國號及稱呼

朱元璋早期給新的王朝定名為大中，後正式定國號為「大明」，是元朝以來中國曆史上第二個把「大」字加于正式國號之中的大一統王朝，又稱皇明，後世稱為明朝或明代，又因皇室姓朱，又稱朱明。1644年4月24日（舊曆三月十八），明朝首都淪陷後，明朝宗室在江南地區建立政權仍沿用大明國號，史稱南明或後明，清廷則稱為偽明，一直堅持到1662年。而鄭成功、鄭經等鄭家勢力在台灣建立了政權，仍奉明朝為正朔，史稱明鄭或東寧王國。

部分人認為明朝之號承襲自小明王韓林兒之號，但韓林兒的國號為宋，而朱元璋部的大旗「山河奄有中華地，日月重開大宋天」、「九天日月開黃道，宋國江山複寶圖」反而有些關係。

明史研究者吳晗認為明之得號出于明教，原因是朱元璋手下有一部分明教徒，以「大明」為國號以表示自己的正統地位，亦同時應和明教中的「明王出世」預言。其次，以明喻火，根據五德終始說，表示明朝取代元朝，是以火剋金。明教在唐朝武則天延載年間，傳到中國，但是一直保持神秘，因為明教宣傳的是「彌勒降生，明王下世」。一些反抗朝廷的人經常藉助于明教來號召群眾，為了保護自己，明教就跟佛教拉上關係，和佛教的白蓮宗拉上關係，最後就形成了白蓮教。所以從唐朝、宋朝、元朝明教是時而浮出，時而潛入地下，但是常常用作反抗朝廷的武器。

但七十年代，學界開始有人質疑「明王」是否出於明教。八十年代初，楊訥閱讀現存所有元代白蓮教史料後，否定吳晗學說。他除指出吳晗論文方法上的錯誤，及引証史料之疏漏外，並以傳世史料，証實元末起事者所提「彌勒佛下生」與「明王出世」口號，均與明教無涉，而出於佛教經典。但不論吳唅或楊訥，都是從宗教角度來探究。

2014年，北京大學博士生杜洪濤突破了吳晗學說窠臼，循元明承續的思路，參照趙翼大元國號出自《易經·乾卦》「大哉乾元」文義，而主張大明國號亦出自《易經·乾卦》「大明終始」這一字句。易經原文：「大哉乾元，萬物資始，乃統天。雲行雨施，品物流形。大明始終，六位時成，時乘六龍以御天。」所以明這個國號是暗示著對元的終結，為大明此一國號的源由又增添了一種說法。

歷史

大明開國與統一

元朝末期，官員貪污，貴族靡爛，朝政腐敗。為消除赤字，元廷加重賦稅，並且大量濫印新鈔「至正寶鈔」，隨之產生的通貨膨脹加上荒災、黃河氾濫等天災比以往任何時候發生得都要頻繁，使得民不聊生。1351年元順帝派賈魯治理黃河，徵調各地百姓二十萬人。同年五月，白蓮教韓山童與劉福通煽動飽受天災與督工苛待的百姓叛元起事。他自稱明王，建立紅巾軍，據有河南與安徽等地。紅巾軍與各地義軍陸續起事，勢力擴張到華中、華南地區。隔年，紅巾軍的郭子興聚眾起義，攻佔濠州（今安徽鳳陽）。不久，貧苦農民出身的安徽鳳陽人朱元璋投奔郭子興，屢立戰功，得到郭子興的器重和信任，並娶郭子興養女為妻。之後，朱元璋離開濠州，發展自己的勢力，。

1356年朱元璋率兵佔領集慶（今江蘇省南京市），改名為應天府，並攻下周圍一些軍事要地，獲得一塊立足的基地。朱元璋採納謀士朱升「高築牆，廣積糧，緩稱王」的建議，經過幾年努力，其軍事和經濟實力迅速壯大。1360年，陳朱雙方在集慶西北的龍灣展開惡戰，陳友諒勢力遭到巨大打擊，逃至江州，史稱洪都之戰（今江西省南昌市）。1363年，通過鄱陽湖水戰，陳友諒勢力基本被消滅。1367年朱元璋自稱吳王，建立西吳政權，率軍攻下平江（今江蘇省蘇州市），滅張士誠，同年又消滅割據浙江沿海的方國珍。

1368年正月，朱元璋於南京稱帝，即明太祖，定國號「明」年號洪武。之後趁元朝內訌之際乘機北伐和西征，同年攻佔元大都（今北京），元廷撤出中原，史稱北元。之後於1371年消滅位於四川的明玉珍勢力，於1381年消滅據守雲南的元朝梁王。最後，於1388年深入漠北進攻北元。天下至此初定。而朱元璋對于不願效忠新朝的蒙古人和色目人，則表示願意歸順的可以在大明，不願意的可以自行離開。

明初不願仕官和不願效忠新朝廷的地主文人為了逃避徵闢而採取自殺、自殘、逃往漠北、隱居深山等方法，誓不出仕（中國古代銓選，有「身言書判」四方面標準，身體有殘疾者不能任官）。為應對元遺民對明政權的鄙夷與漠視，朱元璋設立新刑罰，宣告「士大夫不為君用」律，大規模徵闢前朝遺老、搜羅岩穴隱士，並且殺害不願效忠明朝以及為新朝當官的學者，表示「率土之濱，莫非王臣。寰中士大夫不為君用，是自外其教者，誅其身而沒其家，不為之過」，導致「才能之士，數年來倖存者百無一二，今所任率迂儒俗吏」。

皇權集中與建文削藩

由于幼年對于元末吏治痛苦記憶，明太祖即位後一方面減輕農民負擔，恢復社會的經濟生產，改革元朝遺留的吏治，懲治貪官，社會經濟從戰亂中得到恢復和發展，史稱洪武之治。明太祖確立里甲制，配合賦役黃冊戶籍登記簿冊和魚鱗圖冊的施行，落實賦稅勞役的徵收及地方治安的維持。同時對外加強海外交流，恢復中華宗主國地位。

平定天下後，明太祖大封功臣。但隨後基于鞏固皇權的考慮，加之不少功臣或驕縱或橫行鄉里或僭越等，明太祖興起胡惟庸案和藍玉案，幾乎將功臣及權貴誅殺。廖永忠成為最先被處置的功臣。丞相胡惟庸深得朱元璋寵信，但之後日益跋扈，朝中奏章大事須先經其手，若不利於其的奏章就予以隱匿，並且大肆收取賄賂。1380年明太祖以擅權枉法之罪名殺胡惟庸，又殺御史大夫陳寧、御史中丞塗節等人。並廢除已在中國實施千年的丞相制度。1390年有人告發李善長與胡惟庸關係密切，李善長因此被賜死，家屬七十餘人被殺，總計株連者達三萬餘人，史稱胡惟庸案，明太祖更藉此案廢除中書省和相職。此後，明太祖又借大將軍藍玉張狂跋扈之名對其誅殺，連坐被族誅的有一萬五千餘人，史稱藍玉案。加上空印案與郭桓案合稱明初四大案。此時除湯和與耿炳文外功臣幾乎全數被殺。明太祖通過打擊權臣、特務監視等一系列方式加強皇權，使明初的皇帝專制程度與中國歷代各朝相比更為嚴重。

明太祖分封諸子為王，以加強邊防，藩屏皇室。諸王之中，以北方諸王勢力較強，又以秦王朱樉、晉王朱棡與燕王朱棣的勢力最大。為防止朝中奸臣不軌，明太祖規定諸王可移文中央捉拿奸臣，必要時得奉天子密詔，領兵「靖難」（意為「平定國難」）。同時為防止諸王尾大不掉，明太祖也允許今後的皇帝在必要時可下令「削藩」。

洪武三十一年（1398年）明太祖駕崩，由於皇太子朱標於七年前因巡視陝西而病薨逝，遺詔由皇太孫朱允炆即位。改年號建文，即明惠宗（亦稱建文帝、明惠帝）。明惠宗為鞏固皇權，與親信大臣齊泰、黃子澄等密謀削藩。周王、代王、齊王、湘王等先後或被廢為庶人，或自殺。同時以邊防為名調離燕王的精兵，準備削除燕王。結果燕王朱棣在姚廣孝的建議下以「清君側，靖內難」的名義起兵，遭到盛庸等忠于建文帝的大臣的痛擊，但最後迂迴南下，佔領京師，是為靖難之變。朱棣即位，即明成祖，年號永樂。明惠宗在宮城大火中下落不明。明成祖對支持明惠宗者大肆殺戮，諸如黃子澄、齊泰等。

永樂盛世與仁宣之治

繼洪武之治，明成祖、明仁宗與明宣宗相繼興起永樂盛世與仁宣之治，這是明朝的興盛時期之一。明成祖時期武功昌盛，明成祖先是出擊安南，將安南納入明朝版圖，設立交趾布政司。明成祖之後又親自五入漠北攻打北元分裂後的韃靼與瓦剌。明成祖冊封瓦剌三王，使與韃靼對立，等到瓦剌興盛後又助韃靼討伐瓦剌，不使任何一方獨大。同時，明成祖撤去大寧都司，將寧王朱權內遷南昌，授予兀良哈蒙古的朵顏、泰寧和福余三個衛所自治權，但不允許三衛蒙古人南遷到大寧地區駐牧。明成祖還于1406年和1422年對兀良哈蒙古進行鎮壓，以維持這一地區的穩定。

擴大明朝東疆，明成祖為安撫東北女真各部，在歸附的海西女真（位於松花江上游）與建州女真（位於松花江、牡丹江之間）設置羈縻衛所，並派亦失哈安撫位於黑龍江下游的野人女真。1407年亦失哈在黑龍江下游東岸奴兒幹地方（元朝征東元帥府舊地）設置奴兒幹都司，宣示明朝對此地的宗主權。明成祖一改明太祖閉關自守的外交策略，自1405年開始派宦官鄭和下西洋，亦失哈並于1413年視察海外的庫頁島，向各國交往、宣示威德以及建立朝貢體制，也有為尋找建文帝，圍堵西亞帖木兒帝國的說法。鄭和下西洋前後七次，前六次均在永樂年間由明成祖派遣，鄭和船隊足跡遍佈東南亞與南亞地區，還於滿剌加建有基地。其規模空前，最遠到達東非索馬利亞地區，擴大明朝對南洋、西洋各國的影響力。

文治方面，明成祖修大型類書《永樂大典》，在三年時間內即告完成。《永樂大典》有22877卷，其中凡例、目錄60卷，全書分裝為11095冊，引書達七八千種，字數約有三億七千多萬，且未有任何刪節，《永樂大典》在編成後即被深鎖皇宮數百年，以至當時有多人認為《大典》已在戰火中被毀。根據記載，明朝年間僅有明孝宗和明世宗二帝閱《大典》。此外，明成祖並未將《永樂大典》複寫刊刻，且決定只製作一份抄本，並于1409年完成。1405年明成祖將北平改名北京，稱行在，並設立北平國子監等衙門。1409年，明成祖巡幸北京，在北京設立六部與都察院，並在北京為逝世的徐皇后設立陵寢，已經顯示遷都的跡象。經過十幾年的經營，北京初步得到繁榮。1416年明成祖公佈遷都的想法，得到認同，隔年開始大規模營造北京。1420年宣告完工，隔年正式永樂遷都。因為永樂年間天下大治，並且大力開拓海外交流，有學者將這段時期稱為永樂盛世，亦有史學家評價成祖遷都北京之舉是「天子守國門」，或稱天子戍邊、天子守邊。

明成祖駕崩後，其長子朱高熾即位，即明仁宗，年號洪熙。明仁宗年齡已經偏高，即位僅一年就駕崩。其統治偏向保守固本，任用「三楊」（楊士奇、楊榮、楊溥）等賢臣入閣以輔佐朝政並提高內閣成員地位，停止鄭和下西洋和對外戰爭以積蓄民力，寬赦建文舊臣，鼓勵生產，寬行省獄，力行節儉。明仁宗駕崩後長子朱瞻基即位，是為明宣宗，年號宣德。他基本繼承父親的路線，實行德政治國，並且發起最後一次下西洋。明宣宗同樣熱愛美術，有畫作傳世。但是，其執政期間也並非毫無弊端。由於明宣宗喜好養蟋蟀，許多官吏因此競相拍馬，被稱為「促織天子」。同時，明宣宗打破明太祖留下的宦官不得幹政的規矩，開始教宦官讀書，並開始任用宦官，為明英宗時期的太監專權埋下隱患。雖然有此問題，但仍不失為明君，他與他父親統治時期被稱為仁宣之治。1435年明宣宗去世，九歲的朱祁鎮繼位，即明英宗，年號正統。

土木堡之變與弘治中興

明英宗自小寵信服侍左右的宦官王振，自此開始明朝的宦官嚴重專權行為。1442年限制王振權勢的張太皇太后去世，當時明英宗僅十五歲，王振更加攬權。元老重臣「三楊」死後，王振專橫跋扈，將明太祖留下的禁止宦官幹政的敕命鐵牌撤下，舉朝稱其為「翁父」，明英宗對他信任有加。王振擅權七年，家產計有金銀六十餘庫，其受賄程度可想而知。

1435年蒙古西部的瓦剌逐漸強大，經常在明朝邊境一帶生事。1449年瓦剌首領也先率軍南下伐明。王振聳使明英宗領兵二十萬御駕親征。大軍離燕京後，兵士乏糧勞頓。八月初大軍才至大同。王振得報前線各路潰敗，懼不敢戰，又令返回。回師至土木堡（今日河北省張家口懷來縣），被瓦剌軍追上，士兵死傷過半，隨從大臣有五十餘人陣亡。明英宗突圍不成被俘，王振為將軍樊忠所怒殺，史稱土木堡之變。

土木堡之變的消息來到北京後，朝中混亂。一些大臣要求遷都南京應天府，被兵部侍郎于謙駁斥。同年，大臣擁戴明英宗弟朱祁鈺即位，以求長君，即明景帝（又稱明代宗），年號景泰。于謙升兵部尚書，整頓邊防積極備戰，同時決定堅守北京，隨後京師、南京、河南、山東等地勤王部隊陸續趕到。同年十月，瓦剌軍直逼北京城下，也先安置明英宗於德勝門外土關。于謙率領各路明軍奮勇抗擊，屢次大破瓦剌軍，也先率軍撤退。明朝取得北京保衛戰的勝利，于謙力排眾議，加緊鞏固國防，拒絕求和，並於次年擊退瓦剌多次侵犯。

也先認為綁架明英宗已無意義，於1450年釋放之。然而明景帝因為皇權問題，不願意接受明英宗，先是不願遣使迎駕，又把明英宗困於南宮（今南池子）軟禁，並廢皇太子朱見深為沂王（明英宗之子，後來繼位為明憲宗），立自己的兒子朱見濟為太子。不久見濟病死，沒有兒子的景帝也遲遲不肯再立朱見深為太子，儼然有奪正之貌，英宗、景帝兄弟因而嚴重對立。

1457年石亨、徐有貞等人聯盟，欲擁戴明英宗復闢。趁著景帝重病之際發動兵變。徐有貞率軍攻入紫禁城，石亨等人占領東華門，立明英宗於奉天殿，改元天順。他們禁錮了景帝，並且捕殺了于謙及大學士王文，史稱奪門之變。由於兩次即位之故，明英宗也成為明清皇帝中，唯一使用兩個年號的皇帝。明英宗復闢後，略有新政，之後因為內部政變流放徐有貞，因為曹石之變誅殺石亨、曹吉祥等人，並且以李賢等賢臣掌政。1464年明英宗去世，在遺詔中廢除自明太祖時殘酷的殉葬制度。後兒子朱見深即位，即明憲宗，年號成化。

明憲宗為于謙冤昭雪，恢復景帝的帝號，平反奪門一案，人多稱快。而初年勵精圖治，任用賢臣，體諒民情，蠲賦省刑，善政史不絕書，又在武功有屢有建樹，如在丁亥之役中與朝鮮進攻屢次進犯的建州女真等，儼然為一代明君。但明憲宗口吃內向，因此很少廷見大臣，終日沉溺於亦妻亦母的萬貴妃，寵信宦官汪直、梁芳等人，晚年好方術。以至奸佞當權，西廠橫恣，盜竊威柄。明憲宗直接頒詔封官，是為傳奉官。這使得傳奉官氾濫，舞弊成風，直到明孝宗才全被裁撤。他也是皇莊的始置者。該舉措事實上鼓勵豪強門閥兼併土地，危害不淺。宦官汪直受到明憲宗的寵信，張狂跋扈，透過西廠大肆冤殺普通民眾與官員。不久後由於民憤四起，西廠被罷，但汪直依然握有大權。直到1482年汪直因言官彈劾才被貶。成化一朝群小當道：女寵、外戚、佞幸、奸宦、僧道共聚一堂，朋比為奸，濁亂朝政。1487年明憲宗去世，其子朱祐樘繼位，即明孝宗，年號弘治。

明孝宗自幼出身寒微，曾有被萬貴妃加害的危險。其在位期間「更新庶政，言路大開」，使得自明英宗以來的陋習得以去除，被譽為「中興之令主」。明孝宗先是將明憲宗時期留下的一批奸佞冗官盡數罷去，逮捕治罪。並選賢舉能，將能臣委以重任，任用劉健、李東陽、謝遷入閣，史稱弘治內閣。。明孝宗勤於政事，每日兩次視朝。明孝宗對宦官嚴加節制，錦衣衛與東廠也謹慎行事，用刑寬鬆。明孝宗力行節儉，不大興土木，減免稅賦。他本身踐行一夫一妻制，一生除張皇后外沒有任何妃嬪，也是中國曆史上惟一踐行一夫一妻制的皇帝。明孝宗的勵精圖治，使得弘治時期成為明朝中期以來形勢最好的時期，明史稱明孝宗「恭儉有制，勤政愛民」，被稱為弘治中興，然而在弘治中後期明孝宗不再認真聽從諫諍，並且開始揮霍無度，導致國家步入了「一歲所入，不足以供一歲支用」，「太倉無儲，內府殫絀」以及邊備日弛的狀況，在弘治初期革除的弊政不僅全部恢復，而且還更加惡化，其次，有明一代，以弘治對外臣最為縱容厚待，動則大肆對外戚藩王賞賜房屋，田地，造成嚴重的土地兼併問題。

1505年明孝宗去世，其子朱厚照即位，是為明武宗，年號正德。

內亂與北虜南倭

及至明武宗一朝，宦官勢力重新抬頭，其歸因于武宗精于遊樂，怠于政事。不過，其禍患本身並未危及皇權，雖有劉瑾、谷大用等八虎為非作歹，但始終未曾如唐朝末年的宦官擅權情況，並且劉瑾等人最終仍被武宗處以極刑。武宗的喜好游逸，最終導致孝宗一脈絕嗣。並且致使大明統系發生第二次小宗入為大宗的情況。明武宗的荒游逸樂導致正德年間戰事頻生，先後發生韃靼達延汗（明史稱韃靼小王子）進犯、寧夏安化王朱寘鐇謀反、山東劉六劉七民變、江西寧王朱宸濠謀反等重大事件。1520年明武宗假藉出征江西寧王為由而南下遊玩，以大將軍朱壽為名前往南京，親自俘虜已被王守仁擊敗的寧王。班師回京途中，於南直隸清江浦（江蘇淮安）泛舟取樂時落水染病，1521年於豹房駕崩。

明武宗駕崩後，明孝宗之侄，興獻王之子朱厚熜入嗣大統，是為明世宗，年號嘉靖。登基前後，因時任內閣首輔楊廷和、禮部尚書毛澄等權臣引宋濮安事強令明世宗尊親生父母為皇叔父母，引起明世宗的反感，是為大禮議之爭。最終明世宗在張璁等不服權臣此舉的朝官支持下得以尊父母為皇帝與皇后、立太廟在明武宗之上、修皇帝實錄。這次政治風波使反對者被罷官或被入獄，受杖者一百八十餘人，杖死者十七人。在清除權臣與宦官後，明世宗開始實行自己的政治抱負，任用張璁等賢臣，英明苛察，嚴以馭官，整頓朝綱，鼓勵耕織和減輕租銀，又勘查皇室莊園和勛戚莊園，減輕土地兼併，在軍事上大力提拔將才征剿倭寇，清除外患，整頓邊防，以解除邊疆危機，史稱「嘉靖中興」。

1534年後明世宗即不視朝，但仍悉知帝國事務，事無巨細仍出于明世宗決斷。明世宗信奉道教，信用方士，在宮中日夜祈禱。先是將道士邵元節入京，封為真人及禮部尚書。邵死後又大寵方士陶仲文。1542年十月，乾清宮發生楊金英、邢翠蓮等宮女十餘人與寧嬪王氏趁明世宗熟睡之際企圖將其勒死，但未成功，此即壬寅宮變。此事後，直至明世宗駕崩前一晚，明世宗遷離大內移居西內。明世宗寵信權臣嚴嵩，他藉此排斥異己，結黨營私。其子嚴世蕃協助其父作惡。朝臣雖然不斷有人彈劾嚴嵩結黨營私，但均以失敗告終。世宗晚期，嚴嵩年事已高，朝臣徐階開始取代嚴嵩之位。1562年徐階策動言官彈劾首輔大臣嚴嵩。嚴嵩辭去官職回鄉。1565年嚴世蕃以通倭罪被判斬刑、嚴嵩被削為民，兩年後病死。

嘉靖一朝，國家外患不斷。北方韃靼趁明朝衰弱而佔據河套。1550年韃靼首領俺答進犯大同，宣大總兵仇鸞重金收買俺答，讓其轉向其他目標。結果俺答轉而直攻北京，在北京城郊大肆搶掠之後西去，明朝軍隊在追擊過程中戰敗，此為庚戌之變。由於世宗時期明朝宣布海禁，由日本浪人與中國海盜組成的倭寇與沿海居民合作走私，先並且後襲擾山東、浙江、福建與廣東等地區。朱紈、張經等將領受明廷幹擾而未能平定倭寇。而後兵部尚書胡宗憲署理浙江巡撫兼浙直總督全力剿倭，招撫浙江勢力最強的汪直（後被明廷殺害）。戚繼光與俞大猷平定浙閩粵等地的倭寇，為後來隆慶開關建立好背景。在1557年葡萄牙人開始移民澳門，但及至明亡，葡萄牙人及澳門始終為廣東布政司香山縣管轄。1566年明世宗駕崩，皇太子朱載坖即位，即明穆宗，年號隆慶。

