's reign, he sent a small army of 10,000 to fight the Dzungars again. However, that army was annihilated and the Qing Empire faced the danger of losing control of Mongolia. A Khalkha ally of the Qing Empire would later defeat the Dzungars.

Following the reforms of 1729, the treasury's income increased from 32,622,421 taels in 1721 to about 60 million taels in 1730, surpassing the record set during the Kangxi Emperor's reign; but the pacification of the Qinghai area and the defence of border areas were heavy burdens on the treasury. Safeguarding the country's borders cost 100,000 taels per year. The total military budget came up to about 10 million taels a year. By the end of 1735, military spending had depleted half the treasury, leaving 33.95 million taels. It was because of the cost of war that the Yongzheng Emperor considered making peace with the Dzungars.

Identification of Qing with China

Since the Shunzhi Emperor's time, the Qing emperors had identified China and the Qing Empire as the same, and in treaties and diplomatic papers the Qing Empire called itself "China". During the Kangxi and Yongzheng emperors' reigns, "China" (Dulimbai Gurun in Manchu) was used as the name of the Qing Empire in official Manchu language documents, identifying the Qing Empire and China as the same entity, with "Dulimbai Gurun" appearing in 160 official diplomatic papers between the Qing Empire and the Russian Empire. The term "China" was redefined by the Qing emperors to be a multi-ethnic entity which included non-Han Chinese ethnic groups and their territories. China and Qing were noticeably and increasingly equated with each other during the Qianlong Emperor's reign, with the Qianlong Emperor and the Qing government writing poems and documents using both the Chinese name Zhongguo and the Manchu name Dulimbai Gurun. Compared to the reigns of previous Qing emperors such as the Yongzheng and Kangxi emperors, the use of China to refer to the Qing Empire appears most during the Qianlong Emperor's reign, according to scholars who examined documents on Sino-Russian relations.

The Yongzheng Emperor spoke out against the claim by anti-Qing rebels that the Qing were only rulers of Manchus and not China, saying "The seditious rebels claim that we are the rulers of Manchus and only later penetrated central China to become its rulers. Their prejudices concerning the division of their and our country have caused many vitriolic falsehoods. What these rebels have not understood is the fact that it is for the Manchus the same as the birthplace is for the people of the central plain. Shun belonged to the Eastern Yi, and King Wen to the Western Yi. Does this fact diminish their virtues?" (

Religion

Commoners throughout Qing China were extremely diverse and multi-ethnic because not every region underwent sinification under the Manchu's suzerain. In accordance to the Book of Rites, Manchus of Qing chose to respect the local's cultural heritage and decided not to force their subject to acculturate and sinicize. Manchus of Qing acknowledged that each region has the prerogative to preserve their identity, heritage, and cultural tradition and their religious faith. Hence, each regions were allowed to keep their belief and way of worshipping the heavens. On the other hand, since the commoners preserved their ways, Qing, Yongzheng in particular, highly encourages that Manchu elites should also preserve their ethnic identity and their distinctive ways of worshipping the heaven as well. The Yongzheng Emperor stated: "The Lord of Heaven is Heaven itself.... In the empire we have a temple for honouring Heaven and sacrificing to Him. We Manchus have Tiao Tchin. The first day of every year we burn incense and paper to honor Heaven. We Manchus have our own particular rites for honouring Heaven; the Mongols, Chinese, Russians, and Europeans also have their own particular rites for honouring Heaven. I have never said that he a son of Sunu could not honour heaven but that everyone has his way of doing it. As a Manchu, Urcen should do it like us." Evidently, the Qing state practiced various religions, which was similar to the previous dynasty, the Ming. During the Ming, in the mid 1580s an Italian Jesuit, Matteo Ricci not only studied the Chinese language to understand the people and the Chinese culture, he also delved into the Confucian classics and adopted the scholar's official-literati robe during his stay near the Canton trading province. Introducing China to his religious faith was in Matteo Ricci's mission, and he successfully built a church in 1601 at Beijing, called Cathedral of Immaculate Conception. Johann Adam Schall von Bell, who was a German Jesuit, went to China in 1619, learned the Chinese language in 1623 in Macau, and was later appointed into the Imperial Astronomical Bureau in 1630 by the Ming, even after the fall of Ming to the rise of Qing, Schall's presence was welcomed by the Manchu of Qing and was appointed as the head of the Imperial Astronomical Bureau. The accounts of Matteo establishing the institution of his Church during the Ming dynasty and Jesuits such as Schall who was able to acquire a bureaucratic position in the Qing's court was evident that China at one point did welcome things beyond its borders, such as religious faith that was brought by the missionaries, for instance. Even though the Catholic churches condemned the practice of the Chinese rites in 1645 throughout China, Catholic missionaries continued their practice until the Rites Controversy was concluded in 1742 CE.

