国号及称呼

朱元璋早期给新的王朝定名为大中，后正式定国号为「大明」，是元朝以来中国历史上第二个把「大」字加于正式国号之中的大一统王朝，又称皇明，后世称为明朝或明代，又因皇室姓朱，又称朱明。1644年4月24日（旧历三月十八），明朝首都沦陷后，明朝宗室在江南地区建立政权仍沿用大明国号，史称南明或后明，清廷则称为伪明，一直坚持到1662年。而郑成功、郑经等郑家势力在台湾建立了政权，仍奉明朝为正朔，史称明郑或东宁王国。

部分人认为明朝之号承袭自小明王韩林儿之号，但韩林儿的国号为宋，而朱元璋部的大旗「山河奄有中华地，日月重开大宋天」、「九天日月开黄道，宋国江山复宝图」反而有些关系。

明史研究者吴晗认为明之得号出于明教，原因是朱元璋手下有一部分明教徒，以「大明」为国号以表示自己的正统地位，亦同时应和明教中的「明王出世」预言。其次，以明喻火，根据五德终始说，表示明朝取代元朝，是以火克金。明教在唐朝武则天延载年间，传到中国，但是一直保持神秘，因为明教宣传的是「弥勒降生，明王下世」。一些反抗朝廷的人经常藉助于明教来号召群众，为了保护自己，明教就跟佛教拉上关系，和佛教的白莲宗拉上关系，最后就形成了白莲教。所以从唐朝、宋朝、元朝明教是时而浮出，时而潜入地下，但是常常用作反抗朝廷的武器。

但七十年代，学界开始有人质疑「明王」是否出于明教。八十年代初，杨讷阅读现存所有元代白莲教史料后，否定吴晗学说。他除指出吴晗论文方法上的错误，及引证史料之疏漏外，并以传世史料，证实元末起事者所提「弥勒佛下生」与「明王出世」口号，均与明教无涉，而出于佛教经典。但不论吴含或杨讷，都是从宗教角度来探究。

2014年，北京大学博士生杜洪涛突破了吴晗学说窠臼，循元明承续的思路，参照赵翼大元国号出自《易经·乾卦》「大哉乾元」文义，而主张大明国号亦出自《易经·乾卦》「大明终始」这一字句。易经原文：「大哉乾元，万物资始，乃统天。云行雨施，品物流形。大明始终，六位时成，时乘六龙以御天。」所以明这个国号是暗示著对元的终结，为大明此一国号的源由又增添了一种说法。

历史

大明开国与统一

元朝末期，官员贪污，贵族靡烂，朝政腐败。为消除赤字，元廷加重赋税，并且大量滥印新钞「至正宝钞」，随之产生的通货膨胀加上荒灾、黄河泛滥等天灾比以往任何时候发生得都要频繁，使得民不聊生。1351年元顺帝派贾鲁治理黄河，徵调各地百姓二十万人。同年五月，白莲教韩山童与刘福通煽动饱受天灾与督工苛待的百姓叛元起事。他自称明王，建立红巾军，据有河南与安徽等地。红巾军与各地义军陆续起事，势力扩张到华中、华南地区。隔年，红巾军的郭子兴聚众起义，攻占濠州（今安徽凤阳）。不久，贫苦农民出身的安徽凤阳人朱元璋投奔郭子兴，屡立战功，得到郭子兴的器重和信任，并娶郭子兴养女为妻。之后，朱元璋离开濠州，发展自己的势力，。

1356年朱元璋率兵占领集庆（今江苏省南京市），改名为应天府，并攻下周围一些军事要地，获得一块立足的基地。朱元璋采纳谋士朱升「高筑墙，广积粮，缓称王」的建议，经过几年努力，其军事和经济实力迅速壮大。1360年，陈朱双方在集庆西北的龙湾展开恶战，陈友谅势力遭到巨大打击，逃至江州，史称洪都之战（今江西省南昌市）。1363年，通过鄱阳湖水战，陈友谅势力基本被消灭。1367年朱元璋自称吴王，建立西吴政权，率军攻下平江（今江苏省苏州市），灭张士诚，同年又消灭割据浙江沿海的方国珍。

1368年正月，朱元璋于南京称帝，即明太祖，定国号「明」年号洪武。之后趁元朝内讧之际乘机北伐和西征，同年攻占元大都（今北京），元廷撤出中原，史称北元。之后于1371年消灭位于四川的明玉珍势力，于1381年消灭据守云南的元朝梁王。最后，于1388年深入漠北进攻北元。天下至此初定。而朱元璋对于不愿效忠新朝的蒙古人和色目人，则表示愿意归顺的可以在大明，不愿意的可以自行离开。

明初不愿仕官和不愿效忠新朝廷的地主文人为了逃避徵辟而采取自杀、自残、逃往漠北、隐居深山等方法，誓不出仕（中国古代铨选，有「身言书判」四方面标准，身体有残疾者不能任官）。为应对元遗民对明政权的鄙夷与漠视，朱元璋设立新刑罚，宣告「士大夫不为君用」律，大规模徵辟前朝遗老、搜罗岩穴隐士，并且杀害不愿效忠明朝以及为新朝当官的学者，表示「率土之滨，莫非王臣。寰中士大夫不为君用，是自外其教者，诛其身而没其家，不为之过」，导致「才能之士，数年来幸存者百无一二，今所任率迂儒俗吏」。

皇权集中与建文削藩

由于幼年对于元末吏治痛苦记忆，明太祖即位后一方面减轻农民负担，恢复社会的经济生产，改革元朝遗留的吏治，惩治贪官，社会经济从战乱中得到恢复和发展，史称洪武之治。明太祖确立里甲制，配合赋役黄册户籍登记簿册和鱼鳞图册的施行，落实赋税劳役的徵收及地方治安的维持。同时对外加强海外交流，恢复中华宗主国地位。

平定天下后，明太祖大封功臣。但随后基于巩固皇权的考虑，加之不少功臣或骄纵或横行乡里或僭越等，明太祖兴起胡惟庸案和蓝玉案，几乎将功臣及权贵诛杀。廖永忠成为最先被处置的功臣。丞相胡惟庸深得朱元璋宠信，但之后日益跋扈，朝中奏章大事须先经其手，若不利于其的奏章就予以隐匿，并且大肆收取贿赂。1380年明太祖以擅权枉法之罪名杀胡惟庸，又杀御史大夫陈宁、御史中丞涂节等人。并废除已在中国实施千年的丞相制度。1390年有人告发李善长与胡惟庸关系密切，李善长因此被赐死，家属七十馀人被杀，总计株连者达三万馀人，史称胡惟庸案，明太祖更藉此案废除中书省和相职。此后，明太祖又借大将军蓝玉张狂跋扈之名对其诛杀，连坐被族诛的有一万五千馀人，史称蓝玉案。加上空印案与郭桓案合称明初四大案。此时除汤和与耿炳文外功臣几乎全数被杀。明太祖通过打击权臣、特务监视等一系列方式加强皇权，使明初的皇帝专制程度与中国历代各朝相比更为严重。

明太祖分封诸子为王，以加强边防，藩屏皇室。诸王之中，以北方诸王势力较强，又以秦王朱樉、晋王朱棡与燕王朱棣的势力最大。为防止朝中奸臣不轨，明太祖规定诸王可移文中央捉拿奸臣，必要时得奉天子密诏，领兵「靖难」（意为「平定国难」）。同时为防止诸王尾大不掉，明太祖也允许今后的皇帝在必要时可下令「削藩」。

洪武三十一年（1398年）明太祖驾崩，由于皇太子朱标于七年前因巡视陕西而病薨逝，遗诏由皇太孙朱允炆即位。改年号建文，即明惠宗（亦称建文帝、明惠帝）。明惠宗为巩固皇权，与亲信大臣齐泰、黄子澄等密谋削藩。周王、代王、齐王、湘王等先后或被废为庶人，或自杀。同时以边防为名调离燕王的精兵，准备削除燕王。结果燕王朱棣在姚广孝的建议下以「清君侧，靖内难」的名义起兵，遭到盛庸等忠于建文帝的大臣的痛击，但最后迂回南下，占领京师，是为靖难之变。朱棣即位，即明成祖，年号永乐。明惠宗在宫城大火中下落不明。明成祖对支持明惠宗者大肆杀戮，诸如黄子澄、齐泰等。

永乐盛世与仁宣之治

继洪武之治，明成祖、明仁宗与明宣宗相继兴起永乐盛世与仁宣之治，这是明朝的兴盛时期之一。明成祖时期武功昌盛，明成祖先是出击安南，将安南纳入明朝版图，设立交趾布政司。明成祖之后又亲自五入漠北攻打北元分裂后的鞑靼与瓦剌。明成祖册封瓦剌三王，使与鞑靼对立，等到瓦剌兴盛后又助鞑靼讨伐瓦剌，不使任何一方独大。同时，明成祖撤去大宁都司，将宁王朱权内迁南昌，授予兀良哈蒙古的朵颜、泰宁和福余三个卫所自治权，但不允许三卫蒙古人南迁到大宁地区驻牧。明成祖还于1406年和1422年对兀良哈蒙古进行镇压，以维持这一地区的稳定。

扩大明朝东疆，明成祖为安抚东北女真各部，在归附的海西女真（位于松花江上游）与建州女真（位于松花江、牡丹江之间）设置羁縻卫所，并派亦失哈安抚位于黑龙江下游的野人女真。1407年亦失哈在黑龙江下游东岸奴儿干地方（元朝征东元帅府旧地）设置奴儿干都司，宣示明朝对此地的宗主权。明成祖一改明太祖闭关自守的外交策略，自1405年开始派宦官郑和下西洋，亦失哈并于1413年视察海外的库页岛，向各国交往、宣示威德以及建立朝贡体制，也有为寻找建文帝，围堵西亚帖木儿帝国的说法。郑和下西洋前后七次，前六次均在永乐年间由明成祖派遣，郑和船队足迹遍布东南亚与南亚地区，还于满剌加建有基地。其规模空前，最远到达东非索马利亚地区，扩大明朝对南洋、西洋各国的影响力。

文治方面，明成祖修大型类书《永乐大典》，在三年时间内即告完成。《永乐大典》有22877卷，其中凡例、目录60卷，全书分装为11095册，引书达七八千种，字数约有三亿七千多万，且未有任何删节，《永乐大典》在编成后即被深锁皇宫数百年，以至当时有多人认为《大典》已在战火中被毁。根据记载，明朝年间仅有明孝宗和明世宗二帝阅《大典》。此外，明成祖并未将《永乐大典》复写刊刻，且决定只制作一份抄本，并于1409年完成。1405年明成祖将北平改名北京，称行在，并设立北平国子监等衙门。1409年，明成祖巡幸北京，在北京设立六部与都察院，并在北京为逝世的徐皇后设立陵寝，已经显示迁都的迹象。经过十几年的经营，北京初步得到繁荣。1416年明成祖公布迁都的想法，得到认同，隔年开始大规模营造北京。1420年宣告完工，隔年正式永乐迁都。因为永乐年间天下大治，并且大力开拓海外交流，有学者将这段时期称为永乐盛世，亦有史学家评价成祖迁都北京之举是「天子守国门」，或称天子戍边、天子守边。

明成祖驾崩后，其长子朱高炽即位，即明仁宗，年号洪熙。明仁宗年龄已经偏高，即位仅一年就驾崩。其统治偏向保守固本，任用「三杨」（杨士奇、杨荣、杨溥）等贤臣入阁以辅佐朝政并提高内阁成员地位，停止郑和下西洋和对外战争以积蓄民力，宽赦建文旧臣，鼓励生产，宽行省狱，力行节俭。明仁宗驾崩后长子朱瞻基即位，是为明宣宗，年号宣德。他基本继承父亲的路线，实行德政治国，并且发起最后一次下西洋。明宣宗同样热爱美术，有画作传世。但是，其执政期间也并非毫无弊端。由于明宣宗喜好养蟋蟀，许多官吏因此竞相拍马，被称为「促织天子」。同时，明宣宗打破明太祖留下的宦官不得干政的规矩，开始教宦官读书，并开始任用宦官，为明英宗时期的太监专权埋下隐患。虽然有此问题，但仍不失为明君，他与他父亲统治时期被称为仁宣之治。1435年明宣宗去世，九岁的朱祁镇继位，即明英宗，年号正统。

土木堡之变与弘治中兴

明英宗自小宠信服侍左右的宦官王振，自此开始明朝的宦官严重专权行为。1442年限制王振权势的张太皇太后去世，当时明英宗仅十五岁，王振更加揽权。元老重臣「三杨」死后，王振专横跋扈，将明太祖留下的禁止宦官干政的敕命铁牌撤下，举朝称其为「翁父」，明英宗对他信任有加。王振擅权七年，家产计有金银六十馀库，其受贿程度可想而知。

1435年蒙古西部的瓦剌逐渐强大，经常在明朝边境一带生事。1449年瓦剌首领也先率军南下伐明。王振耸使明英宗领兵二十万御驾亲征。大军离燕京后，兵士乏粮劳顿。八月初大军才至大同。王振得报前线各路溃败，惧不敢战，又令返回。回师至土木堡（今日河北省张家口怀来县），被瓦剌军追上，士兵死伤过半，随从大臣有五十馀人阵亡。明英宗突围不成被俘，王振为将军樊忠所怒杀，史称土木堡之变。