嘉靖大地震

嘉靖三十四年農曆臘月十二（1556年1月23日），山西、陝西和河南同時發生地震。這次地震分布在陝西、山西、河南、甘肅等地，地震波及大半個中國，有感範圍遠達福建、兩廣等地。百姓民眾因壓砸、焚溺、與飢疫而死者無法估計，其奏報有名者便達83萬有多，不知名者不可勝數。死亡人口之多幾達當時中國人口的百分之一，也是古今中外地震史上僅有的案例。這次大地震致使陝西、山西、河南等省97州受災，101個縣受害，災區面積大約28萬平方公里。地震有感範圍為5省227個縣。「餘震月動三五次者半年，未止息者三載，五年漸輕方止」。由于明代後期吏治腐敗，國庫空虛。地震發生後明朝從國庫調撥大量資金用于救災，導致明朝國庫連續兩年虧空，加上地震引發的自然災害和瘟疫導致明朝政府稅收減少，對明朝的國力和財政狀況亦造成不同程度的影響。

改革與中興

明穆宗即位後，先後任用徐階、高拱與張居正等名臣。1567年位處執政之首的明世宗舊臣徐階策動朝官彈劾高拱，迫高拱辭官回鄉。高拱亦不甘示弱，一年後策動朝官彈劾徐階。徐階也被迫正式退休。朝廷的實際政務漸漸落到張居正的手上。隆慶末年，高拱回朝出任內閣首輔。隆慶朝名臣名將薈萃，陸上與韃靼首領俺答汗達成和議，史稱俺答封貢；海上開放民間貿易，史稱隆慶開關；因為這兩項措施與其他改革措施，明朝開始進入中興時期，史稱隆慶新政。1572年，明穆宗因中風突然駕崩，年僅九歲的皇太子朱翊鈞繼位，即明神宗，年號萬曆。

由於明神宗年幼，於是由太后攝政。重臣高拱由於與太后信任的宦官馮保對抗而被罷官；相反的，張居正得到馮保的鼎力支持。張居正輔政十年，推行改革，在內政方面，提出「尊主權，課吏職，行賞罰，一號令」，推行考成法，裁撤政府機構中的冗官冗員，整頓郵傳和銓政。經濟上，清丈全國土地，抑制豪強地主，改革賦役制度，推行一條鞭法，減輕農民負擔。1393年明太祖時期，全國耕種田地有三百六十六萬零七千七頃，到1502年明孝宗時期也只上升到四百廿二萬八千零五十八頃。經過張居正的治理後於1581年達到七百零一萬三千九百七十六頃。軍事上，加強武備整頓，平定西南騷亂，以名將戚繼光守衛北京的重鎮薊州、以遼東李成梁安撫東北女真、以宣大王崇古、方逢時安撫韃靼，其他重臣如四川的劉顯、兩廣的殷正茂、凌雲翼、浙江的張佳胤，張居正也十分信任他們。張居正還啟用潘季馴治理黃河，變水患為水利。同時張居正嚴懲貪官污吏，裁汰冗員。張居正整頓朝正，改革體制，史稱萬曆中興。

1577年張居正父親去世，按常理他需要丁憂，但張居正以為改革事業未竟，不願丁憂。他的政敵藉此大做文章，此即為奪情之爭。最後在明神宗和兩太后的力挺下張居正被奪情起復，使得其改革並未被中斷。但是，這成為他的政敵之藉口。同時，張居正利用自己的職權讓自己的兒子順利通過科舉進入翰林院。除此之外，張居正的私德也有問題，各種聚斂財物的情事被揭露，張居正也迫害了大量的政敵，好同惡異，為政專擅，他一死，立刻在萬曆的支持下，被昔年結怨的大臣清算，張居正家被抄家。張府一些來不及退出的人被囚禁於內，餓死十餘口。生前官爵也被剝奪。

萬曆怠政與黨爭

張居正死後，明神宗親政，勵精圖治，勤於朝政，更新庶政，繁榮經濟，廢黜考成法等張居正改革中弊政，安撫流民，減少徭稅，有勤勉明君之風範，維持了中興。然後後來發生的國本之爭，拉來了明末黨爭的紛亂和明朝沒落的序幕。國本之爭是貫穿于明神宗中期至晚期的重大政治事件。主要是圍繞著皇長子朱常洛與福王朱常洵（鄭貴妃所生）繼承皇位之爭。由於皇后無嗣，明神宗偏愛皇三子朱常洵，不願立皇長子朱常洛為太子，令群臣憂心如焚，朝中的大臣也藉此開始黨爭。直到1601年在皇太后的強迫下，朱常洛才被封為太子，而朱常洵被封為福王，封地為洛城，卻遲遲不離京就任藩王。直到梃擊案發生，輿論對鄭貴妃不利後，福王才離京就藩，太子朱常洛的地位也因而穩固。

明神宗於國本之爭對大臣極度不滿，採取以不上朝作為報復，僅偶爾批閱奏摺，以處理一些重要事件，但如明世宗一樣，悉知帝國事務，事無巨細仍出于其之決斷。大理寺左評事上疏，稱明神宗沉湎於酒、色、財、氣，結果被貶為民。明神宗中後期財政困難，因此明神宗派太監為天下礦監和稅監以充實內庫，然而礦監稅使大多假借名義搜刮民間財產，擾亂天下。由於明神宗不理朝政，缺官現象非常嚴重。1602年，南北兩京共缺尚書三名，侍郎十名；各地缺巡撫三名，布政使、按察使等六十六名，知府廿五名。明神宗委頓於上，百官黨爭於下，明廷完全陷入空轉之中。因此明史言：「論者謂：明之亡，實亡於神宗。」，部分史學家認為明朝自此開始走向滅亡。

由於朝政混亂，部分中下階官吏在政治上受到排斥，紛紛要求政治改革，並強調道德標準。1593年癸巳京察促成東林黨的形成，其名稱源自顧憲成重修的東林書院。主持京察的孫鑨、李世達和趙南星，利用京察將不符他們標準和不屬于東林黨的官吏降職解僱。經過多次京察後，引起眾多反對黨如宣黨、崑黨、齊黨、浙黨等興起並與東林黨互相傾軋。自此門戶之禍堅固而不可拔，圖使朝政空轉內耗。明熹宗時反對黨在東廠魏忠賢的羽翼下成為閹黨，開始專權，並且迫害東林黨人，東林黨受到嚴重打擊，有所謂東林六君子、東林七賢等被閹黨殺害，直到崇禎帝即位，才整肅了閹黨。

在對外軍事方面，以萬曆三大征最為顯著，分別為平定蒙古哱拜叛變的寧夏之役、抗擊日本豐臣政權入侵朝鮮王朝的朝鮮之役，以及平定苗疆土司楊應龍叛變的播州之役，這三場戰爭幾乎同時發生，其性質均不相同。明朝於三戰皆勝以鞏固明朝邊疆、守護朝鮮王朝，但也消耗大量人力物力，成為國庫空虛、財政拮据的重要原因之一。粗略統計出這八年間國家的軍事開支高達一千一百六十餘萬兩白銀。1617年後金努爾哈赤以「七大恨」為由反明，兩年後在薩爾滸之戰中大敗明軍，明朝至此對後金改以防禦為主的戰略。

1620年明神宗去世。其長子朱常洛登基，即明光宗，年號泰昌，在位僅一個月。他發內帑賞賜在遼東前線明軍，重用東林黨人使朝政轉危為安，並且罷除天下礦監稅使。福王生母鄭貴妃為了攏絡明光宗，獻上四位美女。明光宗縱慾過度不久病倒，太監崔文升進以瀉藥而狂瀉，又因服用李可灼的紅丸而猝死，史稱紅丸案。明光宗逝世後，其寵妃李選侍欲居乾清宮，以挾皇長子朱由校自重。都給事中楊漣、御史左光斗等，為防其幹預朝事，逼迫李選侍移到仁壽殿噦鸞宮，此即移宮案。皇長子朱由校最後得以繼位，即明熹宗，年號天啟。梃擊案、紅丸案與移宮案合稱明末三大案，是萬曆晚期國本之爭的延續，使得明廷的政治鬥爭更加劇烈，也是標誌著明末衰亡的開始。

明末經濟危機與內憂外患

明朝末年，明朝的對外貿易陷入低谷，白銀輸入大量減少，由于農民繳稅需要用到白銀，但是一般農民只有銅錢，導致白銀價格暴漲，造成了通貨緊縮的局面，這不僅使農民無法繳稅，大量逃亡，而且還嚴重影響了手工業與商業城鎮的發展，造成民變。

明熹宗在位期間，政治更加腐敗黑暗。熹宗幼年喪母，對乳母客氏有特殊感情。客氏與宦官魏忠賢狼狽為奸。熹宗早期，倚賴東林黨人力爭，方能登基，故大量啟用東林黨人，結果導致東林黨與其他黨鬥爭不斷，明熹宗因此對朝政失去耐心，魏忠賢藉此機會幹預政治，將齊楚浙黨的勢力集結，號為閹黨。1624年閹黨控制內閣，魏忠賢更加張狂，其爪牙遍佈中央與地方。在權勢最盛時，魏忠賢的養子竟能代替皇帝祭太廟。全國遍佈他的生祠，並號為九千歲後又稱九千九百歲。更有閹黨的國子監生提出魏忠賢配孔子，魏忠賢父配啟聖公。魏忠賢並大肆打擊東林黨，借「梃擊、紅丸、移宮」三案為由，唆使其黨羽偽造《東林黨點將錄》上報朝廷，1625年明熹宗下詔，燒燬全國書院。大量東林黨人入獄，甚至處死。由於閹黨水準低下，政理不修。國家內部饑荒頻傳，民變不斷，外患持續，明朝已經陷入風雨飄搖之境地。

1626年北京西南隅的工部王恭廠火藥庫發生王恭廠大爆炸，造成2萬多人死傷。事發時的明朝正值內外交困、風雨飄搖之際，國家政治腐敗，宦官專權，善惡不分。災難的消息迅速傳遍全國後，朝野震驚，中外駭然，人心惶惶。天啟年間各種天災人禍都比不上王恭廠的破壞程度，故沈國元於《兩朝從信錄》中稱此災變「乃古今未有之變也」。很多大臣認為這場大爆炸是上天對皇帝的警告，紛紛上書，要求熹宗皇帝匡正時弊，重振朝綱。皇帝不得不下了一道罪己詔，表示要痛加省醒，告誡大小臣工「務要竭慮洗心辦事，痛加反省」，希望藉此能使大明江山長治久安，萬事消弭，且下旨發府庫萬兩黃金賑災。此事後來亦被御筆太監載入明朝正史。

1627年明熹宗不慎落水病重，不久因霍維華之藥而去世，其五弟信王朱由檢繼位，即崇禎帝，年號崇禎。

崇禎帝即位後，銳意剷除魏忠賢的勢力以改革朝政。他下令停建生祠，逼奉聖夫人客氏移居宮外，最後押到浣衣局處死。下令魏忠賢去鳳陽守陵，魏忠賢於途中與黨羽李朝欽一起自縊，崇禎帝將其首級懸於河間老家，閹黨其他分子也被貶黜或處死。然而黨爭內鬥激烈，崇禎帝不信任百官，他剛愎自用，加強集權。當時東北方的後金（即後來的清朝）占領遼東地區，袁崇煥等人於遼西寧遠、錦州等抵禦後金可汗皇太極的入侵。1629年皇太極改採繞道長城以入侵北京，袁崇煥緊急回軍與皇太極對峙於北京廣渠門。經六部九卿會審，最後殺袁崇煥，史稱己巳之變。其後皇太極多番遠征蒙古，終於在六年後徹底擊敗林丹汗，取得了傳國玉璽，1636年在盛京稱帝，改國號為大清，即清朝。並且陸續發起五次經長城入侵明朝直隸、山東等地區，史稱清兵入塞。當時直隸連年災荒疫疾，民不聊生。遼西局勢亦日益惡化，清軍多次與明軍作戰，最後於1640年占領錦州等地，明軍主力洪承疇等人投降，明朝勢力退縮至山海關。

崇禎帝雖勵精圖治，但其任人不得法（崇禎一朝撤換過五十個大學士，號稱「崇禎五十相」，為歷朝之最），朝政混亂與官員貪污昏庸；與後金的戰爭帶來大量遼餉的需求以及清兵的掠奪；以及因為小冰期氣候變冷，在當時連海南島都出現下雪氣候，農業減產帶來全國性饑荒，這些都加重明朝百姓的負擔。1627年，陝西澄城饑民暴動，拉開明末民變的序幕，隨後王自用、高迎祥、李自成、張獻忠等農民起事，最後發展成雄踞陝西、河南的李自成與先後占領湖廣、四川的張獻忠（最後成立大西政權）。1633年，山西地區爆發流行病，史稱「明末大鼠疫」，1643年北京城爆發「京師大瘟疫」、造成20餘萬人死亡，加速明朝滅亡。1644年李自成建國大順，三月，李自成率軍北伐攻陷大同、宣府、居庸關，最後於1644年4月24日（舊曆三月十八）攻克北京。崇禎帝在煤山自縊，史稱甲申之變。後世有史學家評價崇禎帝在社稷危難之時沒有逃跑是「君主死社稷」，但亦有學者指出崇禎多次遷都南京的計劃。

李自成攻克北京後，縱容部將在京城內大肆搜刮遂失民心。原為明將、鎮守山海關的吳三桂帶領清軍入關，並於一片石戰役擊敗大順軍。清朝攝政王多爾袞與順治帝入關，北京成為清朝的首都。李自成退回陝西，最後被清軍圍殲於湖北，大順亡。

南明與明鄭

甲申之變後，明朝在南方尚有勢力，史稱南明。南明主要勢力有四系王，分別是福王弘光帝朱由崧、魯王監國朱以海、唐王隆武帝朱聿鍵與紹武帝朱聿𨮁、桂王永曆帝朱由榔等。當南明滅亡後，又有鄭成功建立的明鄭與夔東十三家軍抗清。被李自成攻陷後，南明大臣意圖擁護皇族北伐。經過多次討論後由鳳陽總督馬士英與江北四鎮高傑、黃得功、劉澤清與劉良佐擁護崇禎帝的堂兄弟福王朱由崧稱帝，即弘光帝，史稱南明。1645年清朝派多鐸率大軍南下南京，此時弘光帝昏庸，大權由閹黨餘孽掌握，江北四鎮各自為營，最後陸續瓦解。清軍攻破史可法死守的揚州，弘光帝逃至蕪湖被逮，送到北京殺害。此期間清軍發起揚州十日、江陰八十一日與嘉定三屠等大屠殺以鎮壓反抗的漢人。同時明朝數十萬皇族也慘遭清廷和農民軍的屠殺。

弘光帝死後，魯王朱以海於浙江紹興監國；而唐王朱聿鍵在鄭芝龍等人的擁立下，於福建福州稱帝，即隆武帝。然而這兩個南明主要勢力互不承認彼此地位而互相攻打。1651年在舟山群島淪陷後，魯王朱以海在張名振、張煌言陪同下，赴廈門依靠鄭成功，不久病死在金門。隆武帝屢議出師北伐，然而得不到鄭芝龍的支持而終無所成。1646年，清軍分別占領浙江與福建，魯王朱以海逃亡海上，隆武帝於汀州逃往江西時被俘而死。鄭芝龍向清軍投降，由於其子鄭成功起兵反清而被清廷囚禁。朱聿鍵死後，其弟朱聿在廣州受蘇觀生及廣東布政司顧元鏡擁立稱帝，即紹武帝，於同年年底被清將李成棟攻滅。同時間桂王朱由榔於廣東肇慶稱帝，即永曆帝。

1646年永曆帝獲得瞿式耜、張獻忠餘部李定國、孫可望等勢力以及福建鄭成功勢力的支援之下展開反攻。同時各地降清的原明軍將領先後反正，例如1648年江西金聲桓、廣東李成棟、廣西耿獻忠與楊有光率部反正，一時之間南明收服華南各省。然而於同年，清將尚可喜率軍再度入侵，先後占領湖南、廣東等地。兩年後，李定國、孫可望與鄭成功發動第二次反攻，其中鄭成功一度包圍南京。然而，各路明軍因為距離互相難以照應，內部又發生孫可望等人的叛變，第二次反攻以節節敗退告終。1661年，清軍三路攻入雲南，永曆帝流亡緬甸首都曼德勒，被緬甸王莽達收留。後吳三桂攻入緬甸，莽達之弟莽白乘機發動政變，殺死其兄後繼8月12日，莽白發動咒水之難，殺盡永曆帝侍從近衛，永曆帝最後被吳三桂以弓弦絞死，南明亡。

此時反清勢力只剩夔東十三家與在金廈的鄭成功（史稱明鄭）。李自成zh-hans:余;zh-hant:餘部在湖南抗清失敗後，轉移到川、鄂山區進行活動，在夔州府以東地區繼續抗清，稱為夔東十三家。1662年清軍開始攻打之，1664年覆滅，其首領李來亨自焚而死。鄭成功在南京之戰失敗後退回金廈，於1661年率軍遠征荷蘭人占據的台灣島成功，明鄭領有台灣，定都東寧（今台灣台南）。其子鄭經曾參與三藩之亂，率軍參與反攻失利。1683年，清朝康熙帝命施琅為水師提督進攻台灣。明鄭主鄭克塽率眾投降，明鄭亡。

政治

明朝政治則是皇帝的權力趨於集中，明太祖在誅殺胡惟庸後廢除中書省和丞相，終結了傳統的宰相制度，六部直接對皇帝負責，後來設置內閣和大學士承擔了部分行政職能；地方上由承宣布政使司、提刑按察使司、都指揮使司分掌權力，加強地方管理。仁宗、宣宗之後，文官治國的思想逐漸濃厚，行政權向內閣和六部轉移。同時還設有都察院等監察機構，為加強對全國臣民的監視，明太祖設立特務機構錦衣衛，明成祖設立東廠，明憲宗時再設西廠（後取消），明武宗又設內行廠（後取消），合稱「廠衛」。但明朝皇帝並非完全獨斷獨行，有許多事還必須經過經廷推、廷議、廷鞫程序，同時，能將原旨退還的給事中亦可對皇權形成制衡。到了後期皇帝出現了怠政，宦官行使大權的陋習，儘管決策權始終集中在皇帝手中，然而政務大部分已經由內閣處理，此外，到了明代中晚期文官集團的集體意見足以與皇帝抗衡，在遇到事情決斷兩相殭持不下時，也容易產生一種類似於「」的情況，因此「名義上他是天子，實際上他受制於廷臣。」但明朝皇權受制於廷臣主要是基於道德上而非法理上，因為明朝當時風氣普遍注重名節，受儒家教育的皇帝通常不願被冠以「昏君」之名。但雖然皇權受制衡，皇帝仍可任意動用皇權，例如明世宗「大禮議」事件最後以廷杖朝臣多人的方式結束，明神宗在國本之爭失利後也以長期拒絕參與政事向朝臣們示威。

內閣制度

洪武十三年（1380年），明太祖以丞相胡惟庸謀反伏誅，於是廢去中書省和丞相一職。秦、漢以來實行一千六百餘年的宰相制度自此廢除，六部直接向皇帝負責，相權與君權合而為一，大權獨攬，施行軍權、行政權、監察權三權分立的國家體制。由於國家事務繁多，皇帝無法處理，而明太祖也一度深感疲憊，於是設立四輔制度來輔佐政事。但這項制度效能不彰。洪武十七年（1384年）後被廢。之後朱元璋請來幾位翰林學士幫忙輔佐，這些翰林學士的官職效仿唐宋館閣學士舊制，被命為「某某殿（閣）大學士」，官階只有正五品。明成祖登基後，特派解縉、胡廣、楊榮等入午門值文淵閣，參預機務，由此始設內閣。

內閣最初只是皇帝的諮詢機構，相當於今日秘書或幕僚的職務，奏章的批答為皇帝的專責。到後來成為明朝實際上最高決策機構，首輔地位有時可比丞相，有票擬及封駁之權。明朝內閣由始至終都不是明朝中樞的正式行政機構，所謂內閣只是文淵閣的別稱。內閣大學士一職多以碩德宿儒或朝中重臣擔任，只有有實無名之地位，而沒有法定地位。宣宗時期，由於楊溥、楊士奇、楊榮等三楊入閣，宣宗批准內閣在奏章上以條旨陳述己見，稱為「票擬」制度，又授予宦官機構司禮監「批紅」。票擬之法補救可君主不願面見閣臣之弊，但內閣大臣與皇帝溝通，全賴司禮監（宦官）。由是開啟明朝宦官專政之大門。

六部

明朝在中央設置吏、戶、禮、工、刑、兵六部，與前代相比，明朝最初在每部增加尚書、侍郎各一。胡惟庸案之後，朱元璋廢丞相之職，取消中書省。六部因此地位得到提高。每部只設一個尚書，兩個侍郎，原有的各科尚書降為郎中。各部尚書和侍郎的官階也上升。其中以禮部（主管教育，負責領導儒家學術，以及祭祀，外交等）和吏部（主管文官陞遷）最為重要，戶部（主管財政，土地和人口）人員最多。兵部（主管國防），刑部（主管司法，有對較大刑事案件的審判權）與工部（主管公共建設）地位較低。

在擬詔審議機構上，明朝開始只設給事中與中書舍人，不複設中書門下二省。明朝的審議機構為六科給事中，到洪武廿四年，設都給事中六人，分吏、戶、禮、工、刑、兵六科，每科一人，每科都給事中下設左右給事中各一人及給事中若干。六科給事中制度基本是繼承唐朝的門下省制度，但官位下降，機構更為精簡，也失去了自魏晉以來皇帝內臣（皇室的收發站）和禮官的職責。六科官職品級雖低，然職權很高，他們可以批駁皇帝的意旨，

也能充當諫官的職責，對六部吏僚則具有分科對應的監察權，故該制度也發揮一定的改善朝政作用。明朝的擬詔機構為中書舍人官署，因其制度源流源于與門下並立的中書，故與六科相對俗稱「中書科」，但是其地位大為下降，職能也大幅削弱，事實上只是內閣與翰林院的謄抄機構。中央的重要事務執行機構為五寺，包括大理寺、太常寺、光祿寺、太僕寺、鴻臚寺，與唐宋相比，減省了四寺：宗正寺被併入宗人府，衛尉寺被併入兵部，司農寺與太府寺被併入戶部。大理寺與刑部和都察院合為三法司，負責重大刑事案件的覆審與覆核。大理寺的首長稱為大理寺卿，也是九卿之一。其餘四個寺的卿職權較低。太常寺負責祭祀；太僕寺管理馬匹與全國牧政；光祿寺負責壽宴；鴻臚寺負責接待外賓。