The Yongzheng Emperor was firmly against Christian converts among the Manchus. He warned them that the Manchus must follow only the Manchu way of worshipping Heaven since different peoples worshipped Heaven differently.

In 1724, the Yongzheng Emperor issued a decree proscribing Catholicism. This was followed by the persecution of Chinese Christians that steadily increased during the reign of the Yongzheng Emperor's son, the Qianlong Emperor.

Ancestral worship was understood as the Chinese customary tradition rather than a religious ritual. However, since the Catholic Churches condemns the Chinese rites and the decision by the "Church to ban the acceptance of the Chinese rites by the Jesuits" in Qing China, because the Church deemed the practice to be incompatible with the Catholic faith, led to the missionary banishment by Qianlong in 1742 CE as a response to the Catholic Churches' decision.

Death and succession

The Yongzheng Emperor ruled the Qing Empire for 13 years before dying suddenly in 1735 at the age of 56. Legend holds that he was assassinated by Lü Siniang, a daughter or granddaughter of Lü Liuliang, whose family was executed for literary crimes against the Qing government. Another theory was that Lü Siniang was the Yongzheng Emperor's lover, and the real mother of the Qianlong Emperor, but he refused to let her become the empress.

It is generally accepted that he died while reading court documents, and it is likely that his death was the result of elixir poisoning from an overdose of the elixir of immortality he was consuming in the belief that it would prolong his life. According to Zhang Tingyu, Yongzheng on his deathbed exhibited symptoms of poisoning, and in the wake of his death, his successor the Qianlong emperor evicted all Taoist priests from the palace, possibly as punishment for this incident.

To prevent a succession crisis like he had faced, the Yongzheng Emperor was said to have ordered his third son Hongshi (an ally of Yinsi) to commit suicide. He also devised a system for his successors to choose their heirs in secret. He wrote his chosen successor's name on two scrolls, placed one scroll in a sealed box and had the box stored behind the stele in the Qianqing Palace. He kept the other copy with him or hid it. After his death, the officials would compare the scroll in the box with the copy he had kept. If they were deemed identical, the person whose name was on the paper would be the new emperor.

The Yongzheng Emperor was interred in the Western Qing tombs southwest of Beijing, in the Tai (泰) mausoleum complex (known in Manchu as the Elhe Munggan). His fourth son Hongli, then still known as "Prince Bao (of the First Rank)", succeeded him as the Qianlong Emperor. The Qianlong Emperor rehabilitated many figures who had been purged during his father's reign, including restoring honours to many of his uncles who were formerly his father's rivals in the succession struggle.

Family

Parents

Father —Xuanye, the Kangxi Emperor (康熙帝) of the Aisin Gioro clan (爱新觉罗)

Mother —Empress Xiaogongren (孝恭仁皇后) of the Uya clan (乌雅氏)

Consorts and Issue

Empress

• Empress Xiaojingxian (孝敬宪皇后) of the Ula-Nara clan (乌拉那拉). Personal Name: Duoqimuli (乌拉那拉), Third cousin once removed.Tenure as Empress: 28 March 1723 – 29 October 1731

　• Honghui, Prince Duan of the First Rank (端亲王 弘晖; 17 April 1697 – 7 July 1704), first son

• Empress Xiaoshengxian (孝圣宪皇后) of the Niohuru clan (钮祜禄)

　• Hongli (弘历), the Qianlong Emperor (乾隆帝), fifth (fourth) son

Imperial Noble Consort

• Imperial Noble Consort Dunsu (敦肃皇贵妃) of the Nian clan (年)Tenure as Imperial Noble Consort: 19–27 December 1725.