土木堡之变的消息来到北京后，朝中混乱。一些大臣要求迁都南京应天府，被兵部侍郎于谦驳斥。同年，大臣拥戴明英宗弟朱祁钰即位，以求长君，即明景帝（又称明代宗），年号景泰。于谦升兵部尚书，整顿边防积极备战，同时决定坚守北京，随后京师、南京、河南、山东等地勤王部队陆续赶到。同年十月，瓦剌军直逼北京城下，也先安置明英宗于德胜门外土关。于谦率领各路明军奋勇抗击，屡次大破瓦剌军，也先率军撤退。明朝取得北京保卫战的胜利，于谦力排众议，加紧巩固国防，拒绝求和，并于次年击退瓦剌多次侵犯。

也先认为绑架明英宗已无意义，于1450年释放之。然而明景帝因为皇权问题，不愿意接受明英宗，先是不愿遣使迎驾，又把明英宗困于南宫（今南池子）软禁，并废皇太子朱见深为沂王（明英宗之子，后来继位为明宪宗），立自己的儿子朱见济为太子。不久见济病死，没有儿子的景帝也迟迟不肯再立朱见深为太子，俨然有夺正之貌，英宗、景帝兄弟因而严重对立。

1457年石亨、徐有贞等人联盟，欲拥戴明英宗复辟。趁著景帝重病之际发动兵变。徐有贞率军攻入紫禁城，石亨等人占领东华门，立明英宗于奉天殿，改元天顺。他们禁锢了景帝，并且捕杀了于谦及大学士王文，史称夺门之变。由于两次即位之故，明英宗也成为明清皇帝中，唯一使用两个年号的皇帝。明英宗复辟后，略有新政，之后因为内部政变流放徐有贞，因为曹石之变诛杀石亨、曹吉祥等人，并且以李贤等贤臣掌政。1464年明英宗去世，在遗诏中废除自明太祖时残酷的殉葬制度。后儿子朱见深即位，即明宪宗，年号成化。

明宪宗为于谦冤昭雪，恢复景帝的帝号，平反夺门一案，人多称快。而初年励精图治，任用贤臣，体谅民情，蠲赋省刑，善政史不绝书，又在武功有屡有建树，如在丁亥之役中与朝鲜进攻屡次进犯的建州女真等，俨然为一代明君。但明宪宗口吃内向，因此很少廷见大臣，终日沉溺于亦妻亦母的万贵妃，宠信宦官汪直、梁芳等人，晚年好方术。以至奸佞当权，西厂横恣，盗窃威柄。明宪宗直接颁诏封官，是为传奉官。这使得传奉官泛滥，舞弊成风，直到明孝宗才全被裁撤。他也是皇庄的始置者。该举措事实上鼓励豪强门阀兼并土地，危害不浅。宦官汪直受到明宪宗的宠信，张狂跋扈，透过西厂大肆冤杀普通民众与官员。不久后由于民愤四起，西厂被罢，但汪直依然握有大权。直到1482年汪直因言官弹劾才被贬。成化一朝群小当道：女宠、外戚、佞幸、奸宦、僧道共聚一堂，朋比为奸，浊乱朝政。1487年明宪宗去世，其子朱佑樘继位，即明孝宗，年号弘治。

明孝宗自幼出身寒微，曾有被万贵妃加害的危险。其在位期间「更新庶政，言路大开」，使得自明英宗以来的陋习得以去除，被誉为「中兴之令主」。明孝宗先是将明宪宗时期留下的一批奸佞冗官尽数罢去，逮捕治罪。并选贤举能，将能臣委以重任，任用刘健、李东阳、谢迁入阁，史称弘治内阁。。明孝宗勤于政事，每日两次视朝。明孝宗对宦官严加节制，锦衣卫与东厂也谨慎行事，用刑宽松。明孝宗力行节俭，不大兴土木，减免税赋。他本身践行一夫一妻制，一生除张皇后外没有任何妃嫔，也是中国历史上惟一践行一夫一妻制的皇帝。明孝宗的励精图治，使得弘治时期成为明朝中期以来形势最好的时期，明史称明孝宗「恭俭有制，勤政爱民」，被称为弘治中兴，然而在弘治中后期明孝宗不再认真听从谏诤，并且开始挥霍无度，导致国家步入了「一岁所入，不足以供一岁支用」，「太仓无储，内府殚绌」以及边备日弛的状况，在弘治初期革除的弊政不仅全部恢复，而且还更加恶化，其次，有明一代，以弘治对外臣最为纵容厚待，动则大肆对外戚藩王赏赐房屋，田地，造成严重的土地兼并问题。

1505年明孝宗去世，其子朱厚照即位，是为明武宗，年号正德。

内乱与北虏南倭

及至明武宗一朝，宦官势力重新抬头，其归因于武宗精于游乐，怠于政事。不过，其祸患本身并未危及皇权，虽有刘瑾、谷大用等八虎为非作歹，但始终未曾如唐朝末年的宦官擅权情况，并且刘瑾等人最终仍被武宗处以极刑。武宗的喜好游逸，最终导致孝宗一脉绝嗣。并且致使大明统系发生第二次小宗入为大宗的情况。明武宗的荒游逸乐导致正德年间战事频生，先后发生鞑靼达延汗（明史称鞑靼小王子）进犯、宁夏安化王朱置鐇谋反、山东刘六刘七民变、江西宁王朱宸濠谋反等重大事件。1520年明武宗假藉出征江西宁王为由而南下游玩，以大将军朱寿为名前往南京，亲自俘虏已被王守仁击败的宁王。班师回京途中，于南直隶清江浦（江苏淮安）泛舟取乐时落水染病，1521年于豹房驾崩。

明武宗驾崩后，明孝宗之侄，兴献王之子朱厚熜入嗣大统，是为明世宗，年号嘉靖。登基前后，因时任内阁首辅杨廷和、礼部尚书毛澄等权臣引宋濮安事强令明世宗尊亲生父母为皇叔父母，引起明世宗的反感，是为大礼议之争。最终明世宗在张璁等不服权臣此举的朝官支持下得以尊父母为皇帝与皇后、立太庙在明武宗之上、修皇帝实录。这次政治风波使反对者被罢官或被入狱，受杖者一百八十馀人，杖死者十七人。在清除权臣与宦官后，明世宗开始实行自己的政治抱负，任用张璁等贤臣，英明苛察，严以驭官，整顿朝纲，鼓励耕织和减轻租银，又勘查皇室庄园和勋戚庄园，减轻土地兼并，在军事上大力提拔将才征剿倭寇，清除外患，整顿边防，以解除边疆危机，史称「嘉靖中兴」。

1534年后明世宗即不视朝，但仍悉知帝国事务，事无巨细仍出于明世宗决断。明世宗信奉道教，信用方士，在宫中日夜祈祷。先是将道士邵元节入京，封为真人及礼部尚书。邵死后又大宠方士陶仲文。1542年十月，乾清宫发生杨金英、邢翠莲等宫女十馀人与宁嫔王氏趁明世宗熟睡之际企图将其勒死，但未成功，此即壬寅宫变。此事后，直至明世宗驾崩前一晚，明世宗迁离大内移居西内。明世宗宠信权臣严嵩，他藉此排斥异己，结党营私。其子严世蕃协助其父作恶。朝臣虽然不断有人弹劾严嵩结党营私，但均以失败告终。世宗晚期，严嵩年事已高，朝臣徐阶开始取代严嵩之位。1562年徐阶策动言官弹劾首辅大臣严嵩。严嵩辞去官职回乡。1565年严世蕃以通倭罪被判斩刑、严嵩被削为民，两年后病死。

嘉靖一朝，国家外患不断。北方鞑靼趁明朝衰弱而占据河套。1550年鞑靼首领俺答进犯大同，宣大总兵仇鸾重金收买俺答，让其转向其他目标。结果俺答转而直攻北京，在北京城郊大肆抢掠之后西去，明朝军队在追击过程中战败，此为庚戌之变。由于世宗时期明朝宣布海禁，由日本浪人与中国海盗组成的倭寇与沿海居民合作走私，先并且后袭扰山东、浙江、福建与广东等地区。朱纨、张经等将领受明廷干扰而未能平定倭寇。而后兵部尚书胡宗宪署理浙江巡抚兼浙直总督全力剿倭，招抚浙江势力最强的汪直（后被明廷杀害）。戚继光与俞大猷平定浙闽粤等地的倭寇，为后来隆庆开关建立好背景。在1557年葡萄牙人开始移民澳门，但及至明亡，葡萄牙人及澳门始终为广东布政司香山县管辖。1566年明世宗驾崩，皇太子朱载坖即位，即明穆宗，年号隆庆。

嘉靖大地震

嘉靖三十四年农历腊月十二（1556年1月23日），山西、陕西和河南同时发生地震。这次地震分布在陕西、山西、河南、甘肃等地，地震波及大半个中国，有感范围远达福建、两广等地。百姓民众因压砸、焚溺、与饥疫而死者无法估计，其奏报有名者便达83万有多，不知名者不可胜数。死亡人口之多几达当时中国人口的百分之一，也是古今中外地震史上仅有的案例。这次大地震致使陕西、山西、河南等省97州受灾，101个县受害，灾区面积大约28万平方公里。地震有感范围为5省227个县。「馀震月动三五次者半年，未止息者三载，五年渐轻方止」。由于明代后期吏治腐败，国库空虚。地震发生后明朝从国库调拨大量资金用于救灾，导致明朝国库连续两年亏空，加上地震引发的自然灾害和瘟疫导致明朝政府税收减少，对明朝的国力和财政状况亦造成不同程度的影响。

改革与中兴

明穆宗即位后，先后任用徐阶、高拱与张居正等名臣。1567年位处执政之首的明世宗旧臣徐阶策动朝官弹劾高拱，迫高拱辞官回乡。高拱亦不甘示弱，一年后策动朝官弹劾徐阶。徐阶也被迫正式退休。朝廷的实际政务渐渐落到张居正的手上。隆庆末年，高拱回朝出任内阁首辅。隆庆朝名臣名将荟萃，陆上与鞑靼首领俺答汗达成和议，史称俺答封贡；海上开放民间贸易，史称隆庆开关；因为这两项措施与其他改革措施，明朝开始进入中兴时期，史称隆庆新政。1572年，明穆宗因中风突然驾崩，年仅九岁的皇太子朱翊钧继位，即明神宗，年号万历。

由于明神宗年幼，于是由太后摄政。重臣高拱由于与太后信任的宦官冯保对抗而被罢官；相反的，张居正得到冯保的鼎力支持。张居正辅政十年，推行改革，在内政方面，提出「尊主权，课吏职，行赏罚，一号令」，推行考成法，裁撤政府机构中的冗官冗员，整顿邮传和铨政。经济上，清丈全国土地，抑制豪强地主，改革赋役制度，推行一条鞭法，减轻农民负担。1393年明太祖时期，全国耕种田地有三百六十六万零七千七顷，到1502年明孝宗时期也只上升到四百廿二万八千零五十八顷。经过张居正的治理后于1581年达到七百零一万三千九百七十六顷。军事上，加强武备整顿，平定西南骚乱，以名将戚继光守卫北京的重镇蓟州、以辽东李成梁安抚东北女真、以宣大王崇古、方逢时安抚鞑靼，其他重臣如四川的刘显、两广的殷正茂、凌云翼、浙江的张佳胤，张居正也十分信任他们。张居正还启用潘季驯治理黄河，变水患为水利。同时张居正严惩贪官污吏，裁汰冗员。张居正整顿朝正，改革体制，史称万历中兴。

1577年张居正父亲去世，按常理他需要丁忧，但张居正以为改革事业未竟，不愿丁忧。他的政敌藉此大做文章，此即为夺情之争。最后在明神宗和两太后的力挺下张居正被夺情起复，使得其改革并未被中断。但是，这成为他的政敌之藉口。同时，张居正利用自己的职权让自己的儿子顺利通过科举进入翰林院。除此之外，张居正的私德也有问题，各种聚敛财物的情事被揭露，张居正也迫害了大量的政敌，好同恶异，为政专擅，他一死，立刻在万历的支持下，被昔年结怨的大臣清算，张居正家被抄家。张府一些来不及退出的人被囚禁于内，饿死十馀口。生前官爵也被剥夺。

万历怠政与党争

张居正死后，明神宗亲政，励精图治，勤于朝政，更新庶政，繁荣经济，废黜考成法等张居正改革中弊政，安抚流民，减少徭税，有勤勉明君之风范，维持了中兴。然后后来发生的国本之争，拉来了明末党争的纷乱和明朝没落的序幕。国本之争是贯穿于明神宗中期至晚期的重大政治事件。主要是围绕著皇长子朱常洛与福王朱常洵（郑贵妃所生）继承皇位之争。由于皇后无嗣，明神宗偏爱皇三子朱常洵，不愿立皇长子朱常洛为太子，令群臣忧心如焚，朝中的大臣也藉此开始党争。直到1601年在皇太后的强迫下，朱常洛才被封为太子，而朱常洵被封为福王，封地为洛城，却迟迟不离京就任藩王。直到梃击案发生，舆论对郑贵妃不利后，福王才离京就藩，太子朱常洛的地位也因而稳固。