監察機構

在洪武十三年前，明朝還沿襲元的監察制度，設立御史台，有左右御史大夫各一名。洪武十三年後，朱元璋廢御史台。兩年之後，朱元璋設立新的監察機構—都察院。都察院下面設立監察御史若干人，分巡全國各省，稱為十二道監察御史。每道有監察御史三至五人，範圍大體為一省。但監察御史都駐在京師，有事帶印出巡，事畢回京繳印。到明末，監察御史分為十三道，共有一百一十人。都察院與六科同樣具有諫官的職能和風聞言事的職責，故合稱「科道言官」。

廠衛制度

明初還實行特務機構，主要包括錦衣衛、東廠和西廠，武宗時期還一度設有內行廠。錦衣衛設立於洪武十五年，直接聽命於皇上，可以逮捕任何人，並進行不公開的審訊。但是朱元璋晚年逐步廢除了錦衣衛及其特權，還有一些比較殘酷的刑法。

在東廠設立後，錦衣衛權力受到削弱。東廠成立於永樂十八年，是明成祖為鎮壓政治上的反對力量而成立。地點位於京師東安門北。東廠的主要職責就是監視政府官員、社會名流、學者等各種政治力量，並有權將監視結果直接向皇帝匯報。依據監視得到的情報，對於那些地位較低的政治反對派，東廠可以直接逮捕、審訊；而對於擔任政府高級官員或者有皇室貴族身份的反對派，東廠在得到皇帝的授權後也能夠對其執行逮捕、審訊。東廠在設立之初，就由宦官擔任提督，後來通常以司禮監秉筆太監中位居第二、第三者擔任。西廠設立於憲宗時期，首領為汪直。1482年後被廢。其後又被武宗短暫恢復。內廠設置於武宗時期，首領為宦官劉瑾，劉瑾伏誅後，內廠與西廠同時被廢除，僅留東廠。

其他機構

公孤官包括三公與三孤，是名義上的諸臣之首，但這些官職都是虛銜，一般授予功勞相當大的大臣以示榮耀。三公為太師、太傅、太保，三孤則是輔弼他們的少師、少傅、少保，三公三孤是皇帝名義上的老師，負責輔弼天子。另外還有太子三師及太子三少，太子三師為太子太師、太子太傅、太子太保，太子三少為太子少師、太子少傅、太子少保，三師三少是太子名義上的老師，但實際上輔導太子的機構是詹事府。詹事府下設兩坊、一局、一廳。此外還有太醫院，專門負責皇室人員的健康和醫療。太醫院附屬有生藥庫和惠民藥局。翰林院作為政府的官方學術最高機構，地位相當重要，甚至在政府中都有相當大的影響力。翰林院首長是翰林大學士，此職位者經常會同時兼任內閣大臣。

諸司指不屬於各部院的司。主要指通政司和行人司。通政司負責傳遞公文，公告周知。行人司負責到地方上頒詔諭及赴外國作使臣。

外三監包括國子監、欽天監、上林苑監。欽天監負責觀測星象。國子監是最高官方教育機構，也是全國官學的領導機構，有祭酒一人，司業一人，監丞一人，博士五人，助教十五人，學正十人，學錄七人，典簿一人，典籍一人，典饌兩人。上林苑監負責掌管皇帝的御花園，畜牧場與菜圃。

內十二監為宦官衙門。事實上只有在這些衙門工作的宦官才是太監。包括司禮監、內宮監、御用監、司設監、御馬監、神宮監、尚膳監、尚寶監、印綬監、直殿監、尚衣監、都知監。以司禮監最為重要，監內的提督太監主管宮內一切宦官禮儀刑名。而秉筆太監在宦官極端專權時竟代替皇帝批公文。此外宮內還設有四個司（惜薪、鐘鼓、寶鈔、混堂），八個局（兵仗、銀作、浣衣、巾帽、針工、內織染、酒醋面，司苑），合為內官廿四衙門。宮女也有六個局（尚宮、尚儀、尚服、尚食、尚寢、尚工），每個局下設四個司。

法律

《大明律》，是明朝法令條例，由朱元璋總結歷代法律施行的經驗和教訓制定而成，《大明律》為適應形勢的發展，變通了體例，調整了刑名，肯定了明初人身地位的變化，注重了經濟立法，在體例上表現了各部門法的相對獨立性，並擴大了民法的範圍，同時在「禮」與「法」的結合。

《大明律》共分30卷，篇目有名例一卷，包括五刑（笞、杖、徒、流、死）、十惡（謀反、謀大逆、謀叛、惡逆、不道、大不敬、不孝、不睦、不義、內亂）、八議（議親、議故、議功、議賢、議能、議勤、議貴、議賓），以及吏律二卷、戶律七卷、禮律二卷、兵律五卷、刑律十一卷、工律二卷，共460條。

有明一代比較重視法制的建設與實踐，其中歷經三次大規模修訂的《大明律》。《大明律》在中國古代法典編纂史上具有革故鼎新的意義。不僅繼承了明代以前的中國古代法律制定的優良傳統，也是中國明代以前各個朝代法典文獻編纂的歷史總結，而且還開啟了清代乃至近代中國立法活動的發展。《大明律》在明代實施的過程中，雖然也不斷受到「朕言即法」的幹擾，但這些幹擾始終未能影響它的正統法典的地位。

而《大明律》對懲治貪財枉法者，嚴厲程度超過了歷史上任何一個朝代。

軍事

衛所制度

明代早期軍隊的來源，有諸將原有之兵，即所謂從征，有元兵及群雄兵歸附的，有獲罪而謫發的，而最主要的來源則是籍選，亦即垛集軍，是由戶籍中抽丁而來。除此之外尚有簡拔、投充及收集等方式。此外，明朝中期以後又有強使民為軍的方式，不過都屬於少數，整體而言，衛所制仍然是最主要的軍制。衛所制為在全國各地軍事要地設立衛所駐軍，衛有軍隊五千六百人，其下依序有千戶所、百戶所、總旗及小旗等單位，各衛所都隸屬於五軍都督府，亦隸屬於兵部，有事從徵調發，無事則還歸衛所。軍隊來源為世襲的軍戶，由每戶派一人為正丁至衛所當兵，軍人在衛所中輪流戊守以及屯田，屯田所得以供給軍隊及將官等所需。其目標在養兵而不耗國家財力，但明宣宗以後漸無法維持，軍人生活水準及社會地位日漸低下，逃兵也逐漸增加，軍備因此逐漸廢馳。

在嘉靖年間，應付倭寇之亂時，將領戚繼光在浙江地區採用招募民兵加以訓練的方式，來取代不堪的衛所兵。正因為明朝正規軍衛所軍的不堪用，故這些民兵，在明朝後期逐漸擔負起維持明朝有效統治的作戰部隊，而其中最為有名的就是戚繼光的召募以浙江人為主戚家軍，李如松的私人部隊遼東鐵騎，及袁崇煥所召募以遼東人為主的關寧鐵騎。

火器的發展

明朝的火器技術較高，不僅種類多，而且製造技術和性能也較前代提升明顯，與歐洲差距不大。火箭與鳥槍是明朝軍隊的主要輕型火器，地雷在明朝也很盛行，管形火器的發展尤為顯著。明朝中後期，西洋火器佛郎機、紅夷大炮等相繼傳入，明朝汲取其瞄準器等長處，火器技術迅速發展，形如軍事技術革命。學者梁柏力指出，中國的冷兵器時代行將終結，火器時代已在黎明，被認為有機會趕上歐洲，但這過程卻隨明朝滅亡而一度中斷。後來清軍利用了明朝和西方的技術和經驗，多次改良並製造出比明朝更有威力的火器，到了三藩之亂期間，中國的熱兵器技術回升到接近西歐的水平，這也是鄭成功能驅逐台灣荷蘭人，以及清康熙時期的清軍能夠擊退入侵黑龍江的俄羅斯士兵的原因之一。在簽署尼布楚條約其後的150多年內，清朝境內大致昇平，火器技術停滯甚至退化，直至鴉片戰爭時期。。

萬曆年間，日本火器技術領先中國，日本在萬曆援朝戰爭中一度佔據火力上風。明朝軍事家戚繼光批評當時多種形式的火器實際上並不實用，故一切禁之，以節靡費。亦有學者批評宋元明清歷代為維護政權穩定而封鎖火器科學，故意忽視研製者的新發明和新創造，甚至棄置不用，如明朝的趙士楨、畢懋康、薄玉和清朝的戴梓，他們的貢獻和成果都沒被恰當重視。

經濟

16、17世紀間，明代曾是世界上手工業與經濟最繁榮的國家之一。明代初期推行的海禁政策，使得商業受到一定的壓制，但明穆宗隆慶元年（1567年）廢除海禁後，海外貿易重新活躍起來，全盛時遠洋船舶噸位高達18000噸，占當時世界總量的18%，推進了中國與國際市場的聯繫，促使晚明中國白銀貨幣化的最終完成。明代手工業和商品經濟繁榮，出現商業集鎮，中國大陸學界認為出現「資本主義萌芽」，此說法仍然處于爭議之中。

農業

明朝初期，由於多年的戰爭加上通貨膨脹，且前朝元惠宗為治水加重徭役，經濟近乎在崩潰的邊緣。明太祖洪武年間實行休養生息的政策與移民墾荒，也實行屯田政策，軍屯面積佔全國耕地的近十分之一。此外，商屯也相當盛行，政府以買賣食鹽的專賣證（稱之為鹽引）作為交換，利用商人將糧食運往邊疆，以確保邊防的糧食需求，然而此方式並非以以物易物方式，而是要求鹽商先交錢再等曬鹽季再給鹽，卻又為稅收不足而將新產出的鹽另行外賣，延後交鹽給正規鹽商的時間，致使鹽商交了錢卻要三五年甚至十年後才拿得到鹽，卻又因身份管制而無法拋棄鹽商身份另行謀生，因此而家破人亡，私鹽亦大為流行。

明朝農業無論是產量還是生產工具，都高於前一朝代，番薯、南瓜、蠶豆、土豆、玉米、棉花等美洲高產作物在16世紀中葉時陸續傳到中國，尤其是棉花，已在全國普遍栽種。此外，較容易栽種的蕃薯和玉米，可以種植於土壤相對較貧瘠的地區，對於糧食需求日增的明清兩代尤其重要。

萬曆年間，耕地總面積超過七百萬頃，為明神宗萬曆年間開始的人口穩步增長提供堅實的基礎。而在南宋時流行的俗諺「蘇常熟，天下足」，由於長江下游地區城市居民的快速增加，及長江中游地區的快速開發，中晚明時，已經轉變為「湖廣熟，天下足」，意即當時主要的米糧生產區已經轉移到湖廣地區，也就是現在的湖北省和湖南省一帶。

隨著商業性農業的出現而發展起來的長途交通，有利於工商業的發展。晚明以後，湖廣的米開始被長途運送至江浙、閩廣等地區販售，使當地農民開始改種經濟作物。明太祖也曾派遣國子監下鄉督導水利建設，並以減免稅賦獎勵耕作。這些措施使得過去很多飽受戰亂損毀的地區恢復生氣，使明朝的經濟得到快速的恢復。

工業

明朝無論是鐵、造船、建築，還是絲綢、紡織、瓷器、印刷等方面，在世界都是遙遙領先，產量占全世界的2/3以上，比農業產量在全世界的比例還要高得多。明朝民間的手工業不斷壯大，而官營卻不斷萎縮，明朝後期，除了鹽業等少數幾個行業還在實行以商人為主體的鹽引制外，一些手工業都擺脫了官府的控制，成為民間手工業。

自明初年起，以江南地區為代表的手工業高度發展，松江潞安府全盛時有織機一萬三千張，促進市場經濟化和城市化，南京、臨清等城市「周圍逾三十里，而一城之中，無論南北財貨，即紳士商民近百萬口」。南京一地有眾多的陶瓷廠，每年可生產100萬件瓷器。景德鎮成為世界瓷都。制瓷使用旋坯車，不但提高生產效率，還使旋出的瓷坯更為精細和規格化。施釉方式以吹釉法代替刷釉法，使施釉更加均勻光澤。並且發展出彩色瓷器。冶鐵技術也有明顯的提高，由灌鋼冶煉法發展到蘇鋼冶煉法，是一種效率較高的煉鋼方法。

商業

商人地位的提高

明初期奉行「重本抑末」政策，甚至規定禁止商賈之家穿綢紗。明穆宗隆慶三年（1569年），大學士高拱上疏《議處商人錢法以蘇京邑民困疏》，反映商人的愁苦和商業的窘困，並奏請隆慶帝採取措施，革除宿弊。之後張居正提出農商榮枯相因，進一步肯定商人的作用。明代中後期商人地位有所提高，部分士大夫認為經商有成，在價值上也等同於讀書有得，「亦賈亦儒」「棄儒就賈」的現象也開始出現。此外，商業用的書也開始出現。商人為實用目的而編寫此類書籍，內容介紹貿易路徑沿途的交通、習俗及商品行情等。此類書籍現存最早者為《一統路程圖記》。此外，由於商業的發達，各地紛紛開始大量生產具有當地特色的商品，運銷他處，使得區域分工日益明顯。

貨幣及商幫

明朝初期，明太祖洪武年間嘗試使用「大明寶鈔」的紙幣，這種貨幣同樣經歷了迅速的通貨膨脹，它在1450年暫停發行，但是直到1573年仍在流通。直到明朝晚期李自成威脅北京時，這種紙幣才在1643年和1644年重新印刷。在明朝大部分時期，中國有一個包括所有重要交易的純私人貨幣體系。而整個貨幣體系轉向為以銀本位為主。從海外流入的白銀開始在南部省廣東作為貨幣使用，並在1423年傳到長江下游地區成為納稅的法定貨幣。各省稅收自1465年起以白銀的形式上交首都，灶戶從1475年起開始使用白銀支付，徭役豁免費從1485年起使用白銀支付。中國對白銀的需求部分通過西班牙人從美洲的進口得到滿足，特別是秘魯的波托西和墨西哥，在西班牙人1571年建立馬尼拉之後。但這時的白銀還沒有被鑄造。它們以重量為一個標準兩（約36克）的銀錠（被稱為元寶）流通，儘管其純度和重量在地區與地區間略有不同。

16世紀中葉之後日本和拉丁美洲的白銀大量流入也進一步促進中晚明經濟的發展，當時明朝佔有世界白銀需求量三成左右。明代經濟的另一個特色是城鎮經濟的繁榮，運河沿線由於往來商船不斷，周邊城市如濟寧、淮安、揚州等都非常發達。東南地區由於商品經濟繁榮，成為全國的經濟集散地。由於商品經濟的繁榮，明代形成按籍貫區分的商人集團，稱為「商幫」，如徽州商幫、晉陝商幫、廣東商幫、福建商幫、蘇州洞庭商幫、江西商幫等。這些商幫以「會館」為聯繫場所，互相支持，越做越大。

交易及貨品

明嘉靖、萬曆間，各地出賣絲綢、酒肉、蔬果、煙草、農作物、瓷器等商品不計其數，大量外銷賺取外匯所得；外國的不少東西在中國城市都有賣，如歐洲的西洋鐘、美洲的煙草，當時商業大都會以江南的商業城市最多，有南京、儀征、揚州、瓜洲、蘇州、松江、杭州與嘉興等，華中其他商業城市尚有漢口、南昌、淮安、蕪湖與景德鎮等，西南內陸有成都，華北有北京、濟寧與臨清等，而華南則有福州與廣州等。

生產總量及生產力

有觀點認為，明朝生產總量在全世界所佔比例在中國三千年曆史上是最高的。據英國經濟學家安格斯·麥迪森的研究，1600年明朝生產總量為960億美元，占世界經濟總量的29.2%，晚明中國人均GDP約600美元。據他研究，1500年中國生產總量（618億美元）已首次超過印度（605億美元）（這裡僅表明購買力平價，與財政收入是不同的概念）。部分中國學者如劉逖認為麥迪森高估了明朝的生產總量和人均生產總量，據劉逖指出國際公認的生存水平線是400美元，因此劉逖對麥迪森明朝數據做了調整，若以1990年的美元價值換算，1600年中國人均GDP在388美元、1610年在386美元、1620年在391美元、1630年在344美元、1640年在367美元，大幅低於麥迪森的600美元。

而隆慶年間的開關，進一步促進了當時中國經濟的增長。

文化

教育

明代教育發達，學校興盛，為唐宋所不及。明朝初期實行「科舉必由學校」的政策，明太祖多次強調：「古昔帝王育人才，正風俗，莫不先於學校。」並將學校列為「郡邑六事之首」，以官學結合科舉制度推行程朱理學，而不重視書院，書院因此沉寂近百年之久。也因此，明朝中早期最重要的教育機構也就是國子監。而各府、州、縣政府也皆立學校。府、州、縣學的學生稱為生員，俗稱秀才或相公。明初生員數目有定額，大致府學四十人，州學卅人，縣學廿人。明代中後期，地方官員六事皆舉者極少，「學校之政之修也久矣」，因此傳統書院再次承擔起培養科舉人才的重任。明代書院的創辦，以嘉靖年間為最多，據統計，明代書院共有1239所。書院的經費來源，大體上可以區分為官方撥置、和私人捐贈。由於政治上的牽連，書院屢遭劫難，歷史上共有四次禁毀書院的記載，但官方越是禁止，民間開辦的書院就越多。

科舉

科舉在明朝是正式的選拔官吏制度。科舉考試分為兩級，每三年舉行一次，稱為大比。科舉考試的內容主要是四書五經，考生必須用八股文做答。所謂股，即對偶之意。八股文萌芽於宋朝，形成於明成化以後。由於八股取士的制度，讀書人既不通經史，又不諳實際，嚴重束縛民眾智慧的進步。

文學及書籍

文學方面，中國小說史上的四大名著中的《西遊記》、《水滸傳》、《三國演義》（原本是《金瓶梅》後被三國代替）就是出於明朝。馮夢龍加工編輯的三部白話短篇小說集「三言」（即《喻世明言》《警世通言》《醒世恆言》）每部四十篇，共一百二十篇，主要是描寫青年愛情故事以及平民市井生活，最著名的如《杜十娘怒沉百寶箱》、《金玉奴棒打薄情郎》、《轉運漢巧遇洞庭紅》等；與「三言」類似每部四十篇的短篇小說集還有凌濛初編著的「二拍」以及1987年才被發現的《型世言》（陸人龍編著）。傳統雅文學的發展在明代繼續發展，著名文人有劉基、宋濂、高啟、方孝孺、唐寅、歸有光、徐渭、王世貞、袁宏道、錢謙益、張岱、吳偉業等人。散曲家則有王磐、馮維敏、薛論道、陳譯、康海等人。

萬曆時期，猛烈反對前後七子的擬古主義，有以公安袁宗道、袁宏道與袁中道為代表的公安派。他們認為文學是隨著時代的變化而變化的，有各個不同的時代，即有各種不同的文學。竟陵鍾惺、譚元春為代表的竟陵派主張獨抒性靈，並且乞靈於古人，目的為「引古人之精神以接後人之心目，使其心目有所止焉，如是而已矣」。

藝術

戲劇

明朝時期，傳統雜劇逐漸衰落，而傳奇劇走向繁榮。在嘉靖後期到萬曆初期出現三部優秀的傳奇作品，即《寶劍記》、《浣紗記》及《鳴鳳記》。明代戲劇的集大成者是湯顯祖。他的代表作是臨川四夢（即《南柯記》、《邯鄲夢》、《紫釵記》及《牡丹亭·還魂記》）。南戲在明朝也進入最繁盛的時期。明朝的文學與戲劇在對「情慾」的描寫上是較為開放的，例如《牡丹亭》一劇中就充滿許多對少女情懷的正面刻寫。

書法

明朝朝廷極力推崇書法，明朝書法以行書和草書為主。明初書法陷於台閣體泥沼，沈度學粲兄弟推波助瀾將工穩的小楷推向極致，「凡金版玉冊，用之朝廷，藏秘府，頒屬國，必命之書「。二沈書法被推為科舉楷則，於是台閣體盛行。明中期吳中四家崛起，書法開始朝尚態方向發展。祝允明、文徵明、王寵與唐寅是這個時期的代表，書法開始邁入倡導個性化的新境域。晚明書壇興起一股批判思潮，書法上追求大尺幅，震盪的視覺效果，有名的有張瑞圖、黃道周、王鐸與倪元瑞等，而帖學殿軍董其昌仍堅持傳統立場。

繪畫

明代的繪畫成就巨大，大致偏重於文人畫派，往上承襲唐、宋、元三代的體系，再經過充分發揮後而自成一家的。明代畫風迭變，畫派繁興。在繪畫的門類、題材方面，傳統的人物畫、山水畫、花鳥畫盛行，文人墨戲畫的梅、蘭、竹及雜畫等也相當發達。其中最興盛的山水畫派可分為氣勢恢弘的浙派、蒼勁活潑的院派與清麗縝密的吳派三種。著名的書畫家如擅長花鳥的徐渭、擅長人物畫的陳洪綬，「明四家」沈周、文徵明、唐寅和仇英，山水畫大師董其昌。明朝繪畫以山水和花鳥為主。人物畫和社會風俗畫相對較弱。明朝的雕像較多為城隍、孔子、關公、岳飛等為主。

明代晚期由于傳教士紛紛來華，西方近代繪畫也傳入中國，開始了東西方藝術的第一次正面交流。但由于東西方審美觀的差異，西方藝術的影響主要體現在西洋版畫藝術方面，尤其是坤輿圖、西方原版圖書以及聖跡畫對明代晚期的繪畫產生了重要影響。

File:Dai Jin. Travelers Through Mountain Passes. 61,8x29,7 Palace Museum, Beijing..jpg|戴進所繪《關山行旅圖》，山石大斧劈皴，水墨淋漓，豪放挺健，下筆較重，粗爌有力，氣勢充沛

File:Lv Ji Sweet Osmanthus Chrysanthemum And Birds.jpg|呂紀所繪《桂菊山禽圖》，生意流動，設色鮮麗；泉石布景，也點染煙潤，清新有致

File:Lofty Mt.Lu by Shen Zhou.jpg|沈周所繪《廬山高圖》，用墨濃淡相間，於滿幅佈局中有疏朗之感，故覺實中有虛

File:Tao Gu Presents a Poem by Tang Yin.JPG|唐寅所繪《陶穀贈詞圖》，不獨佈局得體，設色秀妍，而且理趣兼優，形神俱佳

File:Old Trees by a Cold Waterfall.JPG|文徵明所繪《古木寒泉圖》，一松一柏，相旁而生

File:Tree in Summer with the shadow.jpg|董其昌所繪《夏木垂蔭圖》，山川樹石、煙雲流潤，柔中有骨力，轉折靈變，墨色層次分明，清雋雅逸