　• Fourth daughter (15 April 1715 – June/July 1717)

　• Fuyi (福宜; 30 June 1720 – 9 February 1721), seventh son

　• Fuhui, Prince Huai of the First Rank (怀亲王 福惠; 27 November 1721 – 11 October 1728), eighth son

　• Fupei (福沛; 12 June 1723), ninth son

• Imperial Noble Consort Chunque (纯悫皇贵妃) of the Geng clan (耿氏)

　• Hongzhou, Prince Hegong of the First Rank (和恭亲王 弘昼; 5 January 1712 – 2 September 1770), sixth (fifth) son

Consort

• Consort Qi (齐妃) of the Li clan ( 李氏)

　• Princess Huaike of the Second Rank (和硕怀恪公主; 15 August 1695 – April/May 1717), second daughter. Married Xingde (星德; d. 1739) of the Manchu Nara clan in September/October 1712

　• Hongfen (弘昐; 19 July 1697 – 30 March 1699), second son

　• Hongyun (弘昀; 19 September 1700 – 10 December 1710), third (second) son

　• Hongshi (弘时; 18 March 1704 – 20 September 1727), fourth (third) son

• Consort Ning (宁妃)of the Wu clan ( 武氏), Personal Name: Lingyuan (令媛)

• Consort Qian (谦妃) of the Liugiya clan (刘氏), Personal Name: Xiangyu (香玉)

　• Hongyan, Prince Guogong of the Second Rank (果恭郡王 弘曕; 9 May 1733 – 27 April 1765), tenth (sixth) son

Imperial Concubine

• Imperial Concubine Mao (懋嫔) of the Song clan (宋氏)

　• First daughter (10 April 1694 – April/May 1694)

　• Third daughter (8 January 1707 – January/February 1707)

Ancestry

In fiction and popular culture

• The Yongzheng Emperor appears in the flying guillotine-themed wuxia films produced by the Shaw Brothers Studio.

• The Yongzheng Emperor is mentioned in the wuxia novel Ernü Yingxiong Zhuan (儿女英雄传) by Wenkang (文康). It was adapted into the 1983 Hong Kong television series The Legend of the Unknowns (十三妹) and the 1986 Chinese film Lucky 13 (侠女十三妹).

• A popular legend tells of the Yongzheng Emperor's death at the hands of a female assassin, Lü Siniang (吕四娘), a fictitious granddaughter (or daughter, in some accounts) of Lü Liuliang. She committed the murder to avenge her grandfather (or father), who was wrongly put to death by the emperor. The legend was adapted into many films and television series.

• There are two legends about the origins of the Yongzheng Emperor's son and successor, Hongli (the Qianlong Emperor). The first, more widely circulated in southern China, says that Hongli is actually the son of Chen Shiguan (陈世倌), an official from Haining, Zhejiang. Shortly after he was born, Hongli switched places with one of the Yongzheng Emperor's daughters, was raised as the emperor's son, and eventually inherited the throne. The wuxia writer Louis Cha adapted this legend for his novel The Book and the Sword. The second legend about the Qianlong Emperor's origins, more popular in northern China, stated that during a trip to the Mulan Hunting Grounds (木兰围场) in Rehe Province, the Yongzheng Emperor had an illegitimate affair with a palace maid and they conceived a son, who became the Qianlong Emperor.

• The Yongzheng Emperor is featured as an important character in Tong Hua's novel Bu Bu Jing Xin and he had a romantic relationship with the protagonist, Ma'ertai Ruoxi. He is referred to as the "Fourth Prince" in the novel. Taiwanese actor Nicky Wu portrayed the Fourth Prince in Scarlet Heart, a 2011 Chinese television series adapted from the novel.

• The Yongzheng Emperor appears in the romance fantasy novel series Meng Hui Da Qing (梦回大清) by Yaoye (妖叶).