明神宗于国本之争对大臣极度不满，采取以不上朝作为报复，仅偶尔批阅奏摺，以处理一些重要事件，但如明世宗一样，悉知帝国事务，事无巨细仍出于其之决断。大理寺左评事上疏，称明神宗沉湎于酒、色、财、气，结果被贬为民。明神宗中后期财政困难，因此明神宗派太监为天下矿监和税监以充实内库，然而矿监税使大多假借名义搜刮民间财产，扰乱天下。由于明神宗不理朝政，缺官现象非常严重。1602年，南北两京共缺尚书三名，侍郎十名；各地缺巡抚三名，布政使、按察使等六十六名，知府廿五名。明神宗委顿于上，百官党争于下，明廷完全陷入空转之中。因此明史言：「论者谓：明之亡，实亡于神宗。」，部分史学家认为明朝自此开始走向灭亡。

由于朝政混乱，部分中下阶官吏在政治上受到排斥，纷纷要求政治改革，并强调道德标准。1593年癸巳京察促成东林党的形成，其名称源自顾宪成重修的东林书院。主持京察的孙鑨、李世达和赵南星，利用京察将不符他们标准和不属于东林党的官吏降职解雇。经过多次京察后，引起众多反对党如宣党、昆党、齐党、浙党等兴起并与东林党互相倾轧。自此门户之祸坚固而不可拔，图使朝政空转内耗。明熹宗时反对党在东厂魏忠贤的羽翼下成为阉党，开始专权，并且迫害东林党人，东林党受到严重打击，有所谓东林六君子、东林七贤等被阉党杀害，直到崇祯帝即位，才整肃了阉党。

在对外军事方面，以万历三大征最为显著，分别为平定蒙古哱拜叛变的宁夏之役、抗击日本丰臣政权入侵朝鲜王朝的朝鲜之役，以及平定苗疆土司杨应龙叛变的播州之役，这三场战争几乎同时发生，其性质均不相同。明朝于三战皆胜以巩固明朝边疆、守护朝鲜王朝，但也消耗大量人力物力，成为国库空虚、财政拮据的重要原因之一。粗略统计出这八年间国家的军事开支高达一千一百六十馀万两白银。1617年后金努尔哈赤以「七大恨」为由反明，两年后在萨尔浒之战中大败明军，明朝至此对后金改以防御为主的战略。

1620年明神宗去世。其长子朱常洛登基，即明光宗，年号泰昌，在位仅一个月。他发内帑赏赐在辽东前线明军，重用东林党人使朝政转危为安，并且罢除天下矿监税使。福王生母郑贵妃为了拢络明光宗，献上四位美女。明光宗纵欲过度不久病倒，太监崔文升进以泻药而狂泻，又因服用李可灼的红丸而猝死，史称红丸案。明光宗逝世后，其宠妃李选侍欲居乾清宫，以挟皇长子朱由校自重。都给事中杨涟、御史左光斗等，为防其干预朝事，逼迫李选侍移到仁寿殿哕鸾宫，此即移宫案。皇长子朱由校最后得以继位，即明熹宗，年号天启。梃击案、红丸案与移宫案合称明末三大案，是万历晚期国本之争的延续，使得明廷的政治斗争更加剧烈，也是标志著明末衰亡的开始。

明末经济危机与内忧外患

明朝末年，明朝的对外贸易陷入低谷，白银输入大量减少，由于农民缴税需要用到白银，但是一般农民只有铜钱，导致白银价格暴涨，造成了通货紧缩的局面，这不仅使农民无法缴税，大量逃亡，而且还严重影响了手工业与商业城镇的发展，造成民变。

明熹宗在位期间，政治更加腐败黑暗。熹宗幼年丧母，对乳母客氏有特殊感情。客氏与宦官魏忠贤狼狈为奸。熹宗早期，倚赖东林党人力争，方能登基，故大量启用东林党人，结果导致东林党与其他党斗争不断，明熹宗因此对朝政失去耐心，魏忠贤藉此机会干预政治，将齐楚浙党的势力集结，号为阉党。1624年阉党控制内阁，魏忠贤更加张狂，其爪牙遍布中央与地方。在权势最盛时，魏忠贤的养子竟能代替皇帝祭太庙。全国遍布他的生祠，并号为九千岁后又称九千九百岁。更有阉党的国子监生提出魏忠贤配孔子，魏忠贤父配启圣公。魏忠贤并大肆打击东林党，借「梃击、红丸、移宫」三案为由，唆使其党羽伪造《东林党点将录》上报朝廷，1625年明熹宗下诏，烧毁全国书院。大量东林党人入狱，甚至处死。由于阉党水准低下，政理不修。国家内部饥荒频传，民变不断，外患持续，明朝已经陷入风雨飘摇之境地。

1626年北京西南隅的工部王恭厂火药库发生王恭厂大爆炸，造成2万多人死伤。事发时的明朝正值内外交困、风雨飘摇之际，国家政治腐败，宦官专权，善恶不分。灾难的消息迅速传遍全国后，朝野震惊，中外骇然，人心惶惶。天启年间各种天灾人祸都比不上王恭厂的破坏程度，故沈国元于《两朝从信录》中称此灾变「乃古今未有之变也」。很多大臣认为这场大爆炸是上天对皇帝的警告，纷纷上书，要求熹宗皇帝匡正时弊，重振朝纲。皇帝不得不下了一道罪己诏，表示要痛加省醒，告诫大小臣工「务要竭虑洗心办事，痛加反省」，希望藉此能使大明江山长治久安，万事消弭，且下旨发府库万两黄金赈灾。此事后来亦被御笔太监载入明朝正史。

1627年明熹宗不慎落水病重，不久因霍维华之药而去世，其五弟信王朱由检继位，即崇祯帝，年号崇祯。

崇祯帝即位后，锐意铲除魏忠贤的势力以改革朝政。他下令停建生祠，逼奉圣夫人客氏移居宫外，最后押到浣衣局处死。下令魏忠贤去凤阳守陵，魏忠贤于途中与党羽李朝钦一起自缢，崇祯帝将其首级悬于河间老家，阉党其他分子也被贬黜或处死。然而党争内斗激烈，崇祯帝不信任百官，他刚愎自用，加强集权。当时东北方的后金（即后来的清朝）占领辽东地区，袁崇焕等人于辽西宁远、锦州等抵御后金可汗皇太极的入侵。1629年皇太极改采绕道长城以入侵北京，袁崇焕紧急回军与皇太极对峙于北京广渠门。经六部九卿会审，最后杀袁崇焕，史称己巳之变。其后皇太极多番远征蒙古，终于在六年后彻底击败林丹汗，取得了传国玉玺，1636年在盛京称帝，改国号为大清，即清朝。并且陆续发起五次经长城入侵明朝直隶、山东等地区，史称清兵入塞。当时直隶连年灾荒疫疾，民不聊生。辽西局势亦日益恶化，清军多次与明军作战，最后于1640年占领锦州等地，明军主力洪承畴等人投降，明朝势力退缩至山海关。

崇祯帝虽励精图治，但其任人不得法（崇祯一朝撤换过五十个大学士，号称「崇祯五十相」，为历朝之最），朝政混乱与官员贪污昏庸；与后金的战争带来大量辽饷的需求以及清兵的掠夺；以及因为小冰期气候变冷，在当时连海南岛都出现下雪气候，农业减产带来全国性饥荒，这些都加重明朝百姓的负担。1627年，陕西澄城饥民暴动，拉开明末民变的序幕，随后王自用、高迎祥、李自成、张献忠等农民起事，最后发展成雄踞陕西、河南的李自成与先后占领湖广、四川的张献忠（最后成立大西政权）。1633年，山西地区爆发流行病，史称「明末大鼠疫」，1643年北京城爆发「京师大瘟疫」、造成20馀万人死亡，加速明朝灭亡。1644年李自成建国大顺，三月，李自成率军北伐攻陷大同、宣府、居庸关，最后于1644年4月24日（旧历三月十八）攻克北京。崇祯帝在煤山自缢，史称甲申之变。后世有史学家评价崇祯帝在社稷危难之时没有逃跑是「君主死社稷」，但亦有学者指出崇祯多次迁都南京的计划。

李自成攻克北京后，纵容部将在京城内大肆搜刮遂失民心。原为明将、镇守山海关的吴三桂带领清军入关，并于一片石战役击败大顺军。清朝摄政王多尔衮与顺治帝入关，北京成为清朝的首都。李自成退回陕西，最后被清军围歼于湖北，大顺亡。

南明与明郑

甲申之变后，明朝在南方尚有势力，史称南明。南明主要势力有四系王，分别是福王弘光帝朱由崧、鲁王监国朱以海、唐王隆武帝朱聿键与绍武帝朱聿𨮁、桂王永历帝朱由榔等。当南明灭亡后，又有郑成功建立的明郑与夔东十三家军抗清。被李自成攻陷后，南明大臣意图拥护皇族北伐。经过多次讨论后由凤阳总督马士英与江北四镇高杰、黄得功、刘泽清与刘良佐拥护崇祯帝的堂兄弟福王朱由崧称帝，即弘光帝，史称南明。1645年清朝派多铎率大军南下南京，此时弘光帝昏庸，大权由阉党馀孽掌握，江北四镇各自为营，最后陆续瓦解。清军攻破史可法死守的扬州，弘光帝逃至芜湖被逮，送到北京杀害。此期间清军发起扬州十日、江阴八十一日与嘉定三屠等大屠杀以镇压反抗的汉人。同时明朝数十万皇族也惨遭清廷和农民军的屠杀。

弘光帝死后，鲁王朱以海于浙江绍兴监国；而唐王朱聿键在郑芝龙等人的拥立下，于福建福州称帝，即隆武帝。然而这两个南明主要势力互不承认彼此地位而互相攻打。1651年在舟山群岛沦陷后，鲁王朱以海在张名振、张煌言陪同下，赴厦门依靠郑成功，不久病死在金门。隆武帝屡议出师北伐，然而得不到郑芝龙的支持而终无所成。1646年，清军分别占领浙江与福建，鲁王朱以海逃亡海上，隆武帝于汀州逃往江西时被俘而死。郑芝龙向清军投降，由于其子郑成功起兵反清而被清廷囚禁。朱聿键死后，其弟朱聿在广州受苏观生及广东布政司顾元镜拥立称帝，即绍武帝，于同年年底被清将李成栋攻灭。同时间桂王朱由榔于广东肇庆称帝，即永历帝。

1646年永历帝获得瞿式耜、张献忠馀部李定国、孙可望等势力以及福建郑成功势力的支援之下展开反攻。同时各地降清的原明军将领先后反正，例如1648年江西金声桓、广东李成栋、广西耿献忠与杨有光率部反正，一时之间南明收服华南各省。然而于同年，清将尚可喜率军再度入侵，先后占领湖南、广东等地。两年后，李定国、孙可望与郑成功发动第二次反攻，其中郑成功一度包围南京。然而，各路明军因为距离互相难以照应，内部又发生孙可望等人的叛变，第二次反攻以节节败退告终。1661年，清军三路攻入云南，永历帝流亡缅甸首都曼德勒，被缅甸王莽达收留。后吴三桂攻入缅甸，莽达之弟莽白乘机发动政变，杀死其兄后继8月12日，莽白发动咒水之难，杀尽永历帝侍从近卫，永历帝最后被吴三桂以弓弦绞死，南明亡。

此时反清势力只剩夔东十三家与在金厦的郑成功（史称明郑）。李自成zh-hans:余;zh-hant:馀部在湖南抗清失败后，转移到川、鄂山区进行活动，在夔州府以东地区继续抗清，称为夔东十三家。1662年清军开始攻打之，1664年覆灭，其首领李来亨自焚而死。郑成功在南京之战失败后退回金厦，于1661年率军远征荷兰人占据的台湾岛成功，明郑领有台湾，定都东宁（今台湾台南）。其子郑经曾参与三藩之乱，率军参与反攻失利。1683年，清朝康熙帝命施琅为水师提督进攻台湾。明郑主郑克塽率众投降，明郑亡。

政治

明朝政治则是皇帝的权力趋于集中，明太祖在诛杀胡惟庸后废除中书省和丞相，终结了传统的宰相制度，六部直接对皇帝负责，后来设置内阁和大学士承担了部分行政职能；地方上由承宣布政使司、提刑按察使司、都指挥使司分掌权力，加强地方管理。仁宗、宣宗之后，文官治国的思想逐渐浓厚，行政权向内阁和六部转移。同时还设有都察院等监察机构，为加强对全国臣民的监视，明太祖设立特务机构锦衣卫，明成祖设立东厂，明宪宗时再设西厂（后取消），明武宗又设内行厂（后取消），合称「厂卫」。但明朝皇帝并非完全独断独行，有许多事还必须经过经廷推、廷议、廷鞫程序，同时，能将原旨退还的给事中亦可对皇权形成制衡。到了后期皇帝出现了怠政，宦官行使大权的陋习，尽管决策权始终集中在皇帝手中，然而政务大部分已经由内阁处理，此外，到了明代中晚期文官集团的集体意见足以与皇帝抗衡，在遇到事情决断两相僵持不下时，也容易产生一种类似于「」的情况，因此「名义上他是天子，实际上他受制于廷臣。」但明朝皇权受制于廷臣主要是基于道德上而非法理上，因为明朝当时风气普遍注重名节，受儒家教育的皇帝通常不愿被冠以「昏君」之名。但虽然皇权受制衡，皇帝仍可任意动用皇权，例如明世宗「大礼议」事件最后以廷杖朝臣多人的方式结束，明神宗在国本之争失利后也以长期拒绝参与政事向朝臣们示威。