建築及工程

明代的建築工藝創下新成就。南京和北京城池都是偉大的建築作品。應天府京城城牆營建於洪武二年，完成於洪武十九年，城牆周長達66里，一般寬10-18米，高12-15米，是世界上最長的城牆。南京城突破方正的格局，而是按照地理形勢修建。皇城位於東部，市肆和居民區位於南部，西北則是軍營。洪武二十三年起，明政府開始修建京師外郭城（即南京外城），周圍120里，開十六門，將雨花台和鍾山都包入其中。而北京城池則較為方正，體現皇權至上的思想。明朝的宮殿建築也十分宏偉，故宮即為例證。明朝各種歷制建築也十分嚴謹工整。天壇、太廟、社稷壇、孔廟都是十分巍峨莊嚴的建築。明代帝陵工程浩大，可謂歷代之最。而在明代被重建的萬里長城（明長城）更是舉世無雙的巨作，保衛明朝的邊疆，至今依然聳立。

File:Temple of Heaven.jpg|北京天壇祈年殿，始建於明永樂十八年（1420年），是天壇最早的建築物

File:Dongyang Luzhai 2015.05.24 16-19-59.jpg|浙江東陽盧宅

File:Kongfu.jpg|山東曲阜衍聖公府

宗教

明朝的興起與元末信奉明教與白蓮教的紅巾軍息息相關，所以明太祖建立明朝後對宗教採取抑制和利用兼並的政策。他主要希望阻斷摩尼教、白蓮教與彌勒宗等宗教組織再度變成反朝廷的起事軍，並且希望利用佛教、道教等宗教的力量來維護社會秩序。結果，得到「皇糧」全面保障的佛教與道教演變成缺乏精神上的創新追求，亦脫離廣大信眾，民眾轉而尋求民間宗教作為慰藉。

洪武元年（1368年），朱元璋登基以後，為了鞏固自己的統治，他在嚴厲禁止、鎮壓白蓮教等民間秘密宗教的同時，即大力提倡尊朱崇儒，確立儒家思想、並大搞神道設教，扶植佛教和道教。洪武年間，朱元璋不僅耗費大量財力和物力，修繕靈谷寺、天界寺、天禧寺、能仁寺、雞鳴寺、棲霞寺等許多佛教寺院，還修復、重建朝天宮等一批道教宮觀，「凡道家所號天帝之宮，靡不崇飾」。（註：《金陵玄觀志》卷1，商輅：《奉敕重建朝天宮》。） 他還撥給寺觀、宮觀大量田土、蘆蕩，免除其稅糧和差役，並多次召集名僧舉辦法會，自己親戴皮弁，腰插玉圭，率領群臣頂禮膜拜，或徵召道士，舉辦齋醮祈雨，自己「設槁席露坐，晝曝於日中，頃刻不移，夜臥於地，衣不解帶」，（註：《明太祖實錄》卷53，洪武三年六月戊午。）可謂虔誠至極。他還多次召見名僧、道士，賜坐講論，有些應對稱旨的僧人甚至擢為大官，充當心腹耳目。朱元璋還應僧、道之請，設立善世院、玄教院，後改為僧錄司、道錄司，以名僧、道徒總領全國的佛教、道教事務。為了擴大佛、道的影響，朱元璋又命四方名僧點校《大藏經》（即《洪武南藏》），令宗泐、如玘等僧人重新箋釋《般若心經》、《金剛經》和《楞伽經》，親自為《心經》作序；並仿效唐宋君主，親為《道德經》作注，撰成《御注道德經》二卷，還撰寫了《周顛仙人傳》，廣行刊布。 明朝官方還多次組織刊刻卷帙浩大的佛藏和道藏。佛藏除《洪武南藏》外，還有《永樂南藏》、《永樂北藏》、《萬曆續北藏》以及藏文的《大藏經》，道藏則有《正統道藏》和《萬曆續道藏》。

明朝流行對不同宗教兼容並取傾向，民間宗教性信仰、習俗多樣而活躍。基本精神在信仰自由主義、保持國家政治世俗性質、維持社會穩定和國家對社會的控制。集中體現這些政策精神的仍是儒家政治社會理念並倚賴士大夫群體的努力。其變動因素和矛盾來源，則在諸教向國家政權機關的滲透、皇室特殊化行為、民間泛神論多元信仰傾向、部分士大夫的信仰綜合主義。在此期間，回族的形成與猶太教的消亡，表現出作為外因的社會環境與作為內在動力的宗教本土化、世俗化運動，對宗教發展有著至關重要的影響。

明朝中期以後，佛教受皇室宗教活動加強的刺激與儒家的矛盾尖銳起來。這種矛盾促使部分士大夫強烈反對寺院修建並發表闢佛言論。明朝政府對藏傳佛教政策與對漢傳佛教政策有同有異。其重要差異之一是，明朝對藏傳佛教政策與對西部邊疆政策緊密相關，而對漢地佛教政策則於周邊關係政策基本無關。此外，部分士大夫以藏傳佛教為「番教」，認同程度遜於內地佛教。明朝一些皇帝因喇嘛多擅長某些「法術」，對其有特殊興趣，並因而導致士大夫針對相關政策的批評。道教起源於本土民間信仰，在明代與儒家士大夫的衝突比較和緩。但明朝君主中信奉道教者多，既影響到國家政治，也影響到士大夫與君主的關係。士大夫在反覆重申儒家原旨的同時，對道教的批評也日趨尖銳。民間宗教以最貼近下層百姓生活的組織形式和內容，滿足中下層民眾的宗教需求，甚至部分地滿足他們的政治要求和經濟要求。這是明朝中葉之後，民間宗教如火如荼發展起來的重要原因。明朝政府將民間宗教基本看作民俗，一般無幹預，對視為「陋俗」者加以排斥，在涉及秘密社會活動時則嚴厲禁止。

明朝還是信仰伊斯蘭教諸民族、藏傳佛教黃教的形成和發展，以及天主教在中國傳播的重要時期。伊斯蘭教在社會生活中相對封閉，在明代政策中大體上表現為一個民族政策問題而不是一個宗教問題，基本與國家以及其他社會成分相安無事。明朝中期以後，天主教再度傳入中國，當時士大夫尋求改革，明朝對天主教大致寬容。

哲學思想

哲學思想上，王陽明繼承陸九淵的「心學」並發揚光大，他的思想強調「致良知」及「知行合一」，並且肯定人的主體性地位，將「人」的主動性放在學說的重心。而王陽明的弟子王艮更進一部的強化此方面的論述，提出「百姓日用即道」，肯定平民百姓日常生活的意義。而李贄則更肯定「人慾」的價值，認為人的道德觀念系源自於對日常生活的需求，表現追求個體價值的思想。而隨著西學的傳入，科學精神與實學風尚也開始流行。明末之際，伴隨著朝代的更替與異族的入主，哲學家開始更多的思考現實問題與政治改良，如王船山、黃梨洲、顧亭林等。

而明代晚期書院的興盛，衝擊官學的地位。許多知識分子利用在書院講學之際藉機批評時政，例如曾講學於東林書院的顧憲成及高攀龍，就常諷刺時政，也使東林書院成為與當權派對抗的中心，進而造成東林黨爭。當時學者也會借用寺廟周邊的空地舉行「講會」，倡導新的思想價值與人生觀。

以顧炎武、黃宗羲、王夫之並為明末清初三大儒。顧炎武提倡「經學即理學」，提出以「實學」代替宋明理學，要學者直接研習六經。提倡「天下興亡，匹夫有責」，著有《日知錄》、《音學五書》等。黃宗羲有「中國思想啟蒙之父」之譽稱，著有《明儒學案》、《宋元學案》，是中國學術史之祖。他保護陽明學，排斥宋明理學，力主誠意慎獨之說，蔚為浙東學派。王夫之強調實際行動是知識的基礎，認為歷史發展具有規律性，是「理勢相成」。其思想發展成船山學，後人編為《船山遺書》。

以民為天下之主的思想於明末清初亦有所流行，例如生活在明末又經歷清初時期的黃宗羲和顧炎武、王夫之提倡民權，所著的《明夷待訪錄》攻擊君主專制體制，提倡天下為主，君為客的觀點，倍受清末革命黨的推崇。部分學者認為黃宗羲的思想是近代民主主義的思想，有西方學者稱黃宗羲為「中國自由主義的先驅」。

西學

西歐進入大航海時代後，葡萄牙意圖在中國建立貿易據點。1513年，葡萄牙國王曼努埃爾一世為想要與明廷通商，派出使節團前往中國。使節團本來想在廣州登陸，但被拒絕入境。他們改以武力佔據屯門，與明朝爆發屯門海戰、西草灣之戰，結果戰敗。最後明世宗嘉靖皇帝同意入境，並且讓葡萄牙人在澳門開設商行，允許他們每年來廣州「越冬」。其後西班牙、荷蘭、英國等國相繼派使團東來，使得不少西洋事物傳入中國。1582年，天主教傳教士利瑪竇奉命前往中國教區工作。利瑪竇很快學會中文，並穿儒服、通儒書，頗得明朝士大夫好感。後來他被舉薦到北京，頗得明神宗信任。他向中國進獻聖母瑪莉亞像、十字架、坤輿萬國全圖、西洋自鳴鐘、西洋大炮、西洋式望遠鏡、西洋式火槍、西藥等貢品，先後在北京、肇慶等地展出。

科技

學者李正煥認為明朝是中國科技發展的極其重要的時期，湧現出一大批集大成的科學家和許多不朽的科技名著，而金觀濤、樊洪業、劉青峰則認為自宋元兩代以後，中國的科學發展日益趨於停滯狀態。煉鐵量是用來評估國家產力的重要指數。在宋朝，中國每年的煉鐵量總和相當於18世紀的全歐洲總煉鐵量，在明朝，許多煉鐵廠被荒廢。

天文曆法

明朝初期的大統歷一直沿用元代授時歷，不准民間研究，下詣「國初學天文有厲禁，習曆者遺戍，造曆者誅死」，但天文導航、冶煉鋼鐵、商業數學等實用科技仍有許多重要成就。到了後期禁令被放寬後有學者編寫了一部天文著作，可是無人問津、不被重視且「未曾用之」，《大明律》規定：「造讖諱、妖書妖言及傳用惑眾者，皆斬。若私有妖書隱藏不送官者，杖一百，徒三年」，嚴厲處置撰寫、刊行、銷售或使用「妖書」的人。被送官燒毀的「妖書」名目有《換天圖》、《飛天歷》、《聚寶經》、《太上玄元鏡》等共計88種。明朝的大統歷是承襲元朝的授時歷，對日月蝕的預報早已不准，明朝開國一百多年後陸續有人建議改曆，被禮部以「古法未可輕變，請仍舊法」和「祖制不可變」的理由反對。明代欽天監的天文官們已無人能掌握元代郭守敬等製訂授時歷時所依據的原理和方法。利瑪竇憑藉西洋書本上的知識即可預測日月蝕，而欽天監的官員們卻一籌莫展。當徐光啟、李之藻等人打算用西法改曆而發動宣傳攻勢時亦引起了守舊勢力的反感。後來由於士大夫攻擊傳教活動，並謂私習天文為違反大明律，政府下令嚴禁，並將所有耶穌會士逐往澳門。

明太祖亦禁止人民進行科學研究，且鄙薄科學技術，認為皆是「無益」之物並加以毀壞：「明太祖平元，司天監進水晶刻漏，中設二木偶人，能按時自擊鉦鼓。太祖以其無益而碎之」。

學術著作

作明中晚期學術著作眾多，如李時珍的《本草綱目》、宋應星的《天工開物》、徐光啟的《農政全書》、方以智的《物理小識》、程大位的《算法統宗》、吳有性的《瘟疫論》、徐霞客的《徐霞客遊記》，這些科學家幾乎都是明朝有功名的士子。1637年宋應星在《論氣·氣聲》中對聲音的產生和傳播作出合乎科學的解釋，認為聲音是由于物體振動或急速運動衝擊空氣而產生的，並通過空氣傳播，同水波相類似。方以智在《物理小識》中提出：「宙（時間）輪于宇（空間），則宇中有宙，宙中有宇。」提出時間和空間不能彼此獨立存在的時空觀。在《物理小識》中正確地解釋蒙氣差（即大氣折射）現象。民間光學儀器製造家孫雲球製造放大鏡、顯微鏡等幾十種光學儀器，並著《鏡史》。

明朝宗室在技術上也有貢獻，朱載堉在世界上第一次正確地提出十二平均律，並在數學、天文學方面亦多有建樹；明初周王朱橚把四百餘種植物種于府內，並讓王府畫工將植物繪圖編製成書，名為《救荒本草》。《救荒本草》共記有植物414種，並詳細描述各種植物的形態、產地、生境、可食用部位和食用方法，是生物學歷史上的重要書籍。中晚明的軍事科技也有所進步，各種新式火器大量湧現，但也被當時的軍事家批評不實用。西方傳入的佛郎機火炮和紅夷大炮都在中國製造和使用。還有一些專門的火器論著出現，如茅元儀所著之《武備志》。

中西交流

明朝末期，隨著耶穌會傳教士和西學的傳入，中晚明的科學技術出現新的進步。在他們傳播教義的同時，也大量傳入西方的科學技術。當時中國的科學發展趨於緩慢，落後于歐洲。隨著西學傳入，使得中國的少數士大夫開始認識到西方學問之中有其優於中國之處，但這並未造成中國人對於中西學的基本高下看法有所改變。西學中主要受到注意的仍是技術方面如天文曆法、測量以及所謂的「西洋奇器」等，對於中國學術本身的影響衝擊亦不大。而當時傳入中國的學問非常多樣，也有一些士大夫著手與傳教士合作翻譯西方書籍或著書介紹西學，例如徐光啟就曾與利瑪竇合譯幾何原本。李之藻與利瑪竇合譯同文算指。在中西文化交流的同時，基於雙方文化的歧異及認知方面的不同，也引發一些衝突，例如南京教案等。

明朝數學的發展停滯，且遠比宋元落後，明朝中葉的著名數學家顧應祥與唐順之對「天元術」的茫昧不解，被認為是中國數學在十四世紀之後由盛而衰的一個見證。在明朝年間失傳了宋元兩代累積的數學知識，後來經過清代學者梅穀成等人重新發現並加以研究。駱祖英認為，整體而言，明代數學的整體水平並不比同期西方數學滯後，當時東西方數學水平相當。

社會

風氣

明代早期，社會風氣比較節儉。後期伴隨著商品經濟的發達以及政府控制力的下降，社會風氣轉向浮華與奢靡，不論士大夫或百姓，在飲食、居住、穿著、娛樂各方面都更為講究，甚至貧窮人家也追慕仿效，與過去儒家崇尚簡樸的風氣有很大的差別。商人的地位也明顯提高。時人張瀚曾言：「今之世風，上下俱損矣！」明初朱元璋認為「元以寬失天下」，因此要「救之以猛」，一改元朝優容江南士人的政策，採取各種措施打壓及迫害江南文人。有明一代，明廷便擬定江南重賦，「官、民田視他地方倍蓗」，並且規定「浙江，江西，蘇松人毋得任戶部」。仕宦的江南士人，或因黨案，或因文字獄之故，動輒獲罪橫死。

明朝的另一項重要社會風氣就是藏書之風。無論官方與民間皆好藏書。私家藏書尤為發達。天一閣是中國目前現存的最早的私家藏書樓。其創建者是范欽。在范欽去世時，天一閣藏書的總數達到七萬卷。天一閣對藏書嚴加保管，水火不入。也嚴禁外借。明代重要的藏書樓還有汲古閣、絳雲樓等。而私人刻書也逐漸發達，出現的彩印的套印等新工藝，印製的書籍量更是達到一個新的高峰，也使得書籍的讀者群更為擴大，各種通俗小說的出現也為平民百姓提供另一種娛樂。裝幀方法也得到改進，出現對後世影響深遠的線裝書。

貞節旌表的制度在明朝成為固定持續的制度，使得女性守貞守節從原本的典範理想成為一般性的風氣甚至規範。而纏足也在明朝逐漸成為社會上較普遍的習俗。此外，晚明社會風氣的開放，使當時成為中國歷史上才女文化最發達的時代之一。

城市化

16世紀的歐洲城市規模較小，1519年至1558年時期，擁有2萬至3萬人口即可稱為「大城市」。從城市規模和人口比例看，晚明中國的城市化程度反倒稍高一些。據伊懋可的數據，中國城市人口在明末占總人口的6%至7.5%。而學者曹樹基估計，1630年時中國城市化率已達到8%，略高于清代城市化率的7.4%。

明代百姓的娛樂風尚發達，「旅遊」一詞在中國歷史上首次出現。明代傢俱的樣式也進入一個新的階段，風格典雅，流傳至今者不在少數。園林藝術在明朝也非常興盛，代表著作是明代造園家計成的《園冶》一書，這是第一部全面總結私家園林的專著。

社會福利

明朝是中國古代社會福利最好的時期，在平定天下驅除胡虜之後，朱元璋一方面實施「與民休息」的經濟政策，另一方面推出了中國最早的福利政策。明朝的福利政策完備且有特色，對當時經濟的發展起到了非常積極的推動作用。明代出現了免費養老院、免費醫院和免費公墓等，而且對于60歲以上的老人，明朝政府制定了較為完備的養老政策。

飲食

明代的茶文化與酒文化也十分發達，民間盛行飲酒之風，酒令進入成熟的階段。各種新式茶色紛紛出現，紫砂壺也開始流行。酒樓茶館成為城市居民的重要休閒場所。

《烏青鎮志》記載萬曆年間，市井之家的宴席：「萬曆年間，牙人以招商為業。初至，牙主人豐其款待，割鵝開宴，招妓演戲，以為常。」

萬曆進士顧起元在《客座贅語》中記述南京風俗民情說：「今則服舍違式，婚宴無節，白屋之家，侈僭無忌。」

張岱在《陶庵夢憶》中記載了許多美食：「越中清饞，無過余者，喜啖方物。北京則蘋婆果、黃、馬牙松；山東則羊肚梨、文官果、甜子；福建則福桔、福桔餅、牛皮糖、紅腐乳；江西則青根豐城脯；山西則天花菜；蘇州則帶骨鮑螺、山楂丁、山楂糕、松子糖、白圓、橄欖脯；嘉興則馬交魚脯、陶莊黃；南京則套櫻桃、桃門棗、地慄團、窩筍團、山楂糖；杭州則西瓜、雞豆子、花下藕、韭菜、元筍、塘栖蜜桔；蕭山則楊梅、蓴菜、鳩鳥、青鯽、方柿；諸暨則香狸、櫻桃、虎慄；嵊則蕨粉、細榧、龍游糖；臨海則枕頭瓜；台州則瓦楞蚶、江瑤柱；浦江則火肉；東陽則南棗；山陰則破塘筍、謝桔、獨山菱、河蟹、三江屯怪、白蛤、江魚、鰣魚、里河。遠則歲致之，近則月致之，日致之。耽耽逐逐，的為口腹謀。」

葉夢珠在《閱世編》記述明末宴會：「肆筵設席，吳下向來豐盛。縉紳之家，或宴官長，一席之間水陸珍饈多至數十品。即庶士中人之家，新親嚴席，有多至二三十品者。若十餘品則是尋常之會矣。然品必用木漆果山如浮屠樣，蔬用小瓷碟添案，小品用攢盒，俱以木漆架架高，取其適觀而已。即食前方丈，盤中之餐，為物有限。崇禎初，始廢果山碟架，用高裝水果，嚴席則列五色，以飯盂盛之。相知之會則一大甌而兼間數色，蔬用大鐃碗，制漸大矣。」

明代筆記記載：「昔有一人，善制鵝掌。每豢養肥鵝將殺，先熬沸油一盂，投以鵝足，鵝痛欲絕，則縱之池中，任其跳躍。已而複擒複縱，炮瀹如初。若是者數回，則其為掌也，豐美甘甜，厚可經寸，是食中異品也。」。

衣著服飾

明朝服飾繼承了宋元兩代的式樣，但亦有一定程度的胡化，例如明代流行的曳撒就是繼承于元代蒙古人的腰線襖。中後期更出現了前代未見的形制款式如立領，以及于一件衣服的顯眼處大量使用鈕扣。至清朝期間逐漸被禁止，但仍有少數款式和特徵流傳至今。近代至現代朝鮮族、琉球族、京族的民族服飾（韓服、琉裝、越服）亦深受明朝服飾影響。

明代婦女的服裝，主要有衫、襖、霞帔、褙子、披風、比甲及裙子等，明中期出現立領。比甲的名稱，見於宋元以後，但這種服飾的基本樣式，卻早已存在。比甲為對襟、無袖，左右兩側開衩。隋唐時期的半臂，就是與比甲有著一定淵源關係。明代比甲大多為年輕婦女所穿，而且多流行在士庶妻女及奴婢之間。成年女性多戴狄髻，並於上面插上成套的飾物，稱為頭面。明代上襦下裙的服裝形式，與唐宋時期的襦裙最大差別在於明代的上衣並不束在裙外，這種款式稱為襖裙。比如立領、寬衣大袖緊袖口與大褶裙裝等，都是大明服飾的特色。勞動時常加一條短小的腰裙，以便活動，有些侍女丫環也喜歡這種裝束。上襦除傳統的交領外，到明中後期還出現立領。裙子除繼承前代的百褶裙、褶襉裙外，還出現了馬面裙。裙的顏色，初尚淺淡，雖有紋飾，但並不明顯。至中期則多飾以膝襴，有刺繡、織金、燙金等形式的裙襴。崇禎初年，裙子多為素白，即使刺繡紋樣，也僅在裙幅下邊一、二寸部位綴以一條花邊，作為壓腳。裙幅初為六幅，即所謂「裙拖六幅湘江水」；後用八幅，腰間有很多細褶，行動輒如水紋。到了明末，裙子的裝飾日益講究，裙幅也增至十幅，腰間的褶襉越來越密，此時出現一種裙子，每褶都有一種顏色，微風吹來，色如月華，故稱「月華裙」。腰間多掛上荷包、事件（小工具組合）等物品，裝飾與實用性兼備。明代崇禎年間出現一種以各色零碎錦料拼合縫製成的服裝，稱為水田衣，因整件服裝織料色彩互相交錯形如水田而得名。它具有其它服飾所無法具備的特殊效果，簡單而別致，水田衣的製作，在開始時還比較注意勻稱，各種錦緞料都事先裁成長方形，然後再有規律地編排縫製成衣。到了後來就不再那樣拘泥，織錦料子大小不一，參差不齊，形狀也各不相同，與戲台上的「百衲衣」（又稱富貴衣）十分相似。