内阁制度

洪武十三年（1380年），明太祖以丞相胡惟庸谋反伏诛，于是废去中书省和丞相一职。秦、汉以来实行一千六百馀年的宰相制度自此废除，六部直接向皇帝负责，相权与君权合而为一，大权独揽，施行军权、行政权、监察权三权分立的国家体制。由于国家事务繁多，皇帝无法处理，而明太祖也一度深感疲惫，于是设立四辅制度来辅佐政事。但这项制度效能不彰。洪武十七年（1384年）后被废。之后朱元璋请来几位翰林学士帮忙辅佐，这些翰林学士的官职效仿唐宋馆阁学士旧制，被命为「某某殿（阁）大学士」，官阶只有正五品。明成祖登基后，特派解缙、胡广、杨荣等入午门值文渊阁，参预机务，由此始设内阁。

内阁最初只是皇帝的谘询机构，相当于今日秘书或幕僚的职务，奏章的批答为皇帝的专责。到后来成为明朝实际上最高决策机构，首辅地位有时可比丞相，有票拟及封驳之权。明朝内阁由始至终都不是明朝中枢的正式行政机构，所谓内阁只是文渊阁的别称。内阁大学士一职多以硕德宿儒或朝中重臣担任，只有有实无名之地位，而没有法定地位。宣宗时期，由于杨溥、杨士奇、杨荣等三杨入阁，宣宗批准内阁在奏章上以条旨陈述己见，称为「票拟」制度，又授予宦官机构司礼监「批红」。票拟之法补救可君主不愿面见阁臣之弊，但内阁大臣与皇帝沟通，全赖司礼监（宦官）。由是开启明朝宦官专政之大门。

六部

明朝在中央设置吏、户、礼、工、刑、兵六部，与前代相比，明朝最初在每部增加尚书、侍郎各一。胡惟庸案之后，朱元璋废丞相之职，取消中书省。六部因此地位得到提高。每部只设一个尚书，两个侍郎，原有的各科尚书降为郎中。各部尚书和侍郎的官阶也上升。其中以礼部（主管教育，负责领导儒家学术，以及祭祀，外交等）和吏部（主管文官升迁）最为重要，户部（主管财政，土地和人口）人员最多。兵部（主管国防），刑部（主管司法，有对较大刑事案件的审判权）与工部（主管公共建设）地位较低。

在拟诏审议机构上，明朝开始只设给事中与中书舍人，不复设中书门下二省。明朝的审议机构为六科给事中，到洪武廿四年，设都给事中六人，分吏、户、礼、工、刑、兵六科，每科一人，每科都给事中下设左右给事中各一人及给事中若干。六科给事中制度基本是继承唐朝的门下省制度，但官位下降，机构更为精简，也失去了自魏晋以来皇帝内臣（皇室的收发站）和礼官的职责。六科官职品级虽低，然职权很高，他们可以批驳皇帝的意旨，

也能充当谏官的职责，对六部吏僚则具有分科对应的监察权，故该制度也发挥一定的改善朝政作用。明朝的拟诏机构为中书舍人官署，因其制度源流源于与门下并立的中书，故与六科相对俗称「中书科」，但是其地位大为下降，职能也大幅削弱，事实上只是内阁与翰林院的誊抄机构。中央的重要事务执行机构为五寺，包括大理寺、太常寺、光禄寺、太仆寺、鸿胪寺，与唐宋相比，减省了四寺：宗正寺被并入宗人府，卫尉寺被并入兵部，司农寺与太府寺被并入户部。大理寺与刑部和都察院合为三法司，负责重大刑事案件的覆审与覆核。大理寺的首长称为大理寺卿，也是九卿之一。其馀四个寺的卿职权较低。太常寺负责祭祀；太仆寺管理马匹与全国牧政；光禄寺负责寿宴；鸿胪寺负责接待外宾。

监察机构

在洪武十三年前，明朝还沿袭元的监察制度，设立御史台，有左右御史大夫各一名。洪武十三年后，朱元璋废御史台。两年之后，朱元璋设立新的监察机构—都察院。都察院下面设立监察御史若干人，分巡全国各省，称为十二道监察御史。每道有监察御史三至五人，范围大体为一省。但监察御史都驻在京师，有事带印出巡，事毕回京缴印。到明末，监察御史分为十三道，共有一百一十人。都察院与六科同样具有谏官的职能和风闻言事的职责，故合称「科道言官」。

厂卫制度

明初还实行特务机构，主要包括锦衣卫、东厂和西厂，武宗时期还一度设有内行厂。锦衣卫设立于洪武十五年，直接听命于皇上，可以逮捕任何人，并进行不公开的审讯。但是朱元璋晚年逐步废除了锦衣卫及其特权，还有一些比较残酷的刑法。

在东厂设立后，锦衣卫权力受到削弱。东厂成立于永乐十八年，是明成祖为镇压政治上的反对力量而成立。地点位于京师东安门北。东厂的主要职责就是监视政府官员、社会名流、学者等各种政治力量，并有权将监视结果直接向皇帝汇报。依据监视得到的情报，对于那些地位较低的政治反对派，东厂可以直接逮捕、审讯；而对于担任政府高级官员或者有皇室贵族身份的反对派，东厂在得到皇帝的授权后也能够对其执行逮捕、审讯。东厂在设立之初，就由宦官担任提督，后来通常以司礼监秉笔太监中位居第二、第三者担任。西厂设立于宪宗时期，首领为汪直。1482年后被废。其后又被武宗短暂恢复。内厂设置于武宗时期，首领为宦官刘瑾，刘瑾伏诛后，内厂与西厂同时被废除，仅留东厂。

其他机构

公孤官包括三公与三孤，是名义上的诸臣之首，但这些官职都是虚衔，一般授予功劳相当大的大臣以示荣耀。三公为太师、太傅、太保，三孤则是辅弼他们的少师、少傅、少保，三公三孤是皇帝名义上的老师，负责辅弼天子。另外还有太子三师及太子三少，太子三师为太子太师、太子太傅、太子太保，太子三少为太子少师、太子少傅、太子少保，三师三少是太子名义上的老师，但实际上辅导太子的机构是詹事府。詹事府下设两坊、一局、一厅。此外还有太医院，专门负责皇室人员的健康和医疗。太医院附属有生药库和惠民药局。翰林院作为政府的官方学术最高机构，地位相当重要，甚至在政府中都有相当大的影响力。翰林院首长是翰林大学士，此职位者经常会同时兼任内阁大臣。

诸司指不属于各部院的司。主要指通政司和行人司。通政司负责传递公文，公告周知。行人司负责到地方上颁诏谕及赴外国作使臣。

外三监包括国子监、钦天监、上林苑监。钦天监负责观测星象。国子监是最高官方教育机构，也是全国官学的领导机构，有祭酒一人，司业一人，监丞一人，博士五人，助教十五人，学正十人，学录七人，典簿一人，典籍一人，典馔两人。上林苑监负责掌管皇帝的御花园，畜牧场与菜圃。

内十二监为宦官衙门。事实上只有在这些衙门工作的宦官才是太监。包括司礼监、内宫监、御用监、司设监、御马监、神宫监、尚膳监、尚宝监、印绶监、直殿监、尚衣监、都知监。以司礼监最为重要，监内的提督太监主管宫内一切宦官礼仪刑名。而秉笔太监在宦官极端专权时竟代替皇帝批公文。此外宫内还设有四个司（惜薪、钟鼓、宝钞、混堂），八个局（兵仗、银作、浣衣、巾帽、针工、内织染、酒醋面，司苑），合为内官廿四衙门。宫女也有六个局（尚宫、尚仪、尚服、尚食、尚寝、尚工），每个局下设四个司。

法律

《大明律》，是明朝法令条例，由朱元璋总结历代法律施行的经验和教训制定而成，《大明律》为适应形势的发展，变通了体例，调整了刑名，肯定了明初人身地位的变化，注重了经济立法，在体例上表现了各部门法的相对独立性，并扩大了民法的范围，同时在「礼」与「法」的结合。

《大明律》共分30卷，篇目有名例一卷，包括五刑（笞、杖、徒、流、死）、十恶（谋反、谋大逆、谋叛、恶逆、不道、大不敬、不孝、不睦、不义、内乱）、八议（议亲、议故、议功、议贤、议能、议勤、议贵、议宾），以及吏律二卷、户律七卷、礼律二卷、兵律五卷、刑律十一卷、工律二卷，共460条。

有明一代比较重视法制的建设与实践，其中历经三次大规模修订的《大明律》。《大明律》在中国古代法典编纂史上具有革故鼎新的意义。不仅继承了明代以前的中国古代法律制定的优良传统，也是中国明代以前各个朝代法典文献编纂的历史总结，而且还开启了清代乃至近代中国立法活动的发展。《大明律》在明代实施的过程中，虽然也不断受到「朕言即法」的干扰，但这些干扰始终未能影响它的正统法典的地位。

而《大明律》对惩治贪财枉法者，严厉程度超过了历史上任何一个朝代。

军事

卫所制度

明代早期军队的来源，有诸将原有之兵，即所谓从征，有元兵及群雄兵归附的，有获罪而谪发的，而最主要的来源则是籍选，亦即垛集军，是由户籍中抽丁而来。除此之外尚有简拔、投充及收集等方式。此外，明朝中期以后又有强使民为军的方式，不过都属于少数，整体而言，卫所制仍然是最主要的军制。卫所制为在全国各地军事要地设立卫所驻军，卫有军队五千六百人，其下依序有千户所、百户所、总旗及小旗等单位，各卫所都隶属于五军都督府，亦隶属于兵部，有事从徵调发，无事则还归卫所。军队来源为世袭的军户，由每户派一人为正丁至卫所当兵，军人在卫所中轮流戊守以及屯田，屯田所得以供给军队及将官等所需。其目标在养兵而不耗国家财力，但明宣宗以后渐无法维持，军人生活水准及社会地位日渐低下，逃兵也逐渐增加，军备因此逐渐废驰。

在嘉靖年间，应付倭寇之乱时，将领戚继光在浙江地区采用招募民兵加以训练的方式，来取代不堪的卫所兵。正因为明朝正规军卫所军的不堪用，故这些民兵，在明朝后期逐渐担负起维持明朝有效统治的作战部队，而其中最为有名的就是戚继光的召募以浙江人为主戚家军，李如松的私人部队辽东铁骑，及袁崇焕所召募以辽东人为主的关宁铁骑。

火器的发展

明朝的火器技术较高，不仅种类多，而且制造技术和性能也较前代提升明显，与欧洲差距不大。火箭与鸟枪是明朝军队的主要轻型火器，地雷在明朝也很盛行，管形火器的发展尤为显著。明朝中后期，西洋火器佛郎机、红夷大炮等相继传入，明朝汲取其瞄准器等长处，火器技术迅速发展，形如军事技术革命。学者梁柏力指出，中国的冷兵器时代行将终结，火器时代已在黎明，被认为有机会赶上欧洲，但这过程却随明朝灭亡而一度中断。后来清军利用了明朝和西方的技术和经验，多次改良并制造出比明朝更有威力的火器，到了三藩之乱期间，中国的热兵器技术回升到接近西欧的水平，这也是郑成功能驱逐台湾荷兰人，以及清康熙时期的清军能够击退入侵黑龙江的俄罗斯士兵的原因之一。在签署尼布楚条约其后的150多年内，清朝境内大致升平，火器技术停滞甚至退化，直至鸦片战争时期。。

万历年间，日本火器技术领先中国，日本在万历援朝战争中一度占据火力上风。明朝军事家戚继光批评当时多种形式的火器实际上并不实用，故一切禁之，以节靡费。亦有学者批评宋元明清历代为维护政权稳定而封锁火器科学，故意忽视研制者的新发明和新创造，甚至弃置不用，如明朝的赵士桢、毕懋康、薄玉和清朝的戴梓，他们的贡献和成果都没被恰当重视。

经济

16、17世纪间，明代曾是世界上手工业与经济最繁荣的国家之一。明代初期推行的海禁政策，使得商业受到一定的压制，但明穆宗隆庆元年（1567年）废除海禁后，海外贸易重新活跃起来，全盛时远洋船舶吨位高达18000吨，占当时世界总量的18%，推进了中国与国际市场的联系，促使晚明中国白银货币化的最终完成。明代手工业和商品经济繁荣，出现商业集镇，中国大陆学界认为出现「资本主义萌芽」，此说法仍然处于争议之中。

农业

明朝初期，由于多年的战争加上通货膨胀，且前朝元惠宗为治水加重徭役，经济近乎在崩溃的边缘。明太祖洪武年间实行休养生息的政策与移民垦荒，也实行屯田政策，军屯面积占全国耕地的近十分之一。此外，商屯也相当盛行，政府以买卖食盐的专卖证（称之为盐引）作为交换，利用商人将粮食运往边疆，以确保边防的粮食需求，然而此方式并非以以物易物方式，而是要求盐商先交钱再等晒盐季再给盐，却又为税收不足而将新产出的盐另行外卖，延后交盐给正规盐商的时间，致使盐商交了钱却要三五年甚至十年后才拿得到盐，却又因身份管制而无法抛弃盐商身份另行谋生，因此而家破人亡，私盐亦大为流行。

明朝农业无论是产量还是生产工具，都高于前一朝代，番薯、南瓜、蚕豆、土豆、玉米、棉花等美洲高产作物在16世纪中叶时陆续传到中国，尤其是棉花，已在全国普遍栽种。此外，较容易栽种的蕃薯和玉米，可以种植于土壤相对较贫瘠的地区，对于粮食需求日增的明清两代尤其重要。

万历年间，耕地总面积超过七百万顷，为明神宗万历年间开始的人口稳步增长提供坚实的基础。而在南宋时流行的俗谚「苏常熟，天下足」，由于长江下游地区城市居民的快速增加，及长江中游地区的快速开发，中晚明时，已经转变为「湖广熟，天下足」，意即当时主要的米粮生产区已经转移到湖广地区，也就是现在的湖北省和湖南省一带。

随著商业性农业的出现而发展起来的长途交通，有利于工商业的发展。晚明以后，湖广的米开始被长途运送至江浙、闽广等地区贩售，使当地农民开始改种经济作物。明太祖也曾派遣国子监下乡督导水利建设，并以减免税赋奖励耕作。这些措施使得过去很多饱受战乱损毁的地区恢复生气，使明朝的经济得到快速的恢复。

工业

明朝无论是铁、造船、建筑，还是丝绸、纺织、瓷器、印刷等方面，在世界都是遥遥领先，产量占全世界的2/3以上，比农业产量在全世界的比例还要高得多。明朝民间的手工业不断壮大，而官营却不断萎缩，明朝后期，除了盐业等少数几个行业还在实行以商人为主体的盐引制外，一些手工业都摆脱了官府的控制，成为民间手工业。

自明初年起，以江南地区为代表的手工业高度发展，松江潞安府全盛时有织机一万三千张，促进市场经济化和城市化，南京、临清等城市「周围逾三十里，而一城之中，无论南北财货，即绅士商民近百万口」。南京一地有众多的陶瓷厂，每年可生产100万件瓷器。景德镇成为世界瓷都。制瓷使用旋坯车，不但提高生产效率，还使旋出的瓷坯更为精细和规格化。施釉方式以吹釉法代替刷釉法，使施釉更加均匀光泽。并且发展出彩色瓷器。冶铁技术也有明显的提高，由灌钢冶炼法发展到苏钢冶炼法，是一种效率较高的炼钢方法。

商业

商人地位的提高

明初期奉行「重本抑末」政策，甚至规定禁止商贾之家穿绸纱。明穆宗隆庆三年（1569年），大学士高拱上疏《议处商人钱法以苏京邑民困疏》，反映商人的愁苦和商业的窘困，并奏请隆庆帝采取措施，革除宿弊。之后张居正提出农商荣枯相因，进一步肯定商人的作用。明代中后期商人地位有所提高，部分士大夫认为经商有成，在价值上也等同于读书有得，「亦贾亦儒」「弃儒就贾」的现象也开始出现。此外，商业用的书也开始出现。商人为实用目的而编写此类书籍，内容介绍贸易路径沿途的交通、习俗及商品行情等。此类书籍现存最早者为《一统路程图记》。此外，由于商业的发达，各地纷纷开始大量生产具有当地特色的商品，运销他处，使得区域分工日益明显。

货币及商帮

明朝初期，明太祖洪武年间尝试使用「大明宝钞」的纸币，这种货币同样经历了迅速的通货膨胀，它在1450年暂停发行，但是直到1573年仍在流通。直到明朝晚期李自成威胁北京时，这种纸币才在1643年和1644年重新印刷。在明朝大部分时期，中国有一个包括所有重要交易的纯私人货币体系。而整个货币体系转向为以银本位为主。从海外流入的白银开始在南部省广东作为货币使用，并在1423年传到长江下游地区成为纳税的法定货币。各省税收自1465年起以白银的形式上交首都，灶户从1475年起开始使用白银支付，徭役豁免费从1485年起使用白银支付。中国对白银的需求部分通过西班牙人从美洲的进口得到满足，特别是秘鲁的波托西和墨西哥，在西班牙人1571年建立马尼拉之后。但这时的白银还没有被铸造。它们以重量为一个标准两（约36克）的银锭（被称为元宝）流通，尽管其纯度和重量在地区与地区间略有不同。

16世纪中叶之后日本和拉丁美洲的白银大量流入也进一步促进中晚明经济的发展，当时明朝占有世界白银需求量三成左右。明代经济的另一个特色是城镇经济的繁荣，运河沿线由于往来商船不断，周边城市如济宁、淮安、扬州等都非常发达。东南地区由于商品经济繁荣，成为全国的经济集散地。由于商品经济的繁荣，明代形成按籍贯区分的商人集团，称为「商帮」，如徽州商帮、晋陕商帮、广东商帮、福建商帮、苏州洞庭商帮、江西商帮等。这些商帮以「会馆」为联系场所，互相支持，越做越大。

交易及货品

明嘉靖、万历间，各地出卖丝绸、酒肉、蔬果、烟草、农作物、瓷器等商品不计其数，大量外销赚取外汇所得；外国的不少东西在中国城市都有卖，如欧洲的西洋钟、美洲的烟草，当时商业大都会以江南的商业城市最多，有南京、仪征、扬州、瓜洲、苏州、松江、杭州与嘉兴等，华中其他商业城市尚有汉口、南昌、淮安、芜湖与景德镇等，西南内陆有成都，华北有北京、济宁与临清等，而华南则有福州与广州等。

生产总量及生产力

有观点认为，明朝生产总量在全世界所占比例在中国三千年历史上是最高的。据英国经济学家安格斯·麦迪森的研究，1600年明朝生产总量为960亿美元，占世界经济总量的29.2%，晚明中国人均GDP约600美元。据他研究，1500年中国生产总量（618亿美元）已首次超过印度（605亿美元）（这里仅表明购买力平价，与财政收入是不同的概念）。部分中国学者如刘逖认为麦迪森高估了明朝的生产总量和人均生产总量，据刘逖指出国际公认的生存水平线是400美元，因此刘逖对麦迪森明朝数据做了调整，若以1990年的美元价值换算，1600年中国人均GDP在388美元、1610年在386美元、1620年在391美元、1630年在344美元、1640年在367美元，大幅低于麦迪森的600美元。

而隆庆年间的开关，进一步促进了当时中国经济的增长。

文化

教育

明代教育发达，学校兴盛，为唐宋所不及。明朝初期实行「科举必由学校」的政策，明太祖多次强调：「古昔帝王育人才，正风俗，莫不先于学校。」并将学校列为「郡邑六事之首」，以官学结合科举制度推行程朱理学，而不重视书院，书院因此沉寂近百年之久。也因此，明朝中早期最重要的教育机构也就是国子监。而各府、州、县政府也皆立学校。府、州、县学的学生称为生员，俗称秀才或相公。明初生员数目有定额，大致府学四十人，州学卅人，县学廿人。明代中后期，地方官员六事皆举者极少，「学校之政之修也久矣」，因此传统书院再次承担起培养科举人才的重任。明代书院的创办，以嘉靖年间为最多，据统计，明代书院共有1239所。书院的经费来源，大体上可以区分为官方拨置、和私人捐赠。由于政治上的牵连，书院屡遭劫难，历史上共有四次禁毁书院的记载，但官方越是禁止，民间开办的书院就越多。

科举

科举在明朝是正式的选拔官吏制度。科举考试分为两级，每三年举行一次，称为大比。科举考试的内容主要是四书五经，考生必须用八股文做答。所谓股，即对偶之意。八股文萌芽于宋朝，形成于明成化以后。由于八股取士的制度，读书人既不通经史，又不谙实际，严重束缚民众智慧的进步。

文学及书籍

文学方面，中国小说史上的四大名著中的《西游记》、《水浒传》、《三国演义》（原本是《金瓶梅》后被三国代替）就是出于明朝。冯梦龙加工编辑的三部白话短篇小说集「三言」（即《喻世明言》《警世通言》《醒世恒言》）每部四十篇，共一百二十篇，主要是描写青年爱情故事以及平民市井生活，最著名的如《杜十娘怒沉百宝箱》、《金玉奴棒打薄情郎》、《转运汉巧遇洞庭红》等；与「三言」类似每部四十篇的短篇小说集还有凌蒙初编著的「二拍」以及1987年才被发现的《型世言》（陆人龙编著）。传统雅文学的发展在明代继续发展，著名文人有刘基、宋濂、高启、方孝孺、唐寅、归有光、徐渭、王世贞、袁宏道、钱谦益、张岱、吴伟业等人。散曲家则有王磐、冯维敏、薛论道、陈译、康海等人。

万历时期，猛烈反对前后七子的拟古主义，有以公安袁宗道、袁宏道与袁中道为代表的公安派。他们认为文学是随著时代的变化而变化的，有各个不同的时代，即有各种不同的文学。竟陵锺惺、谭元春为代表的竟陵派主张独抒性灵，并且乞灵于古人，目的为「引古人之精神以接后人之心目，使其心目有所止焉，如是而已矣」。

艺术

戏剧

明朝时期，传统杂剧逐渐衰落，而传奇剧走向繁荣。在嘉靖后期到万历初期出现三部优秀的传奇作品，即《宝剑记》、《浣纱记》及《鸣凤记》。明代戏剧的集大成者是汤显祖。他的代表作是临川四梦（即《南柯记》、《邯郸梦》、《紫钗记》及《牡丹亭·还魂记》）。南戏在明朝也进入最繁盛的时期。明朝的文学与戏剧在对「情欲」的描写上是较为开放的，例如《牡丹亭》一剧中就充满许多对少女情怀的正面刻写。

书法

明朝朝廷极力推崇书法，明朝书法以行书和草书为主。明初书法陷于台阁体泥沼，沈度学粲兄弟推波助澜将工稳的小楷推向极致，「凡金版玉册，用之朝廷，藏秘府，颁属国，必命之书「。二沈书法被推为科举楷则，于是台阁体盛行。明中期吴中四家崛起，书法开始朝尚态方向发展。祝允明、文徵明、王宠与唐寅是这个时期的代表，书法开始迈入倡导个性化的新境域。晚明书坛兴起一股批判思潮，书法上追求大尺幅，震荡的视觉效果，有名的有张瑞图、黄道周、王铎与倪元瑞等，而帖学殿军董其昌仍坚持传统立场。

绘画

明代的绘画成就巨大，大致偏重于文人画派，往上承袭唐、宋、元三代的体系，再经过充分发挥后而自成一家的。明代画风迭变，画派繁兴。在绘画的门类、题材方面，传统的人物画、山水画、花鸟画盛行，文人墨戏画的梅、兰、竹及杂画等也相当发达。其中最兴盛的山水画派可分为气势恢弘的浙派、苍劲活泼的院派与清丽缜密的吴派三种。著名的书画家如擅长花鸟的徐渭、擅长人物画的陈洪绶，「明四家」沈周、文徵明、唐寅和仇英，山水画大师董其昌。明朝绘画以山水和花鸟为主。人物画和社会风俗画相对较弱。明朝的雕像较多为城隍、孔子、关公、岳飞等为主。

明代晚期由于传教士纷纷来华，西方近代绘画也传入中国，开始了东西方艺术的第一次正面交流。但由于东西方审美观的差异，西方艺术的影响主要体现在西洋版画艺术方面，尤其是坤舆图、西方原版图书以及圣迹画对明代晚期的绘画产生了重要影响。

File:Dai Jin. Travelers Through Mountain Passes. 61,8x29,7 Palace Museum, Beijing..jpg|戴进所绘《关山行旅图》，山石大斧劈皴，水墨淋漓，豪放挺健，下笔较重，粗爌有力，气势充沛

File:Lv Ji Sweet Osmanthus Chrysanthemum And Birds.jpg|吕纪所绘《桂菊山禽图》，生意流动，设色鲜丽；泉石布景，也点染烟润，清新有致

File:Lofty Mt.Lu by Shen Zhou.jpg|沈周所绘《庐山高图》，用墨浓淡相间，于满幅布局中有疏朗之感，故觉实中有虚

File:Tao Gu Presents a Poem by Tang Yin.JPG|唐寅所绘《陶谷赠词图》，不独布局得体，设色秀妍，而且理趣兼优，形神俱佳

File:Old Trees by a Cold Waterfall.JPG|文徵明所绘《古木寒泉图》，一松一柏，相旁而生

File:Tree in Summer with the shadow.jpg|董其昌所绘《夏木垂荫图》，山川树石、烟云流润，柔中有骨力，转折灵变，墨色层次分明，清隽雅逸