明代男子常服、吉服、常禮服等，多用袍衫，有直身、直裰、道袍、道服、行衣、深衣等形制。上層社會及富家男子的便服面料以綢緞為主，上繪有紋樣，也有用織錦緞製作的，其制為大襟、右衽、寬袖，下長過膝。常服及吉服道袍、直裰、直身等，配以絲縧，勞動者多穿上衣下褲組成的裋褐。巾帽有多款，常見有幅巾、大帽、東坡巾、儒巾、飄飄巾等。

明太祖朱元璋詔令「衣冠制度悉如唐宋之舊」，因此明朝漢族男子服式沿襲大襟右衽交領和圓領這兩種傳統服飾式樣，又大量吸收元代服飾特點，發展出曳撒、兵笠等特色服飾。明代婦女的服裝，主要有衫、襖、霞帔、褙子、比甲及裙子等，衣服的多變與款式做工達到一個高峰。

人口

人數變動

元惠宗至正年間（1341年－1370年）全國發生多次大規模的災荒饑饉疾病和瘟疫，並最終促使紅巾軍起義爆發，期間造成人口大量減少。大明建立並統一全國後，明太祖實行休養生息政策，全國的農業生產在蒙元時代長期大規模戰爭而遭受極大破壞的背景下得到很大程度的恢復，加上洪武年間大規模向淮河以北和四川的荒無之地、墾荒填充移民，使人口得以穩定增長。到明太祖洪武廿六年（1393年）全國有6500萬人，其中民戶佔6175萬人，軍戶佔325萬人。北五省（北平、山西，山東、河南、陝西）人口有1755萬人，佔全國27%，其中山東最多，有5,462,850人，以下依次為山西（3,790,760人）、河南（2,825,300人）、陝西（2,646,450人）、北平（2,619,500人）。中五省（京師、浙江、江西、湖廣、四川）人口總數為3380萬，佔全國52%。其中，南直隸有11,291,460人；人口密度最高的蘇南太湖流域人口達6,320,300人，平均每平方公里220人；其次為浙江省，有9,959,270人；江西有7,260,000人，湖廣有4,318,420人，四川最少，僅1,314,260人。南五省（福建、廣東、廣西、雲南、貴州）總人口有1040萬人，佔全國的16%。

明朝戶口的峰值出現在明朝後期，但對於具體時間與人口數量，不同學者有不同說法。易中天認為，明末人口六千餘萬；趙文林、謝淑君認為1626年明朝達到人口峰值，實際人口大約有99,873,000人；王育民認為萬曆年間明朝人口達到峰值，實際人口在130,000,000人至150,000,000人之間；葛劍雄認為1600年明朝實際人口大約有197,000,000人，明朝人口峰值接近2億；曹樹基認為1630年明朝達到人口峰值，實際人口大約有192,510,000人，1644年實際人口大約有152,470,000人；而英國經濟學家安格斯·麥迪森則認為1600年明朝實際人口大約有160,000,000人。

根據南開大學王泉偉在《明代男女比例的統計分析——根據地方志數據的分析》一文當中的研究，明朝的性別比相當不平衡，明朝中期後，全國範圍內的性別比曾一度達到每100個女性中有150個男性的狀況，有些地區甚至出現每一百個女性中有大約300個男性的狀況；復旦大學中國歷史地理研究所的曹樹基也曾在《墓誌銘中所見明代人口結構》一文中提及明代性別比失衡、出現男性遠多於女性的狀況。

明世宗嘉靖末年美洲高產作物傳入後開始在明代人口最為稠密的江浙和嶺南地區普及和推廣，尤其是經過萬曆中興過後以較快速度穩定成長，到明神宗萬曆四十八年（1620年）根據當代學者研究估計達到前所未有的150,000,000人，分佈格局基本未變。崇禎十三年（1640年）到順治七年（1650年），由於戰爭、饑荒和瘟疫等造成中原地區死亡加大，特別是由於北方鼠疫和旱災的爆發、以及八旗入關掠殺和為防範漢人而進行有計劃的遷移，造成人口大量減少，只有原先人口總數一半不到，特別是經歷鼠疫大爆發的北方，人口降到不足20%。

戶籍制度

明代沿襲元代，將人戶分為民戶、軍戶、匠戶三等。手工業者為匠籍。也就是規定全國技術好的手工業工人必須於官營手工業部門服務的制度。匠籍、軍籍比一般民戶地位低，不得應試，並要世代承襲。若想脫離原戶籍極為困難，需經皇帝特旨批准方可。

明代定以前的匠戶為匠籍，並規定這些入匠籍的手工、工人子孫世代承襲，不得脫籍改行，但不同點在於明代時，他們不需永遠在王朝服役，而只要依規定每隔幾年輪班到京城服役一次即可，稱之為輪班匠。輪班匠的勞動是無償的，還由於到京城的路途遙遠，輪班匠仍然常常發生逃役的狀況，於是在明憲宗成化二十一年（1485年），朝廷便下令輪班匠可繳交銀兩折抵役期，稱為「匠班銀」。嘉靖四十一年（1562年）起，朝廷進一步改革匠役制度，輪班匠一律征銀，以銀代役，政府則以銀僱工。人身束縛大為削弱。但仍有部分工人留在官營手工業單位服務，匠籍制並未完全廢除。

人口遷移

明初為了恢復生產和發展經濟，政府有組織的把山西一帶的民眾遷到中原等人口較少的地區，史稱洪洞樹大移民。17世紀開始的全國性大旱災直接導致了全國性的大蝗災。也引發了波及差不多整個華北地區的鼠疫。人口大量死亡，災民大量離鄉。但因明末的動亂很快結束，而災民除死亡外，不久也回到了原籍，並未形成大規模的移民。

疆域

行政區劃

明朝大致上繼承元朝行政區劃，其一級地方行政區分置承宣布政使司（布政司）、提刑按察使司（按察司）與都指揮使司（都司）的都布按三司制度，分別掌管行政、司法與軍事等三種治權，防止地方權力集中。布政司通稱省，底下依序有道、府州與縣。道是明朝特別設置介於省和府州之間的行政單位，分為分守道和分巡道兩種，分守道為布政司的派出機構，負責監督協調府州行政，分巡道為按察司的派出機構，負責監督協調府州司法治安。府為明朝最主要的統縣政區，原為元朝的路，以稅糧多寡為劃分標準，糧廿萬石以上為上府，廿萬以下十萬以上為中府，十萬以下為下府。州與府同樣是統縣政區，但人口稅收比府少，地位也比府低。州按照其行政隸屬分為兩類，直轄于布政司的州稱直隸州，隸屬于府的稱散州或屬州。軍事區劃有衛、所兩級，但部分位于少數民族聚居區或邊疆軍屯區的衛所具有類似內地州縣的行政職能，行政上分別相當于府與縣。明代宗、明英宗時設有中央派出管理行政的巡撫與管理軍事的總督，地位在布政司與都司之上。為限制巡撫與總督的權力，又設有都御史制衡之。明朝最後有140府，193州，1138縣，493衛，359所。

承宣布政使司

承宣布政使司（布政司）主管地方行政，地位等同元朝的行中書省。明太祖原沿襲行中書省的稱呼，1376年時改為布政使司，通稱行省。明初設有十三個布政司與京師（非城市，地位等同布政司，轄現今江蘇與安徽兩省）。1380年胡惟庸案後撤廢中書省，京師及布政司直屬於六部之下。明成祖時期，於1407年到1428年間在原安南地區設置交阯布政司。於1413年設貴州布政司。為遷都北京，1403年將北平布政司升格為行在，1421年遷都北京後稱為京師（北直隸），原京師改稱南京（南直隸），形成「兩京十三省」的行政區劃。兩京為明朝首都北京與南京的正式稱呼順天府與應天府，其與其周邊州府分別合稱北直隸與南直隸，不設布政司，十三布政司為陝西、山西、山東、河南、浙江、江西、湖廣、四川、廣東、福建、廣西、貴州、雲南。明朝行政區劃設置大體符合山川形便之處，但仍有一些不合理之處，如南直隸地跨淮北、淮南、江南三個地區，語言文化上屬于太湖吳越區的蘇松地區歸入南直而非傳統上的浙江，秦嶺以南的漢中等地歸入陝西而非傳統上的四川，河南也佔據局部的黃河以北土地。貴州省呈現中間窄兩邊寬的蝴蝶狀。

都指揮使司

都指揮使司（都司）主管地方軍事，明太祖採用衛所制，於1370年於各省設置一都衛，1375年才設置都司管理。都司原隸屬大都督府，於胡惟庸案後析大都督府為五，分統諸軍司衛所。明朝一共設置十六個都司、五個行都司與兩個留守司。其中十三個是與布政使司同名的的都司，其他三個是萬全都司、大寧都司和遼東都司。五行都司是陝西（治甘州衛，今張掖）、四川（治建昌衛，今西昌）、湖廣（治鄖陽衛，今湖北鄖縣）、福建（治建寧府，今建甌市）、山西（治大同府）。兩留守司是洪武年間設置的中都留守司（今鳳陽）和嘉靖年間置於承天府（今湖北鍾祥）的興都留守司。屬羈縻性質的都司中，最有名的有統轄黑龍江和松花江流域、庫頁島的北半部的奴兒幹都司，在政教合一的青藏地區設置有烏斯藏、朵甘二都司（但這是否代表當時的西藏受到了明朝的統治存在較大的爭議，請參詳明朝治藏歷史），另有置於今甘肅、青海交界地區的哈密、曲先等衛。這些具羈縻性質的行政區劃與內地的都司、行都司性質不同。

巡撫與總督、督師

巡撫主理民政，原本是明宣宗時期派六部、都察院大臣以此為名義督撫地方行政，通常為三品侍郎級，但四品的僉都御史亦可擔任。到明代宗時正式形成一級行政區。總督於明英宗時設置，分短期與長期兩種，管轄數個布政司的軍務。通常轄有一至二個省，由二品尚書級官員擔任。而巡撫與布政司的轄屬關係不一，有的巡撫轄有有一個到兩個布政司，如正統年間的山西河南巡撫。有的是一個布政司上面有數個巡撫，如北直隸有順天巡撫（駐遵化）、保定巡撫（駐真定，今河北正定）、宣府巡撫（駐宣府鎮，今河北宣化，一度兼領山西大同府）三巡撫；南直隸有兩巡撫：應天巡撫（駐蘇州府，今江蘇蘇州）、鳳陽巡撫（駐淮安府，今江蘇淮安市淮安區）。有的巡撫管轄布政司與布政司之間的交界處，如南贛韶汀巡撫就跨越江西、廣東、福建三個布政司。督師于明末時設立，職位在總督之上，是明代最大的地方官，但並不是正式職位，而是一個稱呼，如盧象升曾總理陝、川、等七省軍務，便可稱督師七省。它是明末為應對農民軍的非常措施，存在時間並不長。

範圍變遷

塞北地區

明初武功強盛，多次對北元和隨後的韃靼和瓦剌作戰，並在與漠南一帶設置四十餘個衛所防衛，包括東勝衛、雲川衛、官山衛、全寧衛、老哈河衛等，這些都是明廷的邊防重地。其走向大致為陰山-大青山南麓-西拉木倫河一線。15世紀30年代後，由於天氣轉寒，農耕不濟，靖難之役時邊塞軍隊被燕王抽調。因此期間邊境略有南移。在明成祖永樂年間，明軍多次北伐，邊境形勢一度改觀。但在明中葉以後，隨著蒙古的再次崛起，邊境再次南移。並修建長城以防禦蒙古，在長城沿線設置九邊重鎮加強防禦。長城也成為明中後期的北邊，同時也是農耕區與遊牧區的界線。

東北地區

明太祖設置遼東都司以經營遼東。並多次進軍黑龍江流域，招撫當地土著部落，明廷勢力一度達到外興安嶺與黑龍江口。明成祖永樂七年（1409年）於黑龍江地區設置奴兒幹都司，然此都司並非常設機構，與東北130多個羈縻衛所不相轄屬，甚至庫頁島的北半部，明宣宗宣德九年（1434年）廢棄之，撤回在奴兒幹的流官駐軍，不過之後女真仍奉明朝為主，原設於此處的各衛所及遼東都司仍然存在，至萬曆年間衛所增加至384個，以對當地實行羈縻統治。明英宗正統年間後，韃靼兀良哈與建州女真部南遷，並不斷侵犯遼東都司。明憲宗成化五年（1469年），明廷修建遼東邊牆。16世紀末開始，建州女真酋長努爾哈赤開始興起，統一女真部，明廷設置的衛所逐漸消亡。明神宗萬曆四十四年（1616年）努爾哈赤稱汗，建國後金。明神宗萬曆四十七年（1619年）薩爾滸之戰後，後金軍隊破遼東邊牆，佔領遼東都司大部土地，明朝控制區一度僅至山海關，後在孫承宗、袁崇煥等將領的抗擊下，收複錦州以西地區。。

西北地區

明成祖永樂年間，西北疆界達到今新疆東部哈密地區，並設置沙州、安定、阿端、曲先、赤斤蒙古、罕東左一系列衛所。15世紀30年代之後，西北吐魯番與青海蒙古部日益強大。1472年，哈密衛城一度被吐魯番攻破，衛內遷，後復，1514年再度被並。16世紀後半期後，西北諸衛全部喪失，明軍退守嘉峪關。

西南地區

明朝在1381年才將雲貴地區完全劃入疆域，並設置一系列土司、宣慰司管轄之，除正式府州外另設有三宣六慰，永樂年間増設底兀刺、大古刺、底馬撒三個宣慰司。邊界達到緬甸中北部、老撾北部、泰國北部一線。但後期這些地區多被周邊國家所並。

明成祖永樂四年（1406年）明軍進攻安南，南線達到日南州一帶。次年設置安南布政使司，下設十五府、卅六州、兩百餘縣。後因當地人民反抗激烈，明廷於明宣宗宣德二年（1427年）放棄，安南恢復黎氏王朝。

明初吐蕃宣慰使何鎖南普等率吐蕃諸部歸降，後明廷在青藏高原地區設烏思藏、朵甘衛指揮使司，採取廣行招諭、多封眾建、因俗以治的治藏政策。在完成藏區的統一後，明太祖要求藏民輸馬作賦、承擔徭役，或蒸造烏茶、輸納租米，強調「民之有庸，土之有賦，必不可少」。永樂五年（1407年），明成祖派遣劉昭、何銘等人前往藏區設置驛站，永樂十二年（1414年），又遣中官楊三寶往藏區招諭各土官恢復驛站，經多年努力終使往來西番的驛道安全暢通。萬曆以後，明朝對邊疆控制日益鬆弛，蒙古人攻占了整個青海草原，朵甘都司遂廢棄。

東南地區

明朝前期，設澎湖巡檢司管理澎湖列島。

1553年葡萄牙人獲得在澳門停泊船隻權，1557年取得居留權，在清光緒十三年（1887年）中葡簽署《中葡和好通商條約》前，中國法律上一直擁有澳門主權。

1624年荷蘭人進入台灣南部，築熱蘭遮城。1626年西班牙人進入台灣北部。1642年荷蘭趕走西班牙，占領台灣大部。1661年，鄭成功進攻台灣，次年驅逐荷蘭人，攻占台灣。

南海及東南亞地區

明成祖永樂年間，積極開展對外聯繫，特別是派遣鄭和七下西洋，並積極對南海諸島進行勘察和經營。多次往返南海諸島的航行中而次次必登、必書南海諸島。《鄭和航海圖》以「石塘」、「石星石塘」、「萬生石塘嶼」為今之西沙、東沙、中沙和南沙群島之名。

永樂四年（1406年），鄭和船隊剿滅盤踞在舊港（今印尼巴鄰旁）的海盜陳祖義，在其地設立舊港宣慰司，首任宣慰使施進卿即由鄭和親自前往冊封。舊港宣慰司是為明朝最南方疆土，以控制南洋核心要衝地帶，也確保了明朝在南洋的權威，令海外貿易大興，還開啟了華人大規模開發南洋的時代。

民族

明朝時期各少數民族政權得到了迅猛發展，民族關係形勢也非常複雜。明前期，退居漠北的北元政權伺機南下擾明，企圖東山再起，成為明朝的心腹大害；明中晚期，白山黑水的女真族在首領努爾哈赤的帶領下，建立後金政權，並最終取代明政權。

明初武功實力最強，具開拓進取精神。在「大一統」思想的指引下，明朝以實力為後盾，注意使用軍事打擊和政治招撫相結合的策略，積極經略周圍邊疆地區，對後期民族關係思想的形成產生了重大的影響。同時，儒家知識分子劉基的夷夏觀在華夷易代之際也表現出開明與寬容的特色。後來仁宣之治時在民族關係上做出來調整，南北一同放棄大規模軍事征伐，採取「順則撫之，逆則御之」的守成求安思想。

土木之變後明朝對周邊少數民族也由進攻態勢全面轉向防禦，形成了「守備」為主的民族關係思想。隨著西南地區麓川土司勢力大增，大臣門對于是「剿」與「撫」展開爭論。到了孝宗期間，面對國計日艱、邊防日蹙，和北方的蒙古、女真等民族關係更加複雜的情況，明孝宗想在民族關係處理上想有番作為，讓邊臣獻策，比如馬文升的「撫安東夷」、「收複哈密」，楊一清的「關中奏議」，王鰲的「上議邊八事」以及丘浚的「嚴武備」、「馭夷狄」等；另外隨著明朝國力的衰微以及土魯番勢力的強大，哈密衛的「棄」與「守」成為當朝大臣討論爭鋒的焦點。世宗和穆宗統治時期邊患增多，北虜南倭使明朝疲于應付，特別是面對套寇屢屢犯邊，邊疆禍事不斷，曾銑等有識之士就收複河套問題多次上疏。穆宗在位期間實現了明蒙之間具有里程碑意義的隆慶和議，結束了蒙古各部與中原王朝近二百年兵戈交戰的局面。

神宗在位時爆發了萬曆三大征，雖然取得勝利，但是耗費了明朝人力物力財力，使國家日趨衰敗。內閣首輔張居正啟用大將李成梁和戚繼光，在遼東和薊鎮取得大捷。天啟至崇禎時明朝已衰落到不可收拾的地步，東北女真建立後金政權，不斷擾明。因此，朝廷任用遼東總兵熊廷弼、袁崇煥等人和女真對抗。同時在明清易代之際，明末思想家王夫之表現出特有的悲壯情懷和對華夷問題的反思，成為近代民族主義思想的濫觴。

明朝承襲傳統的華夷之辨民族思想，尊崇漢族，鄙視少數民族，並進一步強化。而明朝民族關係思想基本上是對傳統儒家民族觀「大一統」和「華夷之辨」思想的繼承和發展，同時又受到蒙元政權的影響，表現出「華夷一家」與「華夷之防」思想的矛盾與統一。但是消極、保守的邊疆政策不僅影響了民族關係的發展，對于一個整體的統一多民族國家的形成、發展，具有重大影響。

西北各族

回族

學術界一般認為明朝是回族最終形成的時期。元朝滅亡後，不斷有歸附明朝政府的回人，明初政府曾禁止蒙古、色目人更易姓氏，限制回族內部通婚，後來明廷支持對回民的漢化政策，讓回民改易漢姓。朱元璋「御製至聖百字贊」以及明皇室關于修建清真寺和保護清真寺宗教職業人員的諭旨，在一定程度上肯定了回族的宗教生活。明代學者陸容說：「回教門異於中國者，不供佛，不祭神，不拜屍。所尊敬者惟一天字。最敬孔聖人。故其言云：僧言佛子在西空，道說蓬萊往東海，唯有孔門真實事，眼前無日不春風。見中國人修齋記醮，則笑之。」大約經歷了200多年，在伊斯蘭教影響下，以回回人為主體，融合了國內漢、維、蒙等多種民族成分逐漸形成為新的民族共同體。在明末農民起義中，陝北和甘肅東部的回民在馬守應的率領下，成為當時張獻忠、李自成軍隊的主力之一。明末清初時期，米剌印、丁國棟在「反清複明」的口號下，率領了持續兩年的甘州起義。到了清代，回族社會政治地位降到了歷史上的最低點。

北部和東北各族

蒙古和女真

明朝邊境上最大的兩個威脅明朝安全的部族是蒙古和女真，時人稱其為東虜和西虜。在明朝初年武功強盛時，一度將蒙古驅至漠北，蒙古也因內亂分裂成韃靼、瓦剌等部而無力南侵。之後伴隨明朝的衰落，蒙古諸部中最有實力者稱霸於族內後，也多次進攻明朝，諸如瓦剌發起的土木之變和土默特部發起的庚戌之變，明朝的疆界因此內縮，也大大消耗明朝的國力。俺答汗後期開始於明朝通好，受封為順義王，其後的三娘子繼承和平的政策。明蒙之間邊境安寧和平，互通有無。這種情況直到後金控制蒙古後才告結束。明朝早期曾經設置奴兒幹都司來管理東北諸部，這一階段女真人作為明朝於東北地區排除北元殘餘勢力的盟友，雙方關係處於蜜月期，但中後期明朝採取「犁庭掃穴」等一些列不適當政策，對女真人進行歧視、限制、挑撥、分化甚至屠戮，激化當地矛盾。隨著東北的蒙古部和女真部日益強大，奴兒幹都司被廢，明朝在東北的控制力更是進一步下降。17世紀後，建州女真首領努爾哈赤統一女真各部，降服蒙古，於1616年建國後金，與明朝分庭抗禮。後金佔領遼東大部土地，曾對當地的漢人進行屠殺，並有入主中原的野心，嚴重威脅明朝的安全。1636年改國號大清，建立清朝，最終於1644年明朝滅亡後接替明朝統治中國276年的歷史。

吉里迷和鄂羅克

吉里迷，是明代對庫頁島的北半部上土著居民的稱呼。在羈縻衛所，吉里迷（是尼夫赫人）的囊哈兒衛，鄂羅克人的兀列河衛和波羅河衛。永樂九年（1411年），明朝在黑龍江下游東岸特林設奴兒幹都司，管理清代東三省。《重建永寧寺碑記》載：明欽差亦失哈等多次巡視奴兒幹地方，曾對海外的庫頁島的北半部。他們表示，「世世臣服，永無異意」。清代亦曾在此設姓長以統之。