建筑及工程

明代的建筑工艺创下新成就。南京和北京城池都是伟大的建筑作品。应天府京城城墙营建于洪武二年，完成于洪武十九年，城墙周长达66里，一般宽10-18米，高12-15米，是世界上最长的城墙。南京城突破方正的格局，而是按照地理形势修建。皇城位于东部，市肆和居民区位于南部，西北则是军营。洪武二十三年起，明政府开始修建京师外郭城（即南京外城），周围120里，开十六门，将雨花台和锺山都包入其中。而北京城池则较为方正，体现皇权至上的思想。明朝的宫殿建筑也十分宏伟，故宫即为例证。明朝各种历制建筑也十分严谨工整。天坛、太庙、社稷坛、孔庙都是十分巍峨庄严的建筑。明代帝陵工程浩大，可谓历代之最。而在明代被重建的万里长城（明长城）更是举世无双的巨作，保卫明朝的边疆，至今依然耸立。

File:Temple of Heaven.jpg|北京天坛祈年殿，始建于明永乐十八年（1420年），是天坛最早的建筑物

File:Dongyang Luzhai 2015.05.24 16-19-59.jpg|浙江东阳卢宅

File:Kongfu.jpg|山东曲阜衍圣公府

宗教

明朝的兴起与元末信奉明教与白莲教的红巾军息息相关，所以明太祖建立明朝后对宗教采取抑制和利用兼并的政策。他主要希望阻断摩尼教、白莲教与弥勒宗等宗教组织再度变成反朝廷的起事军，并且希望利用佛教、道教等宗教的力量来维护社会秩序。结果，得到「皇粮」全面保障的佛教与道教演变成缺乏精神上的创新追求，亦脱离广大信众，民众转而寻求民间宗教作为慰藉。

洪武元年（1368年），朱元璋登基以后，为了巩固自己的统治，他在严厉禁止、镇压白莲教等民间秘密宗教的同时，即大力提倡尊朱崇儒，确立儒家思想、并大搞神道设教，扶植佛教和道教。洪武年间，朱元璋不仅耗费大量财力和物力，修缮灵谷寺、天界寺、天禧寺、能仁寺、鸡鸣寺、栖霞寺等许多佛教寺院，还修复、重建朝天宫等一批道教宫观，「凡道家所号天帝之宫，靡不崇饰」。（注：《金陵玄观志》卷1，商辂：《奉敕重建朝天宫》。） 他还拨给寺观、宫观大量田土、芦荡，免除其税粮和差役，并多次召集名僧举办法会，自己亲戴皮弁，腰插玉圭，率领群臣顶礼膜拜，或徵召道士，举办斋醮祈雨，自己「设槁席露坐，昼曝于日中，顷刻不移，夜卧于地，衣不解带」，（注：《明太祖实录》卷53，洪武三年六月戊午。）可谓虔诚至极。他还多次召见名僧、道士，赐坐讲论，有些应对称旨的僧人甚至擢为大官，充当心腹耳目。朱元璋还应僧、道之请，设立善世院、玄教院，后改为僧录司、道录司，以名僧、道徒总领全国的佛教、道教事务。为了扩大佛、道的影响，朱元璋又命四方名僧点校《大藏经》（即《洪武南藏》），令宗泐、如玘等僧人重新笺释《般若心经》、《金刚经》和《楞伽经》，亲自为《心经》作序；并仿效唐宋君主，亲为《道德经》作注，撰成《御注道德经》二卷，还撰写了《周颠仙人传》，广行刊布。 明朝官方还多次组织刊刻卷帙浩大的佛藏和道藏。佛藏除《洪武南藏》外，还有《永乐南藏》、《永乐北藏》、《万历续北藏》以及藏文的《大藏经》，道藏则有《正统道藏》和《万历续道藏》。

明朝流行对不同宗教兼容并取倾向，民间宗教性信仰、习俗多样而活跃。基本精神在信仰自由主义、保持国家政治世俗性质、维持社会稳定和国家对社会的控制。集中体现这些政策精神的仍是儒家政治社会理念并倚赖士大夫群体的努力。其变动因素和矛盾来源，则在诸教向国家政权机关的渗透、皇室特殊化行为、民间泛神论多元信仰倾向、部分士大夫的信仰综合主义。在此期间，回族的形成与犹太教的消亡，表现出作为外因的社会环境与作为内在动力的宗教本土化、世俗化运动，对宗教发展有著至关重要的影响。

明朝中期以后，佛教受皇室宗教活动加强的刺激与儒家的矛盾尖锐起来。这种矛盾促使部分士大夫强烈反对寺院修建并发表辟佛言论。明朝政府对藏传佛教政策与对汉传佛教政策有同有异。其重要差异之一是，明朝对藏传佛教政策与对西部边疆政策紧密相关，而对汉地佛教政策则于周边关系政策基本无关。此外，部分士大夫以藏传佛教为「番教」，认同程度逊于内地佛教。明朝一些皇帝因喇嘛多擅长某些「法术」，对其有特殊兴趣，并因而导致士大夫针对相关政策的批评。道教起源于本土民间信仰，在明代与儒家士大夫的冲突比较和缓。但明朝君主中信奉道教者多，既影响到国家政治，也影响到士大夫与君主的关系。士大夫在反覆重申儒家原旨的同时，对道教的批评也日趋尖锐。民间宗教以最贴近下层百姓生活的组织形式和内容，满足中下层民众的宗教需求，甚至部分地满足他们的政治要求和经济要求。这是明朝中叶之后，民间宗教如火如荼发展起来的重要原因。明朝政府将民间宗教基本看作民俗，一般无干预，对视为「陋俗」者加以排斥，在涉及秘密社会活动时则严厉禁止。

明朝还是信仰伊斯兰教诸民族、藏传佛教黄教的形成和发展，以及天主教在中国传播的重要时期。伊斯兰教在社会生活中相对封闭，在明代政策中大体上表现为一个民族政策问题而不是一个宗教问题，基本与国家以及其他社会成分相安无事。明朝中期以后，天主教再度传入中国，当时士大夫寻求改革，明朝对天主教大致宽容。

哲学思想

哲学思想上，王阳明继承陆九渊的「心学」并发扬光大，他的思想强调「致良知」及「知行合一」，并且肯定人的主体性地位，将「人」的主动性放在学说的重心。而王阳明的弟子王艮更进一部的强化此方面的论述，提出「百姓日用即道」，肯定平民百姓日常生活的意义。而李贽则更肯定「人欲」的价值，认为人的道德观念系源自于对日常生活的需求，表现追求个体价值的思想。而随著西学的传入，科学精神与实学风尚也开始流行。明末之际，伴随著朝代的更替与异族的入主，哲学家开始更多的思考现实问题与政治改良，如王船山、黄梨洲、顾亭林等。

而明代晚期书院的兴盛，冲击官学的地位。许多知识分子利用在书院讲学之际藉机批评时政，例如曾讲学于东林书院的顾宪成及高攀龙，就常讽刺时政，也使东林书院成为与当权派对抗的中心，进而造成东林党争。当时学者也会借用寺庙周边的空地举行「讲会」，倡导新的思想价值与人生观。

以顾炎武、黄宗羲、王夫之并为明末清初三大儒。顾炎武提倡「经学即理学」，提出以「实学」代替宋明理学，要学者直接研习六经。提倡「天下兴亡，匹夫有责」，著有《日知录》、《音学五书》等。黄宗羲有「中国思想启蒙之父」之誉称，著有《明儒学案》、《宋元学案》，是中国学术史之祖。他保护阳明学，排斥宋明理学，力主诚意慎独之说，蔚为浙东学派。王夫之强调实际行动是知识的基础，认为历史发展具有规律性，是「理势相成」。其思想发展成船山学，后人编为《船山遗书》。

以民为天下之主的思想于明末清初亦有所流行，例如生活在明末又经历清初时期的黄宗羲和顾炎武、王夫之提倡民权，所著的《明夷待访录》攻击君主专制体制，提倡天下为主，君为客的观点，倍受清末革命党的推崇。部分学者认为黄宗羲的思想是近代民主主义的思想，有西方学者称黄宗羲为「中国自由主义的先驱」。

西学

西欧进入大航海时代后，葡萄牙意图在中国建立贸易据点。1513年，葡萄牙国王曼努埃尔一世为想要与明廷通商，派出使节团前往中国。使节团本来想在广州登陆，但被拒绝入境。他们改以武力占据屯门，与明朝爆发屯门海战、西草湾之战，结果战败。最后明世宗嘉靖皇帝同意入境，并且让葡萄牙人在澳门开设商行，允许他们每年来广州「越冬」。其后西班牙、荷兰、英国等国相继派使团东来，使得不少西洋事物传入中国。1582年，天主教传教士利玛窦奉命前往中国教区工作。利玛窦很快学会中文，并穿儒服、通儒书，颇得明朝士大夫好感。后来他被举荐到北京，颇得明神宗信任。他向中国进献圣母玛莉亚像、十字架、坤舆万国全图、西洋自鸣钟、西洋大炮、西洋式望远镜、西洋式火枪、西药等贡品，先后在北京、肇庆等地展出。

科技

学者李正焕认为明朝是中国科技发展的极其重要的时期，涌现出一大批集大成的科学家和许多不朽的科技名著，而金观涛、樊洪业、刘青峰则认为自宋元两代以后，中国的科学发展日益趋于停滞状态。炼铁量是用来评估国家产力的重要指数。在宋朝，中国每年的炼铁量总和相当于18世纪的全欧洲总炼铁量，在明朝，许多炼铁厂被荒废。

天文历法

明朝初期的大统历一直沿用元代授时历，不准民间研究，下诣「国初学天文有厉禁，习历者遗戍，造历者诛死」，但天文导航、冶炼钢铁、商业数学等实用科技仍有许多重要成就。到了后期禁令被放宽后有学者编写了一部天文著作，可是无人问津、不被重视且「未曾用之」，《大明律》规定：「造谶讳、妖书妖言及传用惑众者，皆斩。若私有妖书隐藏不送官者，杖一百，徒三年」，严厉处置撰写、刊行、销售或使用「妖书」的人。被送官烧毁的「妖书」名目有《换天图》、《飞天历》、《聚宝经》、《太上玄元镜》等共计88种。明朝的大统历是承袭元朝的授时历，对日月蚀的预报早已不准，明朝开国一百多年后陆续有人建议改历，被礼部以「古法未可轻变，请仍旧法」和「祖制不可变」的理由反对。明代钦天监的天文官们已无人能掌握元代郭守敬等制订授时历时所依据的原理和方法。利玛窦凭藉西洋书本上的知识即可预测日月蚀，而钦天监的官员们却一筹莫展。当徐光启、李之藻等人打算用西法改历而发动宣传攻势时亦引起了守旧势力的反感。后来由于士大夫攻击传教活动，并谓私习天文为违反大明律，政府下令严禁，并将所有耶稣会士逐往澳门。

明太祖亦禁止人民进行科学研究，且鄙薄科学技术，认为皆是「无益」之物并加以毁坏：「明太祖平元，司天监进水晶刻漏，中设二木偶人，能按时自击钲鼓。太祖以其无益而碎之」。

学术著作

作明中晚期学术著作众多，如李时珍的《本草纲目》、宋应星的《天工开物》、徐光启的《农政全书》、方以智的《物理小识》、程大位的《算法统宗》、吴有性的《瘟疫论》、徐霞客的《徐霞客游记》，这些科学家几乎都是明朝有功名的士子。1637年宋应星在《论气·气声》中对声音的产生和传播作出合乎科学的解释，认为声音是由于物体振动或急速运动冲击空气而产生的，并通过空气传播，同水波相类似。方以智在《物理小识》中提出：「宙（时间）轮于宇（空间），则宇中有宙，宙中有宇。」提出时间和空间不能彼此独立存在的时空观。在《物理小识》中正确地解释蒙气差（即大气折射）现象。民间光学仪器制造家孙云球制造放大镜、显微镜等几十种光学仪器，并著《镜史》。

明朝宗室在技术上也有贡献，朱载堉在世界上第一次正确地提出十二平均律，并在数学、天文学方面亦多有建树；明初周王朱橚把四百馀种植物种于府内，并让王府画工将植物绘图编制成书，名为《救荒本草》。《救荒本草》共记有植物414种，并详细描述各种植物的形态、产地、生境、可食用部位和食用方法，是生物学历史上的重要书籍。中晚明的军事科技也有所进步，各种新式火器大量涌现，但也被当时的军事家批评不实用。西方传入的佛郎机火炮和红夷大炮都在中国制造和使用。还有一些专门的火器论著出现，如茅元仪所著之《武备志》。

中西交流

明朝末期，随著耶稣会传教士和西学的传入，中晚明的科学技术出现新的进步。在他们传播教义的同时，也大量传入西方的科学技术。当时中国的科学发展趋于缓慢，落后于欧洲。随著西学传入，使得中国的少数士大夫开始认识到西方学问之中有其优于中国之处，但这并未造成中国人对于中西学的基本高下看法有所改变。西学中主要受到注意的仍是技术方面如天文历法、测量以及所谓的「西洋奇器」等，对于中国学术本身的影响冲击亦不大。而当时传入中国的学问非常多样，也有一些士大夫著手与传教士合作翻译西方书籍或著书介绍西学，例如徐光启就曾与利玛窦合译几何原本。李之藻与利玛窦合译同文算指。在中西文化交流的同时，基于双方文化的歧异及认知方面的不同，也引发一些冲突，例如南京教案等。