西南

西藏

中國學者對於明朝對藏政策的主流見解是「因俗以治」、「多封眾建」、「羈縻懷柔」。明朝對西南藏族地區的治理基本承襲元朝統治管理的辦法。對西藏地區推行「多封眾建」的政策，先後分封三大法王和五大地方之王。同時，通過朝貢和回賜，互通有無，體現西藏與中央政治上的隸屬關係。明以來，藏族地區社會安定，經濟發展迅速，文化藝術繁榮，與中國內地的交往更趨廣泛和密切。美國漢學家認為，永樂帝是第一名積極尋求擴大與西藏關係的明朝統治者。

傣族

明朝時期傣族被稱為「百夷」，而且經營百夷地區主要通過土司制度，明朝還制定了其他政策、採取了其他措施加強明朝對百夷的統治。百夷地處西南邊疆地區，因此，明朝經營百夷的政策與明朝的西南邊疆的形勢發展息息相關。但由于明朝統治者的短視與誤判，以「析解麓川地」的錯誤政策經略這一地區，最終導致明末緬甸東籲王朝對中緬邊界中方一側領土的侵擾和「蠶食」，造成明朝西南邊界大幅內縮。

外交

朝貢體系

明朝初年，實施朝貢體制，朝貢貿易薄來厚往，許多日本人冒充朝貢使者來賺取好處。日本實際上是處於割據狀態，沒有統一的中央政權，很多到中國來冒充朝貢使者的日本人沒有日本政府的管轄，朝貢後他們滯留在中國沿海搶劫。這是明初的倭寇。為防止倭寇朱元璋就頒布海禁政策。從此之後，如果要來中國做生意，必需朝貢兼貿易，否則不予，這就是所謂的「朝貢貿易」，兼具有懷柔拉攏周圍國家的用途。明朝嚴格的貿易管制政策的影響導致正常貿易地下化，轉為走私貿易。貿易港集中地由廣東、福建轉往已成為殖民地的菲律賓、印尼。而海上的維持秩序角色由於中國官方的消失而導致海盜集團猖獗。由於海上貿易仍在暗處進行，美洲銀器又大量流入中國，銀開始成為流行的通貨。

海洋政策

海禁與鄭和下西洋

明初鑑於倭寇的猖獗，明初曾實施海禁政策，永樂年間，明成祖派遣航海家三寶太監鄭和率遠洋船隊七下西洋，最遠到達非洲東海岸，又派遣吏部驗封司員外郎陳子魯出使撒馬兒罕、吐魯番、火州等西域十八國，加強明王朝同世界各國的經濟政治上的往來，為中國走向世界做出貢獻，體現永樂王朝的鼎盛和開放，也能表現出明朝海洋政策具有外向型海權意識。後來明仁宗聽從朝中一些大臣的意見，認為下西洋過於浪費，收效不大，宣佈停止下西洋的活動。不到一年，仁宗病逝，宣宗朱瞻基繼位，改年號宣德。宣德五年閏十二月初六（1431年1月19日），派鄭和第七次也是最後一次下西洋。明憲宗年間，曾有太監向憲宗提議再次下西洋，於是皇帝下詔到兵部索要鄭和出使的海圖等資料。但由於劉大夏等官員認為下西洋為一大弊政，有害無益，因此將當年鄭和出海地圖等資料藏匿起來（一說銷毀），兵部尚書項忠命吏入庫搜索無果，再次下西洋一事於是作罷。

而相當長時段內領先于世界的明朝海軍，隨著保守海洋政策的施行，海軍實力迅速衰落。自唐宋以來中國的大航海事業，在明代出現衰退。儘管也有「鄭和下西洋」的驚世盛舉，但總的來說，海外貿易在整個明代的經濟體系中所佔比重不大。明代海禁約持續了兩百年的時間，其結果是關閉了民間對外貿易的通道。私人下海販易被視為違法，海外商船來華貿易也受到嚴格的控制。朝貢貿易則是唯一留下的貿易孔道，由官方壟斷專營海外貿易，並與朝貢制度嚴密掛鉤，從而形成朝貢與貿易合二為一的「貢市一體化」格局。明代學者王圻在《續文獻通考》中記述：「凡外夷貢者，我朝皆設市舶司以領之⋯⋯其來也，許帶方物，官設牙行與民貿易，謂之互市。是有貢舶即有互市，非入貢即不許其互市明矣。」日本學者內田直作認為：「明代之朝貢貿易，不論從貿易政策上或財政政策上講，都沒有重大的價值，只是舉揚所謂朝貢禮的服從關係而已。」由於朝貢貿易無視經濟法則，幾乎全靠國力的強盛來維持，因此在明初明太祖和明成祖之後，由於國力漸衰以及時勢發生變化，朝貢貿易也走向衰落，代之而起的是走私貿易。

隆慶開關

後來倭寇橫行，明朝加大海禁的力度，直到明穆宗隆慶元年（1567年）之後，倭寇逐漸平息，朝廷有鑒於對外貿易對沿海居民的重要性，才逐步有限度地對外開放，並開放福建月港為中國商民出洋貿易的唯一口岸，允許民間商船出洋遠販東南亞各地，惟日本不在通商範圍之內，去日貿易仍被視為「通倭」之舉，史稱「隆慶開關」。

來往國家

東亞

朝鮮

唐朝以來秉持著中華正統史觀的朝鮮一直都是以「藩國」自居，尊中原王朝為宗主國，但在歷代王朝中，朝鮮最為心悅誠服的卻是明朝。1392年，高麗王朝大將李成桂發動政變，建立了李氏朝鮮。上書朱元璋要求賜予「國號」，朱元璋認為「朝鮮」是古名，而且「朝日鮮明」出處文雅，因此裁定朝鮮為新國名。朝中關係進入了近三百年的相對穩定時期。明亡之後，朝鮮君臣無不思念明朝，最後修建了大報壇來紀念明朝皇帝，儘管此時朝鮮官方文書的紀年在明亡後早已採用清朝的年號，無論是私人文書，還是皇室的祭祀中，私下裡一概都是延用明朝紀年，以至于出現了「崇禎兩百多年」事情。

清朝基本上不幹涉朝鮮的尊明之舉，朝鮮對明朝的崇拜不僅沒有影響到對清朝的忠誠，反而讓清朝感到朝鮮是一個知恩圖報、講情重義的國度。康熙帝曾說：「觀朝鮮國王，凡事極其敬慎，其國人亦皆感戴。」

日本

倭寇對明朝的海疆構成嚴重威脅。但是倭寇的主要構成並非日本人，而是中國沿海一帶的破產流民。期間雖有朱紈和張經的抗倭，但最後都未能取得完全的成功。為防止倭寇的侵擾，世宗時期實行海禁，斷絕對日貿易。直到戚繼光等名將力行抗倭，倭寇才被剿清，海疆形勢才趨於平靜。豐臣秀吉統一日本後，意欲佔領朝鮮。萬曆廿年，日本進攻朝鮮，朝鮮國王逃到義州並派使節向明朝求救。明朝一度取得戰爭的勝利。中日一度進行和談。但萬曆廿五年後，日本再次進攻朝鮮，戰爭進入殭局狀態。萬曆廿六年，豐臣秀吉逝世，日本軍心動搖，結果撤軍。此即為壬辰衛國戰爭。這次戰爭嚴重削弱明朝與朝鮮兩國，明朝在張居正期間積蓄的國力大量被消耗，日本復又陷入分裂，女真部落成為相對的得益者。

琉球

苦兀

苦兀或稱苦夷，是明代對庫頁島的南半部上土著居民的稱呼。《敕修奴兒幹永寧寺碑記》、載：明代奴兒幹地方，曾對「海外苦夷諸民，賜男婦以衣服、器用，給以穀米，宴以酒食」。有人認為，「海外苦夷」（庫頁人）是指庫頁島的南半部上的阿伊努人。

安南

明廷於明宣宗宣德二年（1427年）放棄，安南恢復黎氏王朝的大越。

東南亞

占城

暹羅

1377年，朱元璋冊封阿瑜陀耶國王為「暹羅國王」，「暹羅」這一名稱正式固定下來，稱為中文語境下對泰國的稱呼。有明一代，阿瑜陀耶遣使臣訪問中國達112次，而中國也派使臣訪問阿瑜陀耶19次。

中亞

歐洲

葡萄牙

歐洲進入大航海時代後，葡萄牙人持續開拓前往印度、中國的航路，1511年葡萄牙佔領馬六甲（約今馬來亞地區）後，就意圖在中國建立貿易據點。明武宗正德七年（1513年），葡萄牙國王曼努埃爾一世為想要與明廷通商，派出使節團前往中國。使節團本來想在廣州登陸，但被拒絕入境。他們改以武力佔據屯門，與明朝爆發屯門海戰、西草灣之戰，結果葡萄牙戰敗。最後明世宗同意葡方入境，並且讓葡萄牙人在澳門開設洋行，修建洋房，允許他們每年來廣州「越冬」，這是西方列強第一次正式性的登陸中國。其後西班牙、荷蘭、英國等歐洲國家相繼派使團東來，使得不少西洋事物傳入中國。

西班牙

荷蘭

西學東漸

明神宗萬曆十年（1582年），利瑪竇奉命前往中國教區工作。利瑪竇很快學會中文，並穿儒服、通儒書，頗得明朝士大夫好感。後來他被舉薦到北京，頗得明神宗信任。他向中國進獻坤輿萬國全圖、自鳴鐘、日晷、西洋大炮、望遠鏡、火槍、西藥、聖母瑪莉亞像、十字架等貢品，先後在北京、肇慶等地展出。利瑪竇不僅傳播天主教，還啟發徐光啟、李之藻等人學習西學。另外他還將中國各種文化傳入歐洲，如儒家思想、佛道學說、圍棋等，可謂「貫通中西第一人」。另外，在明末時期有不少明朝軍隊曾裝備火器，尤其是西洋大炮。

君主列表

南明君主

History

Founding

Revolt and rebel rivalry

The Mongol-led Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) ruled before the establishment of the Ming dynasty. Explanations for the demise of the Yuan include institutionalized ethnic discrimination against Han Chinese that stirred resentment and rebellion, overtaxation of areas hard-hit by inflation, and massive flooding of the Yellow River as a result of the abandonment of irrigation projects. Consequently, agriculture and the economy were in shambles, and rebellion broke out among the hundreds of thousands of peasants called upon to work on repairing the dykes of the Yellow River. A number of Han Chinese groups revolted, including the Red Turbans in 1351. The Red Turbans were affiliated with the White Lotus, a Buddhist secret society. Zhu Yuanzhang was a penniless peasant and Buddhist monk who joined the Red Turbans in 1352; he soon gained a reputation after marrying the foster daughter of a rebel commander. In 1356, Zhu's rebel force captured the city of Nanjing, which he would later establish as the capital of the Ming dynasty.

With the Yuan dynasty crumbling, competing rebel groups began fighting for control of the country and thus the right to establish a new dynasty. In 1363, Zhu Yuanzhang eliminated his archrival and leader of the rebel Han faction, Chen Youliang, in the Battle of Lake Poyang, arguably the largest naval battle in history. Known for its ambitious use of fire ships, Zhu's force of 200,000 Ming sailors were able to defeat a Han rebel force over triple their size, claimed to be 650,000-strong. The victory destroyed the last opposing rebel faction, leaving Zhu Yuanzhang in uncontested control of the bountiful Yangtze River Valley and cementing his power in the south. After the dynastic head of the Red Turbans suspiciously died in 1367 while a guest of Zhu, there was no one left who was remotely capable of contesting his march to the throne, and he made his imperial ambitions known by sending an army toward the Yuan capital Dadu (present-day Beijing) in 1368. The last Yuan emperor fled north to the upper capital Shangdu, and Zhu declared the founding of the Ming dynasty after razing the Yuan palaces in Dadu to the ground; the city was renamed Beiping in the same year. Zhu Yuanzhang took Hongwu, or "Vastly Martial", as his era name.

Reign of the Hongwu Emperor

Hongwu made an immediate effort to rebuild state infrastructure. He built a long wall around Nanjing, as well as new palaces and government halls. The History of Ming states that as early as 1364 Zhu Yuanzhang had begun drafting a new Confucian law code, the Da Ming Lü, which was completed by 1397 and repeated certain clauses found in the old Tang Code of 653. Hongwu organized a military system known as the weisuo, which was similar to the fubing system of the Tang dynasty (618–907).

In 1380 Hongwu had the Chancellor Hu Weiyong executed upon suspicion of a conspiracy plot to overthrow him; after that Hongwu abolished the Chancellery and assumed this role as chief executive and emperor, a precedent mostly followed throughout the Ming period. With a growing suspicion of his ministers and subjects, Hongwu established the Jinyiwei, a network of secret police drawn from his own palace guard. Some 100,000 people were executed in a series of purges during his rule.

The Hongwu emperor issued many edicts forbidding Mongol practices and proclaiming his intention to purify China of barbarian influence. However, he also sought to use the Yuan legacy to legitimize his authority in China and other areas ruled by the Yuan. He continued policies of the Yuan dynasty such as continued request for Korean concubines and eunuchs, Mongol-style hereditary military institutions, Mongol-style clothing and hats, promoting archery and horseback riding, and having large numbers of Mongols serve in the Ming military. Until the late 16th century Mongols still constituted one-in-three officers serving in capital forces like the Embroidered Uniform Guard, and other peoples such as Jurchens were also prominent. He frequently wrote to Mongol, Japanese, Korean, Jurchen, Tibetan, and Southwest frontier rulers offering advice on their governmental and dynastic policy, and insisted on leaders from these regions visiting the Ming capital for audiences. He resettled 100,000 Mongols into his territory, with many serving as guards in the capital. The emperor also strongly advertised the hospitality and role granted to Chinggisid nobles in his court.

South-Western frontier

In Qinghai, the Salar Muslims voluntarily came under Ming rule, their clan leaders capitulating around 1370. Uyghur troops under Uyghur general Hala Bashi suppressed the Miao Rebellions of the 1370s and settled in Changde, Hunan. Hui Muslim troops also settled in Changde, Hunan after serving the Ming in campaigns against other aboriginal tribes. In 1381, the Ming dynasty annexed the areas of the southwest that had once been part of the Kingdom of Dali following the successful effort by Hui Muslim Ming armies to defeat Yuan-loyalist Mongol and Hui Muslim troops holding out in Yunnan province. The Hui troops under General Mu Ying, who was appointed Governor of Yunnan, were resettled in the region as part of a colonization effort. By the end of the 14th century, some 200,000 military colonists settled some 2,000,000 mu (350,000 acres) of land in what is now Yunnan and Guizhou. Roughly half a million more Chinese settlers came in later periods; these migrations caused a major shift in the ethnic make-up of the region, since formerly more than half of the population were non-Han peoples. Resentment over such massive changes in population and the resulting government presence and policies sparked more Miao and Yao revolts in 1464 to 1466, which were crushed by an army of 30,000 Ming troops (including 1,000 Mongols) joining the 160,000 local Guangxi (see Miao Rebellions (Ming dynasty)). After the scholar and philosopher Wang Yangming (1472–1529) suppressed another rebellion in the region, he advocated single, unitary administration of Chinese and indigenous ethnic groups in order to bring about sinification of the local peoples.

Campaign in the North-East

After the overthrow of the Mongol Yuan dynasty by the Ming dynasty in 1368, Manchuria remained under control of the Mongols of the Northern Yuan dynasty based in Mongolia. Naghachu, a former Yuan official and a Uriankhai general of the Northern Yuan dynasty, won hegemony over the Mongol tribes in Manchuria (Liaoyang province of the former Yuan dynasty). He grew strong in the northeast, with forces large enough (numbering hundreds of thousands) to threaten invasion of the newly founded Ming dynasty in order to restore the Mongols to power in China. The Ming decided to defeat him instead of waiting for the Mongols to attack. In 1387 the Ming sent a military campaign to attack Naghachu, which concluded with the surrender of Naghachu and Ming conquest of Manchuria.

The early Ming court could not, and did not, aspire to the control imposed upon the Jurchens in Manchuria by the Mongols, yet it created a norm of organization that would ultimately serve as the main instrument for the relations with peoples along the northeast frontiers. By the end of the Hongwu reign, the essentials of a policy toward the Jurchens had taken shape. Most of the inhabitants of Manchuria, except for the Wild Jurchens, were at peace with China. In 1409, under the Yongle Emperor, the Ming Dynasty established the Nurgan Regional Military Commission on the banks of the Amur River, and Yishiha, a eunuch of Haixi Jurchen origin, was ordered to lead an expedition to the mouth of the Amur to pacify the Wild Jurchens. After the death of Yongle Emperor, the Nurgan Regional Military Commission was abolished in 1435, and the Ming court ceased to have substantial activities there, although the guards continued to exist in Manchuria. Throughout its existence, the Ming established a total of 384 guards (衛, wei) and 24 battalions (所, suo) in Manchuria, but these were probably only nominal offices and did not necessarily imply political control. By the late Ming period, Ming's political presence in Manchuria has declined significantly.

Relations with Tibet

The Mingshi – the official history of the Ming dynasty compiled by the Qing dynasty in 1739 – states that the Ming established itinerant commanderies overseeing Tibetan administration while also renewing titles of ex-Yuan dynasty officials from Tibet and conferring new princely titles on leaders of Tibetan Buddhist sects. However, Turrell V. Wylie states that censorship in the Mingshi in favor of bolstering the Ming emperor's prestige and reputation at all costs obfuscates the nuanced history of Sino-Tibetan relations during the Ming era.

Modern scholars debate whether the Ming dynasty had sovereignty over Tibet. Some believe it was a relationship of loose suzerainty that was largely cut off when the Jiajing Emperor (r. 1521–67) persecuted Buddhism in favor of Daoism at court. Others argue that the significant religious nature of the relationship with Tibetan lamas is underrepresented in modern scholarship. Others note the Ming need for Central Asian horses and the need to maintain the tea-horse trade.

The Ming sporadically sent armed forays into Tibet during the 14th century, which the Tibetans successfully resisted. Several scholars point out that unlike the preceding Mongols, the Ming dynasty did not garrison permanent troops in Tibet. The Wanli Emperor (r. 1572–1620) attempted to reestablish Sino-Tibetan relations in the wake of a Mongol-Tibetan alliance initiated in 1578, an alliance which affected the foreign policy of the subsequent Manchu Qing dynasty (1644–1912) in their support for the Dalai Lama of the Yellow Hat sect. By the late 16th century, the Mongols proved to be successful armed protectors of the Yellow Hat Dalai Lama after their increasing presence in the Amdo region, culminating in the conquest of Tibet by Güshi Khan (1582–1655) in 1642, establishing the Khoshut Khanate.

Reign of the Yongle Emperor

Rise to power

The Hongwu Emperor specified his grandson Zhu Yunwen as his successor, and he assumed the throne as the Jianwen Emperor (1398–1402) after Hongwu's death in 1398. The most powerful of Hongwu's sons, Zhu Di, then the militarily mighty disagreed with this, and soon a political showdown erupted between him and his nephew Jianwen. After Jianwen arrested many of Zhu Di's associates, Zhu Di plotted a rebellion that sparked a three-year civil war. Under the pretext of rescuing the young Jianwen from corrupting officials, Zhu Di personally led forces in the revolt; the palace in Nanjing was burned to the ground, along with Jianwen himself, his wife, mother, and courtiers. Zhu Di assumed the throne as the Yongle Emperor (1402–1424); his reign is universally viewed by scholars as a "second founding" of the Ming dynasty since he reversed many of his father's policies.

New capital and foreign engagement

Yongle demoted Nanjing to a secondary capital and in 1403 announced the new capital of China was to be at his power base in Beijing. Construction of a new city there lasted from 1407 to 1420, employing hundreds of thousands of workers daily. At the center was the political node of the Imperial City, and at the center of this was the Forbidden City, the palatial residence of the emperor and his family. By 1553, the Outer City was added to the south, which brought the overall size of Beijing to .

Beginning in 1405, the Yongle Emperor entrusted his favored eunuch commander Zheng He (1371–1433) as the admiral for a gigantic new fleet of ships designated for international tributary missions. Among the Kingdoms visited by Zheng He, Yongle Emperor proclaimed the Kingdom of Cochin to be its protectorate. The Chinese had sent diplomatic missions over land since the Han dynasty (202 BCE – 220 CE) and engaged in private overseas trade, but these missions were unprecedented in grandeur and scale. To service seven different tributary voyages, the Nanjing shipyards constructed two thousand vessels from 1403 to 1419, including treasure ships measuring 112 m (370 ft) to 134 m (440 ft) in length and 45 m (150 ft) to 54 m (180 ft) in width.

Yongle used woodblock printing to spread Chinese culture. He also used the military to expand China's borders. This included the brief occupation of Vietnam, from the initial invasion in 1406 until the Ming withdrawal in 1427 as a result of protracted guerrilla warfare led by Lê Lợi, the founder of the Vietnamese Lê dynasty.

Tumu Crisis and the Ming Mongols

The Oirat leader Esen Tayisi launched an invasion into Ming China in July 1449. The chief eunuch Wang Zhen encouraged the Zhengtong Emperor (r. 1435–49) to lead a force personally to face the Oirats after a recent Ming defeat; the emperor left the capital and put his half-brother Zhu Qiyu in charge of affairs as temporary regent. On 8 September, Esen routed Zhengtong's army, and Zhengtong was captured – an event known as the Tumu Crisis. The Oirats held the Zhengtong Emperor for ransom. However, this scheme was foiled once the emperor's younger brother assumed the throne under the era name Jingtai (r. 1449–57); the Oirats were also repelled once the Jingtai Emperor's confidant and defense minister Yu Qian (1398–1457) gained control of the Ming armed forces. Holding the Zhengtong Emperor in captivity was a useless bargaining chip for the Oirats as long as another sat on his throne, so they released him back into Ming China. The former emperor was placed under house arrest in the palace until the coup against the Jingtai Emperor in 1457 known as the "Wresting the Gate Incident". The former emperor retook the throne under the new era name Tianshun (r. 1457–64).

Tianshun proved to be a troubled time and Mongol forces within the Ming military structure continued to be problematic. On 7 August 1461, the Chinese general Cao Qin and his Ming troops of Mongol descent staged a coup against the Tianshun Emperor out of fear of being next on his purge-list of those who aided him in the Wresting the Gate Incident. Cao's rebel force managed to set fire to the western and eastern gates of the Imperial City (doused by rain during the battle) and killed several leading ministers before his forces were finally cornered and he was forced to commit suicide.

While the Yongle Emperor had staged five major offensives north of the Great Wall against the Mongols and the Oirats, the constant threat of Oirat incursions prompted the Ming authorities to fortify the Great Wall from the late 15th century to the 16th century; nevertheless, John Fairbank notes that "it proved to be a futile military gesture but vividly expressed China's siege mentality." Yet the Great Wall was not meant to be a purely defensive fortification; its towers functioned rather as a series of lit beacons and signalling stations to allow rapid warning to friendly units of advancing enemy troops.