明朝数学的发展停滞，且远比宋元落后，明朝中叶的著名数学家顾应祥与唐顺之对「天元术」的茫昧不解，被认为是中国数学在十四世纪之后由盛而衰的一个见证。在明朝年间失传了宋元两代累积的数学知识，后来经过清代学者梅谷成等人重新发现并加以研究。骆祖英认为，整体而言，明代数学的整体水平并不比同期西方数学滞后，当时东西方数学水平相当。

社会

风气

明代早期，社会风气比较节俭。后期伴随著商品经济的发达以及政府控制力的下降，社会风气转向浮华与奢靡，不论士大夫或百姓，在饮食、居住、穿著、娱乐各方面都更为讲究，甚至贫穷人家也追慕仿效，与过去儒家崇尚简朴的风气有很大的差别。商人的地位也明显提高。时人张瀚曾言：「今之世风，上下俱损矣！」明初朱元璋认为「元以宽失天下」，因此要「救之以猛」，一改元朝优容江南士人的政策，采取各种措施打压及迫害江南文人。有明一代，明廷便拟定江南重赋，「官、民田视他地方倍蓗」，并且规定「浙江，江西，苏松人毋得任户部」。仕宦的江南士人，或因党案，或因文字狱之故，动辄获罪横死。

明朝的另一项重要社会风气就是藏书之风。无论官方与民间皆好藏书。私家藏书尤为发达。天一阁是中国目前现存的最早的私家藏书楼。其创建者是范钦。在范钦去世时，天一阁藏书的总数达到七万卷。天一阁对藏书严加保管，水火不入。也严禁外借。明代重要的藏书楼还有汲古阁、绛云楼等。而私人刻书也逐渐发达，出现的彩印的套印等新工艺，印制的书籍量更是达到一个新的高峰，也使得书籍的读者群更为扩大，各种通俗小说的出现也为平民百姓提供另一种娱乐。装帧方法也得到改进，出现对后世影响深远的线装书。

贞节旌表的制度在明朝成为固定持续的制度，使得女性守贞守节从原本的典范理想成为一般性的风气甚至规范。而缠足也在明朝逐渐成为社会上较普遍的习俗。此外，晚明社会风气的开放，使当时成为中国历史上才女文化最发达的时代之一。

城市化

16世纪的欧洲城市规模较小，1519年至1558年时期，拥有2万至3万人口即可称为「大城市」。从城市规模和人口比例看，晚明中国的城市化程度反倒稍高一些。据伊懋可的数据，中国城市人口在明末占总人口的6%至7.5%。而学者曹树基估计，1630年时中国城市化率已达到8%，略高于清代城市化率的7.4%。

明代百姓的娱乐风尚发达，「旅游」一词在中国历史上首次出现。明代家俱的样式也进入一个新的阶段，风格典雅，流传至今者不在少数。园林艺术在明朝也非常兴盛，代表著作是明代造园家计成的《园冶》一书，这是第一部全面总结私家园林的专著。

社会福利

明朝是中国古代社会福利最好的时期，在平定天下驱除胡虏之后，朱元璋一方面实施「与民休息」的经济政策，另一方面推出了中国最早的福利政策。明朝的福利政策完备且有特色，对当时经济的发展起到了非常积极的推动作用。明代出现了免费养老院、免费医院和免费公墓等，而且对于60岁以上的老人，明朝政府制定了较为完备的养老政策。

饮食

明代的茶文化与酒文化也十分发达，民间盛行饮酒之风，酒令进入成熟的阶段。各种新式茶色纷纷出现，紫砂壶也开始流行。酒楼茶馆成为城市居民的重要休闲场所。

《乌青镇志》记载万历年间，市井之家的宴席：「万历年间，牙人以招商为业。初至，牙主人丰其款待，割鹅开宴，招妓演戏，以为常。」

万历进士顾起元在《客座赘语》中记述南京风俗民情说：「今则服舍违式，婚宴无节，白屋之家，侈僭无忌。」

张岱在《陶庵梦忆》中记载了许多美食：「越中清馋，无过余者，喜啖方物。北京则苹婆果、黄、马牙松；山东则羊肚梨、文官果、甜子；福建则福桔、福桔饼、牛皮糖、红腐乳；江西则青根丰城脯；山西则天花菜；苏州则带骨鲍螺、山楂丁、山楂糕、松子糖、白圆、橄榄脯；嘉兴则马交鱼脯、陶庄黄；南京则套樱桃、桃门枣、地栗团、窝笋团、山楂糖；杭州则西瓜、鸡豆子、花下藕、韭菜、元笋、塘栖蜜桔；萧山则杨梅、莼菜、鸠鸟、青鲫、方柿；诸暨则香狸、樱桃、虎栗；嵊则蕨粉、细榧、龙游糖；临海则枕头瓜；台州则瓦楞蚶、江瑶柱；浦江则火肉；东阳则南枣；山阴则破塘笋、谢桔、独山菱、河蟹、三江屯怪、白蛤、江鱼、鲥鱼、里河。远则岁致之，近则月致之，日致之。耽耽逐逐，的为口腹谋。」

叶梦珠在《阅世编》记述明末宴会：「肆筵设席，吴下向来丰盛。缙绅之家，或宴官长，一席之间水陆珍馐多至数十品。即庶士中人之家，新亲严席，有多至二三十品者。若十馀品则是寻常之会矣。然品必用木漆果山如浮屠样，蔬用小瓷碟添案，小品用攒盒，俱以木漆架架高，取其适观而已。即食前方丈，盘中之餐，为物有限。崇祯初，始废果山碟架，用高装水果，严席则列五色，以饭盂盛之。相知之会则一大瓯而兼间数色，蔬用大铙碗，制渐大矣。」

明代笔记记载：「昔有一人，善制鹅掌。每豢养肥鹅将杀，先熬沸油一盂，投以鹅足，鹅痛欲绝，则纵之池中，任其跳跃。已而复擒复纵，炮瀹如初。若是者数回，则其为掌也，丰美甘甜，厚可经寸，是食中异品也。」。

衣著服饰

明朝服饰继承了宋元两代的式样，但亦有一定程度的胡化，例如明代流行的曳撒就是继承于元代蒙古人的腰线袄。中后期更出现了前代未见的形制款式如立领，以及于一件衣服的显眼处大量使用钮扣。至清朝期间逐渐被禁止，但仍有少数款式和特徵流传至今。近代至现代朝鲜族、琉球族、京族的民族服饰（韩服、琉装、越服）亦深受明朝服饰影响。

明代妇女的服装，主要有衫、袄、霞帔、褙子、披风、比甲及裙子等，明中期出现立领。比甲的名称，见于宋元以后，但这种服饰的基本样式，却早已存在。比甲为对襟、无袖，左右两侧开衩。隋唐时期的半臂，就是与比甲有著一定渊源关系。明代比甲大多为年轻妇女所穿，而且多流行在士庶妻女及奴婢之间。成年女性多戴狄髻，并于上面插上成套的饰物，称为头面。明代上襦下裙的服装形式，与唐宋时期的襦裙最大差别在于明代的上衣并不束在裙外，这种款式称为袄裙。比如立领、宽衣大袖紧袖口与大褶裙装等，都是大明服饰的特色。劳动时常加一条短小的腰裙，以便活动，有些侍女丫环也喜欢这种装束。上襦除传统的交领外，到明中后期还出现立领。裙子除继承前代的百褶裙、褶裥裙外，还出现了马面裙。裙的颜色，初尚浅淡，虽有纹饰，但并不明显。至中期则多饰以膝襴，有刺绣、织金、烫金等形式的裙襴。崇祯初年，裙子多为素白，即使刺绣纹样，也仅在裙幅下边一、二寸部位缀以一条花边，作为压脚。裙幅初为六幅，即所谓「裙拖六幅湘江水」；后用八幅，腰间有很多细褶，行动辄如水纹。到了明末，裙子的装饰日益讲究，裙幅也增至十幅，腰间的褶裥越来越密，此时出现一种裙子，每褶都有一种颜色，微风吹来，色如月华，故称「月华裙」。腰间多挂上荷包、事件（小工具组合）等物品，装饰与实用性兼备。明代崇祯年间出现一种以各色零碎锦料拼合缝制成的服装，称为水田衣，因整件服装织料色彩互相交错形如水田而得名。它具有其它服饰所无法具备的特殊效果，简单而别致，水田衣的制作，在开始时还比较注意匀称，各种锦缎料都事先裁成长方形，然后再有规律地编排缝制成衣。到了后来就不再那样拘泥，织锦料子大小不一，参差不齐，形状也各不相同，与戏台上的「百衲衣」（又称富贵衣）十分相似。

明代男子常服、吉服、常礼服等，多用袍衫，有直身、直裰、道袍、道服、行衣、深衣等形制。上层社会及富家男子的便服面料以绸缎为主，上绘有纹样，也有用织锦缎制作的，其制为大襟、右衽、宽袖，下长过膝。常服及吉服道袍、直裰、直身等，配以丝縧，劳动者多穿上衣下裤组成的裋褐。巾帽有多款，常见有幅巾、大帽、东坡巾、儒巾、飘飘巾等。

明太祖朱元璋诏令「衣冠制度悉如唐宋之旧」，因此明朝汉族男子服式沿袭大襟右衽交领和圆领这两种传统服饰式样，又大量吸收元代服饰特点，发展出曳撒、兵笠等特色服饰。明代妇女的服装，主要有衫、袄、霞帔、褙子、比甲及裙子等，衣服的多变与款式做工达到一个高峰。

人口

人数变动

元惠宗至正年间（1341年－1370年）全国发生多次大规模的灾荒饥馑疾病和瘟疫，并最终促使红巾军起义爆发，期间造成人口大量减少。大明建立并统一全国后，明太祖实行休养生息政策，全国的农业生产在蒙元时代长期大规模战争而遭受极大破坏的背景下得到很大程度的恢复，加上洪武年间大规模向淮河以北和四川的荒无之地、垦荒填充移民，使人口得以稳定增长。到明太祖洪武廿六年（1393年）全国有6500万人，其中民户占6175万人，军户占325万人。北五省（北平、山西，山东、河南、陕西）人口有1755万人，占全国27%，其中山东最多，有5,462,850人，以下依次为山西（3,790,760人）、河南（2,825,300人）、陕西（2,646,450人）、北平（2,619,500人）。中五省（京师、浙江、江西、湖广、四川）人口总数为3380万，占全国52%。其中，南直隶有11,291,460人；人口密度最高的苏南太湖流域人口达6,320,300人，平均每平方公里220人；其次为浙江省，有9,959,270人；江西有7,260,000人，湖广有4,318,420人，四川最少，仅1,314,260人。南五省（福建、广东、广西、云南、贵州）总人口有1040万人，占全国的16%。

明朝户口的峰值出现在明朝后期，但对于具体时间与人口数量，不同学者有不同说法。易中天认为，明末人口六千馀万；赵文林、谢淑君认为1626年明朝达到人口峰值，实际人口大约有99,873,000人；王育民认为万历年间明朝人口达到峰值，实际人口在130,000,000人至150,000,000人之间；葛剑雄认为1600年明朝实际人口大约有197,000,000人，明朝人口峰值接近2亿；曹树基认为1630年明朝达到人口峰值，实际人口大约有192,510,000人，1644年实际人口大约有152,470,000人；而英国经济学家安格斯·麦迪森则认为1600年明朝实际人口大约有160,000,000人。

根据南开大学王泉伟在《明代男女比例的统计分析——根据地方志数据的分析》一文当中的研究，明朝的性别比相当不平衡，明朝中期后，全国范围内的性别比曾一度达到每100个女性中有150个男性的状况，有些地区甚至出现每一百个女性中有大约300个男性的状况；复旦大学中国历史地理研究所的曹树基也曾在《墓志铭中所见明代人口结构》一文中提及明代性别比失衡、出现男性远多于女性的状况。

明世宗嘉靖末年美洲高产作物传入后开始在明代人口最为稠密的江浙和岭南地区普及和推广，尤其是经过万历中兴过后以较快速度稳定成长，到明神宗万历四十八年（1620年）根据当代学者研究估计达到前所未有的150,000,000人，分布格局基本未变。崇祯十三年（1640年）到顺治七年（1650年），由于战争、饥荒和瘟疫等造成中原地区死亡加大，特别是由于北方鼠疫和旱灾的爆发、以及八旗入关掠杀和为防范汉人而进行有计划的迁移，造成人口大量减少，只有原先人口总数一半不到，特别是经历鼠疫大爆发的北方，人口降到不足20%。

户籍制度

明代沿袭元代，将人户分为民户、军户、匠户三等。手工业者为匠籍。也就是规定全国技术好的手工业工人必须于官营手工业部门服务的制度。匠籍、军籍比一般民户地位低，不得应试，并要世代承袭。若想脱离原户籍极为困难，需经皇帝特旨批准方可。