Decline and fall of the Ming dynasty

Later reign of the Wanli Emperor

The financial drain of the Imjin War in Korea against the Japanese was one of the many problems – fiscal or other – facing Ming China during the reign of the Wanli Emperor (1572–1620). In the beginning of his reign, Wanli surrounded himself with able advisors and made a conscientious effort to handle state affairs. His Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng (1572–82) built up an effective network of alliances with senior officials. However, there was no one after him skilled enough to maintain the stability of these alliances; officials soon banded together in opposing political factions. Over time Wanli grew tired of court affairs and frequent political quarreling amongst his ministers, preferring to stay behind the walls of the Forbidden City and out of his officials' sight. Scholar-officials lost prominence in administration as eunuchs became intermediaries between the aloof emperor and his officials; any senior official who wanted to discuss state matters had to persuade powerful eunuchs with a bribe simply to have his demands or message relayed to the emperor. The Bozhou rebellion by the Chiefdom of Bozhou was going on in southwestern China at the same time as the Imjin War.

Role of eunuchs

The Hongwu Emperor forbade eunuchs to learn how to read or engage in politics. Whether or not these restrictions were carried out with absolute success in his reign, eunuchs during the Yongle Emperor's reign (1402–1424) and afterwards managed huge imperial workshops, commanded armies, and participated in matters of appointment and promotion of officials. Yongle put 75 eunuchs in charge of foreign policy; they traveled frequently to vassal states including Annam, Mongolia, the Ryukyu Islands, and Tibet and less frequently to farther-flung places like Japan and Nepal. In the later 15th century, however, eunuch envoys generally only traveled to Korea.

The eunuchs developed their own bureaucracy that was organized parallel to but was not subject to the civil service bureaucracy. Although there were several dictatorial eunuchs throughout the Ming, such as Wang Zhen, Wang Zhi, and Liu Jin, excessive tyrannical eunuch power did not become evident until the 1590s when the Wanli Emperor increased their rights over the civil bureaucracy and granted them power to collect provincial taxes.

The eunuch Wei Zhongxian (1568–1627) dominated the court of the Tianqi Emperor (r. 1620–1627) and had his political rivals tortured to death, mostly the vocal critics from the faction of the Donglin Society. He ordered temples built in his honor throughout the Ming Empire, and built personal palaces created with funds allocated for building the previous emperor's tombs. His friends and family gained important positions without qualifications. Wei also published a historical work lambasting and belittling his political opponents. The instability at court came right as natural calamity, pestilence, rebellion, and foreign invasion came to a peak. The Chongzhen Emperor (r. 1627–44) had Wei dismissed from court, which led to Wei's suicide shortly after.

The eunuchs built their own social structure, providing and gaining support to their birth clans. Instead of fathers promoting sons, it was a matter of uncles promoting nephews.

The Heishanhui Society in Peking sponsored the temple that conducted rituals for worshiping the memory of Gang Tie, a powerful eunuch of the Yuan dynasty. The Temple became an influential base for highly placed eunuchs, and continued in a somewhat diminished role during the Qing dynasty.

Economic breakdown and natural disasters

During the last years of the Wanli era and those of his two successors, an economic crisis developed that was centered on a sudden widespread lack of the empire's chief medium of exchange: silver. The Portuguese first established trade with China in 1516, trading Japanese silver for Chinese silk, and after some initial hostilities gained consent from the Ming court in 1557 to settle Macau as their permanent trade base in China. Their role in providing silver was gradually surpassed by the Spanish, while even the Dutch challenged them for control of this trade. Philip IV of Spain (r. 1621–1665) began cracking down on illegal smuggling of silver from New Spain and Peru across the Pacific through the Philippines towards China, in favor of shipping American-mined silver through Spanish ports. In 1639 the new Tokugawa regime of Japan shut down most of its foreign trade with European powers, cutting off another source of silver coming into China. These events occurring at roughly the same time caused a dramatic spike in the value of silver and made paying taxes nearly impossible for most provinces. People began hoarding precious silver as there was progressively less of it, forcing the ratio of the value of copper to silver into a steep decline. In the 1630s a string of one thousand copper coins equaled an ounce of silver; by 1640 that sum could fetch half an ounce; and, by 1643 only one-third of an ounce. For peasants this meant economic disaster, since they paid taxes in silver while conducting local trade and crop sales in copper. Recent historians have debated the validity of the theory that silver shortages caused the downfall of the Ming dynasty.

Famines became common in northern China in the early 17th century because of unusually dry and cold weather that shortened the growing season – effects of a larger ecological event now known as the Little Ice Age. Famine, alongside tax increases, widespread military desertions, a declining relief system, and natural disasters such as flooding and inability of the government to properly manage irrigation and flood-control projects caused widespread loss of life and normal civility. The central government, starved of resources, could do very little to mitigate the effects of these calamities. Making matters worse, a widespread epidemic, the Great Plague in late Ming Dynasty, spread across China from Zhejiang to Henan, killing an unknown but large number of people. The deadliest earthquake of all time, the Shaanxi earthquake of 1556, occurred during the Jiajing Emperor's reign, killing approximately 830,000 people.

Rise of the Manchu

A Jurchen tribal leader named Nurhaci (r. 1616–26), starting with just a small tribe, rapidly gained control over all the Manchurian tribes. During the Japanese invasions of Joseon Korea in the 1590s, he offered to lead his tribes in support of the Ming and Joseon army. This offer was declined, but he was granted honorific Ming titles for his gesture. Recognizing the weakness of Ming authority north of their border, he united all of the adjacent northern tribes and consolidated power in the region surrounding his homeland as the Jurchen Jin dynasty had done previously. In 1610, he broke relations with the Ming court, and in 1618 demanded a tribute from them to redress "Seven Grievances".

By 1636, Nurhaci's son Huang Taiji renamed his dynasty from the "Later Jin" to the "Great Qing" at Mukden, which had fallen to Qing forces in 1621 and was made their capital in 1625. Huang Taiji also adopted the Chinese imperial title huangdi, declared the Chongde ("Revering Virtue") era, and changed the ethnic name of his people from "Jurchen" to "Manchu". In 1638 the Manchu defeated and conquered Ming China's traditional ally Joseon with an army of 100,000 troops in the Second Manchu invasion of Korea. Shortly after, the Koreans renounced their long-held loyalty to the Ming dynasty.

Rebellion, invasion, collapse

A peasant soldier named Li Zicheng mutinied with his fellow soldiers in western Shaanxi in the early 1630s after the Ming government failed to ship much-needed supplies there. In 1634 he was captured by a Ming general and released only on the terms that he return to service. The agreement soon broke down when a local magistrate had thirty-six of his fellow rebels executed; Li's troops retaliated by killing the officials and continued to lead a rebellion based in Rongyang, central Henan province by 1635. By the 1640s, an ex-soldier and rival to Li – Zhang Xianzhong (1606–1647) – had created a firm rebel base in Chengdu, Sichuan, while Li's center of power was in Hubei with extended influence over Shaanxi and Henan.

In 1640, masses of Chinese peasants who were starving, unable to pay their taxes, and no longer in fear of the frequently defeated Chinese army, began to form into huge bands of rebels. The Chinese military, caught between fruitless efforts to defeat the Manchu raiders from the north and huge peasant revolts in the provinces, essentially fell apart. Unpaid and unfed, the army was defeated by Li Zicheng – now self-styled as the Prince of Shun – and deserted the capital without much of a fight. On 25 April 1644, Beijing fell to a rebel army led by Li Zicheng when the city gates were opened by rebel allies from within. During the turmoil, the last Ming emperor hanged himself on a tree in the imperial garden outside the Forbidden City.

Seizing opportunity, the Eight Banners crossed the Great Wall after the Ming border general Wu Sangui (1612–1678) opened the gates at Shanhai Pass. This occurred shortly after he learned about the fate of the capital and an army of Li Zicheng marching towards him; weighing his options of alliance, he decided to side with the Manchus. The Eight Banners under the Manchu Prince Dorgon (1612–1650) and Wu Sangui approached Beijing after the army sent by Li was destroyed at Shanhaiguan; the Prince of Shun's army fled the capital on the fourth of June. On 6 June, the Manchus and Wu entered the capital and proclaimed the young Shunzhi Emperor ruler of China. After being forced out of Xi'an by the Qing, chased along the Han River to Wuchang, and finally along the northern border of Jiangxi province, Li Zicheng died there in the summer of 1645, thus ending the Shun dynasty. One report says his death was a suicide; another states that he was beaten to death by peasants after he was caught stealing their food.

Despite the loss of Beijing and the death of the emperor, the Ming were not yet totally destroyed. Nanjing, Fujian, Guangdong, Shanxi, and Yunnan were all strongholds of Ming resistance. However, there were several pretenders for the Ming throne, and their forces were divided. These scattered Ming remnants in southern China after 1644 were collectively designated by 19th-century historians as the Southern Ming. Each bastion of resistance was individually defeated by the Qing until 1662, when the last southern Ming Emperor died, the Yongli Emperor, Zhu Youlang. The last Ming Princes to hold out were the Prince of Ningjing Zhu Shugui and the son of Zhu Yihai, the Prince of Lu Zhu Honghuan (朱弘桓) who stayed with Koxinga's Ming loyalists in the Kingdom of Tungning (in Taiwan) until 1683. Zhu Shugui proclaimed that he acted in the name of the deceased Yongli Emperor. The Qing eventually sent the seventeen Ming princes still living in Taiwan back to mainland China where they spent the rest of their lives.

In 1725 the Qing Yongzheng Emperor bestowed the hereditary title of Marquis on a descendant of the Ming dynasty Imperial family, Zhu Zhilian (朱之璉), who received a salary from the Qing government and whose duty was to perform rituals at the Ming tombs. The Chinese Plain White Banner was also inducted in the Eight Banners. Later the Qianlong Emperor bestowed the title Marquis of Extended Grace posthumously on Zhu Zhilian in 1750, and the title passed on through twelve generations of Ming descendants until the end of the Qing dynasty in 1912. The last Marquis of Extended Grance was Zhu Yuxun (朱煜勳). In 1912, after the overthrow of the Qing dynasty in the Xinhai Revolution, some advocated that a Han Chinese be installed as Emperor, either the descendant of Confucius, who was the Duke Yansheng, or the Ming dynasty Imperial family descendant, the Marquis of Extended Grace.

Government

Province, prefecture, subprefecture, county

Described as "one of the greatest eras of orderly government and social stability in human history" by Edwin O. Reischauer, John K. Fairbank and Albert M. Craig, the Ming emperors took over the provincial administration system of the Yuan dynasty, and the thirteen Ming provinces are the precursors of the modern provinces. Throughout the Song dynasty, the largest political division was the circuit (lu 路). However, after the Jurchen invasion in 1127, the Song court established four semi-autonomous regional command systems based on territorial and military units, with a detached service secretariat that would become the provincial administrations of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. Copied on the Yuan model, the Ming provincial bureaucracy contained three commissions: one civil, one military, and one for surveillance. Below the level of the province (sheng 省) were prefectures (fu 府) operating under a prefect (zhifu 知府), followed by subprefectures (zhou 州) under a subprefect. The lowest unit was the county (xian 縣), overseen by a magistrate. Besides the provinces, there were also two large areas that belonged to no province, but were metropolitan areas (jing 京) attached to Nanjing and Beijing.

Institutions and bureaus

Institutional trends

Departing from the main central administrative system generally known as the Three Departments and Six Ministries system, which was instituted by various dynasties since late Han (202 BCE – 220 CE), the Ming administration had only one Department, the Secretariat, that controlled the Six Ministries. Following the execution of the Chancellor Hu Weiyong in 1380, the Hongwu Emperor abolished the Secretariat, the Censorate, and the Chief Military Commission and personally took charge of the Six Ministries and the regional Five Military Commissions. Thus a whole level of administration was cut out and only partially rebuilt by subsequent rulers. The Grand Secretariat, at the beginning a secretarial institution that assisted the emperor with administrative paperwork, was instituted, but without employing grand counselors, or chancellors.

The Hongwu Emperor sent his heir apparent to Shaanxi in 1391 to "tour and soothe" (xunfu) the region; in 1421 the Yongle Emperor commissioned 26 officials to travel the empire and uphold similar investigatory and patrimonial duties. By 1430 these xunfu assignments became institutionalized as "grand coordinators". Hence, the Censorate was reinstalled and first staffed with investigating censors, later with censors-in-chief. By 1453, the grand coordinators were granted the title vice censor-in-chief or assistant censor-in-chief and were allowed direct access to the emperor. As in prior dynasties, the provincial administrations were monitored by a travelling inspector from the Censorate. Censors had the power to impeach officials on an irregular basis, unlike the senior officials who were to do so only in triennial evaluations of junior officials.

Although decentralization of state power within the provinces occurred in the early Ming, the trend of central government officials delegated to the provinces as virtual provincial governors began in the 1420s. By the late Ming dynasty, there were central government officials delegated to two or more provinces as supreme commanders and viceroys, a system which reined in the power and influence of the military by the civil establishment.

Grand Secretariat and Six Ministries

Governmental institutions in China conformed to a similar pattern for some two thousand years, but each dynasty installed special offices and bureaus, reflecting its own particular interests. The Ming administration utilized Grand Secretaries to assist the emperor, handling paperwork under the reign of the Yongle Emperor and later appointed as top officials of agencies and Grand Preceptor, a top-ranking, non-functional civil service post, under the Hongxi Emperor (r. 1424–25). The Grand Secretariat drew its members from the Hanlin Academy and were considered part of the imperial authority, not the ministerial one (hence being at odds with both the emperor and ministers at times). The Secretariat operated as a coordinating agency, whereas the Six Ministries – Personnel, Revenue, Rites, War, Justice, and Public Works – were direct administrative organs of the state:

• The Ministry of Personnel was in charge of appointments, merit ratings, promotions, and demotions of officials, as well as granting of honorific titles.

• The Ministry of Revenue was in charge of gathering census data, collecting taxes, and handling state revenues, while there were two offices of currency that were subordinate to it.

• The Ministry of Rites was in charge of state ceremonies, rituals, and sacrifices; it also oversaw registers for Buddhist and Daoist priesthoods and even the reception of envoys from tributary states.

• The Ministry of War was in charge of the appointments, promotions, and demotions of military officers, the maintenance of military installations, equipment, and weapons, as well as the courier system.

• The Ministry of Justice was in charge of judicial and penal processes, but had no supervisory role over the Censorate or the Grand Court of Revision.

• The Ministry of Public Works had charge of government construction projects, hiring of artisans and laborers for temporary service, manufacturing government equipment, the maintenance of roads and canals, standardization of weights and measures, and the gathering of resources from the countryside.

Bureaus and offices for the imperial household

The imperial household was staffed almost entirely by eunuchs and ladies with their own bureaus. Female servants were organized into the Bureau of Palace Attendance, Bureau of Ceremonies, Bureau of Apparel, Bureau of Foodstuffs, Bureau of the Bedchamber, Bureau of Handicrafts, and Office of Staff Surveillance. Starting in the 1420s, eunuchs began taking over these ladies' positions until only the Bureau of Apparel with its four subsidiary offices remained. Hongwu had his eunuchs organized into the Directorate of Palace Attendants, but as eunuch power at court increased, so did their administrative offices, with eventual twelve directorates, four offices, and eight bureaus. The dynasty had a vast imperial household, staffed with thousands of eunuchs, who were headed by the Directorate of Palace Attendants. The eunuchs were divided into different directorates in charge of staff surveillance, ceremonial rites, food, utensils, documents, stables, seals, apparel, and so on. The offices were in charge of providing fuel, music, paper, and baths. The bureaus were in charge of weapons, silverwork, laundering, headgear, bronze work, textile manufacture, wineries, and gardens. At times, the most influential eunuch in the Directorate of Ceremonial acted as a de facto dictator over the state.

Although the imperial household was staffed mostly by eunuchs and palace ladies, there was a civil service office called the Seal Office, which cooperated with eunuch agencies in maintaining imperial seals, tallies, and stamps. There were also civil service offices to oversee the affairs of imperial princes.

Personnel

Scholar-officials

The Hongwu emperor from 1373 to 1384 staffed his bureaus with officials gathered through recommendations only. After that the scholar-officials who populated the many ranks of bureaucracy were recruited through a rigorous examination system that was initially established by the Sui dynasty (581–618). Theoretically the system of exams allowed anyone to join the ranks of imperial officials (although it was frowned upon for merchants to join); in reality the time and funding needed to support the study in preparation for the exam generally limited participants to those already coming from the landholding class. However, the government did exact provincial quotas while drafting officials. This was an effort to curb monopolization of power by landholding gentry who came from the most prosperous regions, where education was the most advanced. The expansion of the printing industry since Song times enhanced the spread of knowledge and number of potential exam candidates throughout the provinces. For young schoolchildren there were printed multiplication tables and primers for elementary vocabulary; for adult examination candidates there were mass-produced, inexpensive volumes of Confucian classics and successful examination answers.

As in earlier periods, the focus of the examination was classical Confucian texts, while the bulk of test material centered on the Four Books outlined by Zhu Xi in the 12th century. Ming era examinations were perhaps more difficult to pass since the 1487 requirement of completing the "eight-legged essay", a departure from basing essays off progressing literary trends. The exams increased in difficulty as the student progressed from the local level, and appropriate titles were accordingly awarded successful applicants. Officials were classified in nine hierarchic grades, each grade divided into two degrees, with ranging salaries (nominally paid in piculs of rice) according to their rank. While provincial graduates who were appointed to office were immediately assigned to low-ranking posts like the county graduates, those who passed the palace examination were awarded a jinshi ('presented scholar') degree and assured a high-level position. In 276 years of Ming rule and ninety palace examinations, the number of doctoral degrees granted by passing the palace examinations was 24,874. Ebrey states that "there were only two to four thousand of these jinshi at any given time, on the order of one out of 10,000 adult males." This was in comparison to the 100,000 shengyuan ('government students'), the lowest tier of graduates, by the 16th century.

The maximum tenure in office was nine years, but every three years officials were graded on their performance by senior officials. If they were graded as superior then they were promoted, if graded adequate then they retained their ranks, and if graded inadequate they were demoted one rank. In extreme cases, officials would be dismissed or punished. Only capital officials of grade 4 and above were exempt from the scrutiny of recorded evaluation, although they were expected to confess any of their faults. There were over 4,000 school instructors in county and prefectural schools who were subject to evaluations every nine years. The Chief Instructor on the prefectural level was classified as equal to a second-grade county graduate. The Supervisorate of Imperial Instruction oversaw the education of the heir apparent to the throne; this office was headed by a Grand Supervisor of Instruction, who was ranked as first class of grade three.

Historians debate whether the examination system expanded or contracted upward social mobility. On the one hand, the exams were graded without regard to a candidate's social background, and were theoretically open to everyone. In actual practice, the successful candidates had years of a very expensive, sophisticated tutoring of the sort that wealthy gentry families specialized in providing their talented sons. In practice, 90 percent of the population was ineligible due to lack of education, but the upper 10 percent had equal chances for moving to the top. To be successful young men had to have extensive, expensive training in classical Chinese, the use of Mandarin in spoken conversation, calligraphy, and had to master the intricate poetic requirements of the eight-legged essay. Not only did the traditional gentry dominated the system, they also learned that conservatism and resistance to new ideas was the path to success. For centuries critics had pointed out these problems, but the examination system only became more abstract and less relevant to the needs of China. The consensus of scholars is that the eight-legged essay can be blamed as a major cause of "China's cultural stagnation and economic backwardness." However Benjamin Ellman argues there were some positive features, since the essay form was capable of fostering 「abstract thinking, persuasiveness, and prosodic form」 and that its elaborate structure discouraged a wandering, unfocused narrative」.

Lesser functionaries

Scholar-officials who entered civil service through examinations acted as executive officials to a much larger body of non-ranked personnel called lesser functionaries. They outnumbered officials by four to one; Charles Hucker estimates that they were perhaps as many as 100,000 throughout the empire. These lesser functionaries performed clerical and technical tasks for government agencies. Yet they should not be confused with lowly lictors, runners, and bearers; lesser functionaries were given periodic merit evaluations like officials and after nine years of service might be accepted into a low civil service rank. The one great advantage of the lesser functionaries over officials was that officials were periodically rotated and assigned to different regional posts and had to rely on the good service and cooperation of the local lesser functionaries.

Eunuchs, princes, and generals

Eunuchs gained unprecedented power over state affairs during the Ming dynasty. One of the most effective means of control was the secret service stationed in what was called the Eastern Depot at the beginning of the dynasty, later the Western Depot. This secret service was overseen by the Directorate of Ceremonial, hence this state organ's often totalitarian affiliation. Eunuchs had ranks that were equivalent to civil service ranks, only theirs had four grades instead of nine.

Descendants of the first Ming emperor were made princes and given (typically nominal) military commands, annual stipends, and large estates. The title used was "king" (王, wáng) but – unlike the princes in the Han and Jin dynasties – these estates were not feudatories, the princes did not serve any administrative function, and they partook in military affairs only during the reigns of the first two emperors. The rebellion of the Prince of Yan was justified in part as upholding the rights of the princes, but once the Yongle Emperor was enthroned, he continued his nephew's policy of disarming his brothers and moved their fiefs away from the militarized northern border. Although princes served no organ of state administration, the princes, consorts of the imperial princesses, and ennobled relatives did staff the Imperial Clan Court, which supervised the imperial genealogy.

Like scholar-officials, military generals were ranked in a hierarchic grading system and were given merit evaluations every five years (as opposed to three years for officials). However, military officers had less prestige than officials. This was due to their hereditary service (instead of solely merit-based) and Confucian values that dictated those who chose the profession of violence (wu) over the cultured pursuits of knowledge (wen). Although seen as less prestigious, military officers were not excluded from taking civil service examinations, and after 1478 the military even held their own examinations to test military skills. In addition to taking over the established bureaucratic structure from the Yuan period, the Ming emperors established the new post of the travelling military inspector. In the early half of the dynasty, men of noble lineage dominated the higher ranks of military office; this trend was reversed during the latter half of the dynasty as men from more humble origins eventually displaced them.

Society and culture

Literature and arts

Literature, painting, poetry, music, and Chinese opera of various types flourished during the Ming dynasty, especially in the economically prosperous lower Yangzi valley. Although short fiction had been popular as far back as the Tang dynasty (618–907), and the works of contemporaneous authors such as Xu Guangqi, Xu Xiake, and Song Yingxing were often technical and encyclopedic, the most striking literary development was the vernacular novel. While the gentry elite were educated enough to fully comprehend the language of Classical Chinese, those with rudimentary education – such as women in educated families, merchants, and shop clerks – became a large potential audience for literature and performing arts that employed Vernacular Chinese. Literati scholars edited or developed major Chinese novels into mature form in this period, such as Water Margin and Journey to the West. Jin Ping Mei, published in 1610, although incorporating earlier material, marks the trend toward independent composition and concern with psychology. In the later years of the dynasty, Feng Menglong and Ling Mengchu innovated with vernacular short fiction. Theater scripts were equally imaginative. The most famous, The Peony Pavilion, was written by Tang Xianzu (1550–1616), with its first performance at the Pavilion of Prince Teng in 1598.

Informal essay and travel writing was another highlight. Xu Xiake (1587–1641), a travel literature author, published his Travel Diaries in 404,000 written characters, with information on everything from local geography to mineralogy. The first reference to the publishing of private newspapers in Beijing was in 1582; by 1638 the Peking Gazette switched from using woodblock print to movable type printing. The new literary field of the moral guide to business ethics was developed during the late Ming period, for the readership of the merchant class.

In contrast to Xu Xiake, who focused on technical aspects in his travel literature, the Chinese poet and official Yuan Hongdao (1568–1610) used travel literature to express his desires for individualism as well as autonomy from and frustration with Confucian court politics. Yuan desired to free himself from the ethical compromises that were inseparable from the career of a scholar-official. This anti-official sentiment in Yuan's travel literature and poetry was actually following in the tradition of the Song dynasty poet and official Su Shi (1037–1101). Yuan Hongdao and his two brothers, Yuan Zongdao (1560–1600) and Yuan Zhongdao (1570–1623), were the founders of the Gong'an School of letters. This highly individualistic school of poetry and prose was criticized by the Confucian establishment for its association with intense sensual lyricism, which was also apparent in Ming vernacular novels such as the Jin Ping Mei. Yet even gentry and scholar-officials were affected by the new popular romantic literature, seeking courtesans as soulmates to re-enact the heroic love stories that arranged marriages often could not provide or accommodate.

Famous painters included Ni Zan and Dong Qichang, as well as the Four Masters of the Ming dynasty, Shen Zhou, Tang Yin, Wen Zhengming, and Qiu Ying. They drew upon the techniques, styles, and complexity in painting achieved by their Song and Yuan predecessors, but added techniques and styles. Well-known Ming artists could make a living simply by painting due to the high prices they demanded for their artworks and the great demand by the highly cultured community to collect precious works of art. The artist Qiu Ying was once paid 2.8 kg (100 oz) of silver to paint a long handscroll for the eightieth birthday celebration of the mother of a wealthy patron. Renowned artists often gathered an entourage of followers, some who were amateurs who painted while pursuing an official career and others who were full-time painters.

The period was also renowned for ceramics and porcelains. The major production center for porcelain was the imperial kilns at Jingdezhen in Jiangxi province, most famous in the period for blue and white porcelain, but also producing other styles. The Dehua porcelain factories in Fujian catered to European tastes by creating Chinese export porcelain by the late 16th century. Individual potters also became known, such as He Chaozong, who became famous in the early 17th century for his style of white porcelain sculpture. In The Ceramic Trade in Asia, Chuimei Ho estimates that about 16% of late Ming era Chinese ceramic exports were sent to Europe, while the rest were destined for Japan and South East Asia.

Carved designs in lacquerware and designs glazed onto porcelain wares displayed intricate scenes similar in complexity to those in painting. These items could be found in the homes of the wealthy, alongside embroidered silks and wares in jade, ivory, and cloisonné. The houses of the rich were also furnished with rosewood furniture and feathery latticework. The writing materials in a scholar's private study, including elaborately carved brush holders made of stone or wood, were designed and arranged ritually to give an aesthetic appeal.

Connoisseurship in the late Ming period centered on these items of refined artistic taste, which provided work for art dealers and even underground scammers who themselves made imitations and false attributions. The Jesuit Matteo Ricci while staying in Nanjing wrote that Chinese scam artists were ingenious at making forgeries and huge profits. However, there were guides to help the wary new connoisseur; Liu Tong (died 1637) wrote a book printed in 1635 that told his readers how to spot fake and authentic pieces of art. He revealed that a Xuande era (1426–1435) bronze work could be authenticated by judging its sheen; porcelain wares from the Yongle era (1402–1424) could be judged authentic by their thickness.

Religion

The dominant religious beliefs during the Ming dynasty were the various forms of Chinese folk religion and the Three Teachings – Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. The Yuan-supported Tibetan lamas fell from favor, and the early Ming emperors particularly favored Taoism, granting its practitioners many positions in the state's ritual offices. The Hongwu Emperor curtailed the cosmopolitan culture of the Mongol Yuan dynasty, and the prolific Prince of Ning Zhu Quan even composed one encyclopedia attacking Buddhism as a foreign "mourning cult", deleterious to the state, and another encyclopedia that subsequently joined the Taoist canon.

Islam was also well-established throughout China, with a history said to have begun with Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas during the Tang dynasty and strong official support during the Yuan. Although the Ming sharply curtailed this support, there were still several prominent Muslim figures early on, including the Hongwu Emperor's generals Chang Yuqun, Lan Yu, Ding Dexing, and Mu Ying, as well as the Yongle Emperor's powerful eunuch Zheng He. Mongol and Central Asian Semu Muslim women and men were required by Ming Code to marry Han Chinese after the first Ming Emperor Hongwu passed the law in Article 122.

The advent of the Ming was initially devastating to Christianity: in his first year, the Hongwu Emperor declared the eighty-year-old Franciscan missions among the Yuan heterodox and illegal. The centuries-old Nestorian church also disappeared. During the later Ming a new wave of Christian missionaries arrived – particularly Jesuits – who employed new western science and technology in their arguments for conversion. They were educated in Chinese language and culture at St. Paul's College on Macau after its founding in 1579. The most influential was Matteo Ricci, whose "Map of the Myriad Countries of the World" upended traditional geography throughout East Asia, and whose work with the convert Xu Guangqi led to the first Chinese translation of Euclid's Elements in 1607. The discovery of a Nestorian stele at Xi'an in 1625 also permitted Christianity to be treated as an old and established faith, rather than as a new and dangerous cult. However, there were strong disagreements about the extent to which converts could continue to perform rituals to the emperor, Confucius, or their ancestors: Ricci had been very accommodating and an attempt by his successors to backtrack from this policy led to the Nanjing Incident of 1616, which exiled four Jesuits to Macau and forced the others out of public life for six years. A series of spectacular failures by the Chinese astronomers – including missing an eclipse easily computed by Xu Guangqi and Sabatino de Ursis – and a return by the Jesuits to presenting themselves as educated scholars in the Confucian mold restored their fortunes. However, by the end of the Ming the Dominicans had begun the Chinese Rites controversy in Rome that would eventually lead to a full ban of Christianity under the Qing dynasty.

During his mission, Ricci was also contacted in Beijing by one of the approximately 5,000 Kaifeng Jews and introduced them and their long history in China to Europe. However, the 1642 flood caused by Kaifeng's Ming governor devastated the community, which lost five of its twelve families, its synagogue, and most of its Torah.

Philosophy

Wang Yangmings Confucianism

During the Ming dynasty, the Neo-Confucian doctrines of the Song scholar Zhu Xi were embraced by the court and the Chinese literati at large, although the direct line of his school was destroyed by the Yongle Emperor's extermination of the ten degrees of kinship of Fang Xiaoru in 1402. The Ming scholar most influential upon subsequent generations, however, was Wang Yangming (1472–1529), whose teachings were attacked in his own time for their similarity to Chan Buddhism. Building upon Zhu Xi's concept of the "extension of knowledge" (理學 or 格物致知), gaining understanding through careful and rational investigation of things and events, Wang argued that universal concepts would appear in the minds of anyone. Therefore, he claimed that anyone – no matter their pedigree or education – could become as wise as Confucius and Mencius had been and that their writings were not sources of truth but merely guides that might have flaws when carefully examined. A peasant with a great deal of experience and intelligence would then be wiser than an official who had memorized the Classics but not experienced the real world.

Conservative reaction

Other scholar-bureaucrats were wary of Wang's heterodoxy, the increasing number of his disciples while he was still in office, and his overall socially rebellious message. To curb his influence, he was often sent out to deal with military affairs and rebellions far away from the capital. Yet his ideas penetrated mainstream Chinese thought and spurred new interest in Taoism and Buddhism. Furthermore, people began to question the validity of the social hierarchy and the idea that the scholar should be above the farmer. Wang Yangming's disciple and salt-mine worker Wang Gen gave lectures to commoners about pursuing education to improve their lives, while his follower He Xinyin (何心隱) challenged the elevation and emphasis of the family in Chinese society. His contemporary Li Zhi even taught that women were the intellectual equals of men and should be given a better education; both Li and He eventually died in prison, jailed on charges of spreading "dangerous ideas". Yet these "dangerous ideas" of educating women had long been embraced by some mothers and by courtesans who were as literate and skillful in calligraphy, painting, and poetry as their male guests.

The liberal views of Wang Yangming were opposed by the Censorate and by the Donglin Academy, re-established in 1604. These conservatives wanted a revival of orthodox Confucian ethics. Conservatives such as Gu Xiancheng (1550–1612) argued against Wang's idea of innate moral knowledge, stating that this was simply a legitimization for unscrupulous behavior such as greedy pursuits and personal gain. These two strands of Confucian thought, hardened by Chinese scholars' notions of obligation towards their mentors, developed into pervasive factionalism among the ministers of state, who used any opportunity to impeach members of the other faction from court.

Urban and rural life

Wang Gen was able to give philosophical lectures to many commoners from different regions because – following the trend already apparent in the Song dynasty – communities in Ming society were becoming less isolated as the distance between market towns was shrinking. Schools, descent groups, religious associations, and other local voluntary organizations were increasing in number and allowing more contact between educated men and local villagers. Jonathan Spence writes that the distinction between what was town and country was blurred in Ming China, since suburban areas with farms were located just outside and in some cases within the walls of a city. Not only was the blurring of town and country evident, but also of socioeconomic class in the traditional four occupations (Shì nóng gōng shāng, 士農工商), since artisans sometimes worked on farms in peak periods, and farmers often traveled into the city to find work during times of dearth.

A variety of occupations could be chosen or inherited from a father's line of work. This would include – but was not limited to – coffin makers, ironworkers and blacksmiths, tailors, cooks and noodle-makers, retail merchants, tavern, teahouse, or winehouse managers, shoemakers, seal cutters, pawnshop owners, brothel heads, and merchant bankers engaging in a proto-banking system involving notes of exchange. Virtually every town had a brothel where female and male prostitutes could be had. Male catamites fetched a higher price than female concubines since pederasty with a teenage boy was seen as a mark of elite status, regardless of sodomy being repugnant to sexual norms. Public bathing became much more common than in earlier periods. Urban shops and retailers sold a variety of goods such as special paper money to burn at ancestral sacrifices, specialized luxury goods, headgear, fine cloth, teas, and others. Smaller communities and townships too poor or scattered to support shops and artisans obtained their goods from periodic market fairs and traveling peddlers. A small township also provided a place for simple schooling, news and gossip, matchmaking, religious festivals, traveling theater groups, tax collection, and bases of famine relief distribution.

Farming villagers in the north spent their days harvesting crops like wheat and millet, while farmers south of the Huai River engaged in intensive rice cultivation and had lakes and ponds where ducks and fish could be raised. The cultivation of mulberry trees for silkworms and tea bushes could be found mostly south of the Yangzi River; even further south sugarcane and citrus were grown as basic crops. Some people in the mountainous southwest made a living by selling lumber from hard bamboo. Besides cutting down trees to sell wood, the poor also made a living by turning wood into charcoal, and by burning oyster shells to make lime and fired pots, and weaving mats and baskets. In the north traveling by horse and carriage was most common, while in the south the myriad of rivers, canals, and lakes provided cheap and easy water transport. Although the south had the characteristic of the wealthy landlord and tenant farmers, there were on average many more owner-cultivators north of the Huai River due to harsher climate, living not far above subsistence level.

Early Ming dynasty saw the strictest sumptuary laws in Chinese history. It was illegal for commoners to wear fine silk or dress in bright red, dark green or yellow colors; nor could they wear boots or guan hats. Women could not use ornaments made from gold, jade, pearl or emerald. Merchants and their families were further banned from using silk. However, these laws were no longer enforced from the middle Ming period onwards.

Science and technology

Compared to the flourishing of science and technology in the Song dynasty, the Ming dynasty perhaps saw fewer advancements in science and technology compared to the pace of discovery in the Western world. In fact, key advances in Chinese science in the late Ming were spurred by contact with Europe. In 1626 Johann Adam Schall von Bell wrote the first Chinese treatise on the telescope, the Yuanjingshuo (Far Seeing Optic Glass); in 1634 the Chongzhen Emperor acquired the telescope of the late Johann Schreck (1576–1630). The heliocentric model of the solar system was rejected by the Catholic missionaries in China, but Johannes Kepler and Galileo Galilei's ideas slowly trickled into China starting with the Polish Jesuit Michael Boym (1612–1659) in 1627, Adam Schall von Bell's treatise in 1640, and finally Joseph Edkins, Alex Wylie, and John Fryer in the 19th century. Catholic Jesuits in China would promote Copernican theory at court, yet at the same time embrace the Ptolemaic system in their writing; it was not until 1865 that Catholic missionaries in China sponsored the heliocentric model as their Protestant peers did. Although Shen Kuo (1031–1095) and Guo Shoujing (1231–1316) had laid the basis for trigonometry in China, another important work in Chinese trigonometry would not be published again until 1607 with the efforts of Xu Guangqi and Matteo Ricci. Ironically, some inventions which had their origins in ancient China were reintroduced to China from Europe during the late Ming; for example, the field mill.

The Chinese calendar was in need of reform since it inadequately measured the solar year at 365 ¼ days, giving an error of 10 min and 14 sec a year or roughly a full day every 128 years. Although the Ming had adopted Guo Shoujing's Shoushi calendar of 1281, which was just as accurate as the Gregorian Calendar, the Ming Directorate of Astronomy failed to periodically readjust it; this was perhaps due to their lack of expertise since their offices had become hereditary in the Ming and the Statutes of the Ming prohibited private involvement in astronomy. A sixth-generation descendant of the Hongxi Emperor, the "Prince" Zhu Zaiyu (1536–1611), submitted a proposal to fix the calendar in 1595, but the ultra-conservative astronomical commission rejected it. This was the same Zhu Zaiyu who discovered the system of tuning known as equal temperament, a discovery made simultaneously by Simon Stevin (1548–1620) in Europe. In addition to publishing his works on music, he was able to publish his findings on the calendar in 1597. A year earlier, the memorial of Xing Yunlu suggesting a calendar improvement was rejected by the Supervisor of the Astronomical Bureau due to the law banning private practice of astronomy; Xing would later serve with Xu Guangqi in reforming the calendar (Chinese: 崇禎暦書) in 1629 according to Western standards.

When the Ming founder Hongwu came upon the mechanical devices housed in the Yuan dynasty's palace at Khanbaliq – such as fountains with balls dancing on their jets, self-operating tiger automata, dragon-headed devices that spouted mists of perfume, and mechanical clocks in the tradition of Yi Xing (683–727) and Su Song (1020–1101) – he associated all of them with the decadence of Mongol rule and had them destroyed. This was described in full length by the Divisional Director of the Ministry of Works, Xiao Xun, who also carefully preserved details on the architecture and layout of the Yuan dynasty palace. Later, European Jesuits such as Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault would briefly mention indigenous Chinese clockworks that featured drive wheels. However, both Ricci and Trigault were quick to point out that 16th-century European clockworks were far more advanced than the common time keeping devices in China, which they listed as water clocks, incense clocks, and "other instruments ... with wheels rotated by sand as if by water" (Chinese: 沙漏). Chinese records – namely the Yuan Shi – describe the 'five-wheeled sand clock', a mechanism pioneered by Zhan Xiyuan (fl. 1360–80) which featured the scoop wheel of Su Song's earlier astronomical clock and a stationary dial face over which a pointer circulated, similar to European models of the time. This sand-driven wheel clock was improved upon by Zhou Shuxue (fl. 1530–58) who added a fourth large gear wheel, changed gear ratios, and widened the orifice for collecting sand grains since he criticized the earlier model for clogging up too often.

The Chinese were intrigued with European technology, but so were visiting Europeans of Chinese technology. In 1584, Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598) featured in his atlas Theatrum Orbis Terrarum the peculiar Chinese innovation of mounting masts and sails onto carriages, just like Chinese ships. Gonzales de Mendoza also mentioned this a year later – noting even the designs of them on Chinese silken robes – while Gerardus Mercator (1512–1594) featured them in his atlas, John Milton (1608–1674) in one of his famous poems, and Andreas Everardus van Braam Houckgeest (1739–1801) in the writings of his travel diary in China.

The encyclopedist Song Yingxing (1587–1666) documented a wide array of technologies, metallurgic and industrial processes in his Tiangong Kaiwu encyclopedia of 1637. This includes mechanical and hydraulic powered devices for agriculture and irrigation, nautical technology such as vessel types and snorkeling gear for pearl divers, the annual processes of sericulture and weaving with the loom, metallurgic processes such as the crucible technique and quenching, manufacturing processes such as for roasting iron pyrite in converting sulphide to oxide in sulfur used in gunpowder compositions – illustrating how ore was piled up with coal briquettes in an earthen furnace with a still-head that sent over sulfur as vapor that would solidify and crystallize – and the use of gunpowder weapons such as a naval mine ignited by use of a rip-cord and steel flint wheel.

Focusing on agriculture in his Nongzheng Quanshu, the agronomist Xu Guangqi (1562–1633) took an interest in irrigation, fertilizers, famine relief, economic and textile crops, and empirical observation of the elements that gave insight into early understandings of chemistry.

There were many advances and new designs in gunpowder weapons during the beginning of the dynasty, but by the mid to late Ming the Chinese began to frequently employ European-style artillery and firearms. The Huolongjing, compiled by Jiao Yu and Liu Bowen sometime before the latter's death on 16 May 1375 (with a preface added by Jiao in 1412), featured many types of cutting-edge gunpowder weaponry for the time. This includes hollow, gunpowder-filled exploding cannonballs, land mines that used a complex trigger mechanism of falling weights, pins, and a steel wheellock to ignite the train of fuses, naval mines, fin-mounted winged rockets for aerodynamic control, multistage rockets propelled by booster rockets before igniting a swarm of smaller rockets issuing forth from the end of the missile (shaped like a dragon's head), and hand cannons that had up to ten barrels.

Li Shizhen (1518–1593) – one of the most renowned pharmacologists and physicians in Chinese history – belonged to the late Ming period. His Bencao Gangmu is a medical text with 1,892 entries, each entry with its own name called a gang. The mu in the title refers to the synonyms of each name. Inoculation, although it can be traced to earlier Chinese folk medicine, was detailed in Chinese texts by the sixteenth century. Throughout the Ming dynasty, around fifty texts were published on the treatment of smallpox. In regards to oral hygiene, the ancient Egyptians had a primitive toothbrush of a twig frayed at the end, but the Chinese were the first to invent the modern bristle toothbrush in 1498, although it used stiff pig hair.

Population

Sinologist historians debate the population figures for each era in the Ming dynasty. The historian Timothy Brook notes that the Ming government census figures are dubious since fiscal obligations prompted many families to underreport the number of people in their households and many county officials to underreport the number of households in their jurisdiction. Children were often underreported, especially female children, as shown by skewed population statistics throughout the Ming. Even adult women were underreported; for example, the Daming Prefecture in North Zhili reported a population of 378,167 males and 226,982 females in 1502. The government attempted to revise the census figures using estimates of the expected average number of people in each household, but this did not solve the widespread problem of tax registration. Some part of the gender imbalance may be attributed to the practice of female infanticide. The practice is well documented in China, going back over two thousand years, and it was described as "rampant" and "practiced by almost every family" by contemporary authors. However, the dramatically skewed sex ratios, which many counties reported exceeding 2:1 by 1586, cannot likely be explained by infanticide alone.

The number of people counted in the census of 1381 was 59,873,305; however, this number dropped significantly when the government found that some 3 million people were missing from the tax census of 1391. Even though underreporting figures was made a capital crime in 1381, the need for survival pushed many to abandon the tax registration and wander from their region, where Hongwu had attempted to impose rigid immobility on the populace. The government tried to mitigate this by creating their own conservative estimate of 60,545,812 people in 1393. In his Studies on the Population of China, Ho Ping-ti suggests revising the 1393 census to 65 million people, noting that large areas of North China and frontier areas were not counted in that census. Brook states that the population figures gathered in the official censuses after 1393 ranged between 51 and 62 million, while the population was in fact increasing. Even the Hongzhi Emperor (r. 1487–1505) remarked that the daily increase in subjects coincided with the daily dwindling amount of registered civilians and soldiers. William Atwell states that around 1400 the population of China was perhaps 90 million people, citing Heijdra and Mote.

Historians are now turning to local gazetteers of Ming China for clues that would show consistent growth in population. Using the gazetteers, Brook estimates that the overall population under the Chenghua Emperor (r. 1464–87) was roughly 75 million, despite mid-Ming census figures hovering around 62 million. While prefectures across the empire in the mid-Ming period were reporting either a drop in or stagnant population size, local gazetteers reported massive amounts of incoming vagrant workers with not enough good cultivated land for them to till, so that many would become drifters, conmen, or wood-cutters that contributed to deforestation. The Hongzhi and Zhengde emperors lessened the penalties against those who had fled their home region, while the Jiajing Emperor (r. 1521–67) finally had officials register migrants wherever they had moved or fled in order to bring in more revenues.

Even with the Jiajing reforms to document migrant workers and merchants, by the late Ming era the government census still did not accurately reflect the enormous growth in population. Gazetteers across the empire noted this and made their own estimations of the overall population in the Ming, some guessing that it had doubled, tripled, or even grown fivefold since 1368. Fairbank estimates that the population was perhaps 160 million in the late Ming dynasty, while Brook estimates 175 million, and Ebrey states perhaps as large as 200 million. However, the Great Plague in late Ming Dynasty, a great epidemic that started in Shanxi Province in 1633, ravaged the densely populated areas along the Grand Canal; a gazetteer in northern Zhejiang noted more than half the population fell ill that year and that 90% of the local populace in one area was dead by 1642.