明代定以前的匠户为匠籍，并规定这些入匠籍的手工、工人子孙世代承袭，不得脱籍改行，但不同点在于明代时，他们不需永远在王朝服役，而只要依规定每隔几年轮班到京城服役一次即可，称之为轮班匠。轮班匠的劳动是无偿的，还由于到京城的路途遥远，轮班匠仍然常常发生逃役的状况，于是在明宪宗成化二十一年（1485年），朝廷便下令轮班匠可缴交银两折抵役期，称为「匠班银」。嘉靖四十一年（1562年）起，朝廷进一步改革匠役制度，轮班匠一律征银，以银代役，政府则以银雇工。人身束缚大为削弱。但仍有部分工人留在官营手工业单位服务，匠籍制并未完全废除。

人口迁移

明初为了恢复生产和发展经济，政府有组织的把山西一带的民众迁到中原等人口较少的地区，史称洪洞树大移民。17世纪开始的全国性大旱灾直接导致了全国性的大蝗灾。也引发了波及差不多整个华北地区的鼠疫。人口大量死亡，灾民大量离乡。但因明末的动乱很快结束，而灾民除死亡外，不久也回到了原籍，并未形成大规模的移民。

疆域

行政区划

明朝大致上继承元朝行政区划，其一级地方行政区分置承宣布政使司（布政司）、提刑按察使司（按察司）与都指挥使司（都司）的都布按三司制度，分别掌管行政、司法与军事等三种治权，防止地方权力集中。布政司通称省，底下依序有道、府州与县。道是明朝特别设置介于省和府州之间的行政单位，分为分守道和分巡道两种，分守道为布政司的派出机构，负责监督协调府州行政，分巡道为按察司的派出机构，负责监督协调府州司法治安。府为明朝最主要的统县政区，原为元朝的路，以税粮多寡为划分标准，粮廿万石以上为上府，廿万以下十万以上为中府，十万以下为下府。州与府同样是统县政区，但人口税收比府少，地位也比府低。州按照其行政隶属分为两类，直辖于布政司的州称直隶州，隶属于府的称散州或属州。军事区划有卫、所两级，但部分位于少数民族聚居区或边疆军屯区的卫所具有类似内地州县的行政职能，行政上分别相当于府与县。明代宗、明英宗时设有中央派出管理行政的巡抚与管理军事的总督，地位在布政司与都司之上。为限制巡抚与总督的权力，又设有都御史制衡之。明朝最后有140府，193州，1138县，493卫，359所。

承宣布政使司

承宣布政使司（布政司）主管地方行政，地位等同元朝的行中书省。明太祖原沿袭行中书省的称呼，1376年时改为布政使司，通称行省。明初设有十三个布政司与京师（非城市，地位等同布政司，辖现今江苏与安徽两省）。1380年胡惟庸案后撤废中书省，京师及布政司直属于六部之下。明成祖时期，于1407年到1428年间在原安南地区设置交址布政司。于1413年设贵州布政司。为迁都北京，1403年将北平布政司升格为行在，1421年迁都北京后称为京师（北直隶），原京师改称南京（南直隶），形成「两京十三省」的行政区划。两京为明朝首都北京与南京的正式称呼顺天府与应天府，其与其周边州府分别合称北直隶与南直隶，不设布政司，十三布政司为陕西、山西、山东、河南、浙江、江西、湖广、四川、广东、福建、广西、贵州、云南。明朝行政区划设置大体符合山川形便之处，但仍有一些不合理之处，如南直隶地跨淮北、淮南、江南三个地区，语言文化上属于太湖吴越区的苏松地区归入南直而非传统上的浙江，秦岭以南的汉中等地归入陕西而非传统上的四川，河南也占据局部的黄河以北土地。贵州省呈现中间窄两边宽的蝴蝶状。

都指挥使司

都指挥使司（都司）主管地方军事，明太祖采用卫所制，于1370年于各省设置一都卫，1375年才设置都司管理。都司原隶属大都督府，于胡惟庸案后析大都督府为五，分统诸军司卫所。明朝一共设置十六个都司、五个行都司与两个留守司。其中十三个是与布政使司同名的的都司，其他三个是万全都司、大宁都司和辽东都司。五行都司是陕西（治甘州卫，今张掖）、四川（治建昌卫，今西昌）、湖广（治郧阳卫，今湖北郧县）、福建（治建宁府，今建瓯市）、山西（治大同府）。两留守司是洪武年间设置的中都留守司（今凤阳）和嘉靖年间置于承天府（今湖北锺祥）的兴都留守司。属羁縻性质的都司中，最有名的有统辖黑龙江和松花江流域、库页岛的北半部的奴儿干都司，在政教合一的青藏地区设置有乌斯藏、朵甘二都司（但这是否代表当时的西藏受到了明朝的统治存在较大的争议，请参详明朝治藏历史），另有置于今甘肃、青海交界地区的哈密、曲先等卫。这些具羁縻性质的行政区划与内地的都司、行都司性质不同。

巡抚与总督、督师

巡抚主理民政，原本是明宣宗时期派六部、都察院大臣以此为名义督抚地方行政，通常为三品侍郎级，但四品的佥都御史亦可担任。到明代宗时正式形成一级行政区。总督于明英宗时设置，分短期与长期两种，管辖数个布政司的军务。通常辖有一至二个省，由二品尚书级官员担任。而巡抚与布政司的辖属关系不一，有的巡抚辖有有一个到两个布政司，如正统年间的山西河南巡抚。有的是一个布政司上面有数个巡抚，如北直隶有顺天巡抚（驻遵化）、保定巡抚（驻真定，今河北正定）、宣府巡抚（驻宣府镇，今河北宣化，一度兼领山西大同府）三巡抚；南直隶有两巡抚：应天巡抚（驻苏州府，今江苏苏州）、凤阳巡抚（驻淮安府，今江苏淮安市淮安区）。有的巡抚管辖布政司与布政司之间的交界处，如南赣韶汀巡抚就跨越江西、广东、福建三个布政司。督师于明末时设立，职位在总督之上，是明代最大的地方官，但并不是正式职位，而是一个称呼，如卢象升曾总理陕、川、等七省军务，便可称督师七省。它是明末为应对农民军的非常措施，存在时间并不长。

范围变迁

塞北地区

明初武功强盛，多次对北元和随后的鞑靼和瓦剌作战，并在与漠南一带设置四十馀个卫所防卫，包括东胜卫、云川卫、官山卫、全宁卫、老哈河卫等，这些都是明廷的边防重地。其走向大致为阴山-大青山南麓-西拉木伦河一线。15世纪30年代后，由于天气转寒，农耕不济，靖难之役时边塞军队被燕王抽调。因此期间边境略有南移。在明成祖永乐年间，明军多次北伐，边境形势一度改观。但在明中叶以后，随著蒙古的再次崛起，边境再次南移。并修建长城以防御蒙古，在长城沿线设置九边重镇加强防御。长城也成为明中后期的北边，同时也是农耕区与游牧区的界线。

东北地区

明太祖设置辽东都司以经营辽东。并多次进军黑龙江流域，招抚当地土著部落，明廷势力一度达到外兴安岭与黑龙江口。明成祖永乐七年（1409年）于黑龙江地区设置奴儿干都司，然此都司并非常设机构，与东北130多个羁縻卫所不相辖属，甚至库页岛的北半部，明宣宗宣德九年（1434年）废弃之，撤回在奴儿干的流官驻军，不过之后女真仍奉明朝为主，原设于此处的各卫所及辽东都司仍然存在，至万历年间卫所增加至384个，以对当地实行羁縻统治。明英宗正统年间后，鞑靼兀良哈与建州女真部南迁，并不断侵犯辽东都司。明宪宗成化五年（1469年），明廷修建辽东边墙。16世纪末开始，建州女真酋长努尔哈赤开始兴起，统一女真部，明廷设置的卫所逐渐消亡。明神宗万历四十四年（1616年）努尔哈赤称汗，建国后金。明神宗万历四十七年（1619年）萨尔浒之战后，后金军队破辽东边墙，占领辽东都司大部土地，明朝控制区一度仅至山海关，后在孙承宗、袁崇焕等将领的抗击下，收复锦州以西地区。。

西北地区

明成祖永乐年间，西北疆界达到今新疆东部哈密地区，并设置沙州、安定、阿端、曲先、赤斤蒙古、罕东左一系列卫所。15世纪30年代之后，西北吐鲁番与青海蒙古部日益强大。1472年，哈密卫城一度被吐鲁番攻破，卫内迁，后复，1514年再度被并。16世纪后半期后，西北诸卫全部丧失，明军退守嘉峪关。

西南地区

明朝在1381年才将云贵地区完全划入疆域，并设置一系列土司、宣慰司管辖之，除正式府州外另设有三宣六慰，永乐年间増设底兀刺、大古刺、底马撒三个宣慰司。边界达到缅甸中北部、老挝北部、泰国北部一线。但后期这些地区多被周边国家所并。

明成祖永乐四年（1406年）明军进攻安南，南线达到日南州一带。次年设置安南布政使司，下设十五府、卅六州、两百馀县。后因当地人民反抗激烈，明廷于明宣宗宣德二年（1427年）放弃，安南恢复黎氏王朝。

明初吐蕃宣慰使何锁南普等率吐蕃诸部归降，后明廷在青藏高原地区设乌思藏、朵甘卫指挥使司，采取广行招谕、多封众建、因俗以治的治藏政策。在完成藏区的统一后，明太祖要求藏民输马作赋、承担徭役，或蒸造乌茶、输纳租米，强调「民之有庸，土之有赋，必不可少」。永乐五年（1407年），明成祖派遣刘昭、何铭等人前往藏区设置驿站，永乐十二年（1414年），又遣中官杨三宝往藏区招谕各土官恢复驿站，经多年努力终使往来西番的驿道安全畅通。万历以后，明朝对边疆控制日益松弛，蒙古人攻占了整个青海草原，朵甘都司遂废弃。

东南地区

明朝前期，设澎湖巡检司管理澎湖列岛。

1553年葡萄牙人获得在澳门停泊船只权，1557年取得居留权，在清光绪十三年（1887年）中葡签署《中葡和好通商条约》前，中国法律上一直拥有澳门主权。

1624年荷兰人进入台湾南部，筑热兰遮城。1626年西班牙人进入台湾北部。1642年荷兰赶走西班牙，占领台湾大部。1661年，郑成功进攻台湾，次年驱逐荷兰人，攻占台湾。

南海及东南亚地区

明成祖永乐年间，积极开展对外联系，特别是派遣郑和七下西洋，并积极对南海诸岛进行勘察和经营。多次往返南海诸岛的航行中而次次必登、必书南海诸岛。《郑和航海图》以「石塘」、「石星石塘」、「万生石塘屿」为今之西沙、东沙、中沙和南沙群岛之名。

永乐四年（1406年），郑和船队剿灭盘踞在旧港（今印尼巴邻旁）的海盗陈祖义，在其地设立旧港宣慰司，首任宣慰使施进卿即由郑和亲自前往册封。旧港宣慰司是为明朝最南方疆土，以控制南洋核心要冲地带，也确保了明朝在南洋的权威，令海外贸易大兴，还开启了华人大规模开发南洋的时代。

民族

明朝时期各少数民族政权得到了迅猛发展，民族关系形势也非常复杂。明前期，退居漠北的北元政权伺机南下扰明，企图东山再起，成为明朝的心腹大害；明中晚期，白山黑水的女真族在首领努尔哈赤的带领下，建立后金政权，并最终取代明政权。

明初武功实力最强，具开拓进取精神。在「大一统」思想的指引下，明朝以实力为后盾，注意使用军事打击和政治招抚相结合的策略，积极经略周围边疆地区，对后期民族关系思想的形成产生了重大的影响。同时，儒家知识分子刘基的夷夏观在华夷易代之际也表现出开明与宽容的特色。后来仁宣之治时在民族关系上做出来调整，南北一同放弃大规模军事征伐，采取「顺则抚之，逆则御之」的守成求安思想。

土木之变后明朝对周边少数民族也由进攻态势全面转向防御，形成了「守备」为主的民族关系思想。随著西南地区麓川土司势力大增，大臣门对于是「剿」与「抚」展开争论。到了孝宗期间，面对国计日艰、边防日蹙，和北方的蒙古、女真等民族关系更加复杂的情况，明孝宗想在民族关系处理上想有番作为，让边臣献策，比如马文升的「抚安东夷」、「收复哈密」，杨一清的「关中奏议」，王鳌的「上议边八事」以及丘浚的「严武备」、「驭夷狄」等；另外随著明朝国力的衰微以及土鲁番势力的强大，哈密卫的「弃」与「守」成为当朝大臣讨论争锋的焦点。世宗和穆宗统治时期边患增多，北虏南倭使明朝疲于应付，特别是面对套寇屡屡犯边，边疆祸事不断，曾铣等有识之士就收复河套问题多次上疏。穆宗在位期间实现了明蒙之间具有里程碑意义的隆庆和议，结束了蒙古各部与中原王朝近二百年兵戈交战的局面。

神宗在位时爆发了万历三大征，虽然取得胜利，但是耗费了明朝人力物力财力，使国家日趋衰败。内阁首辅张居正启用大将李成梁和戚继光，在辽东和蓟镇取得大捷。天启至崇祯时明朝已衰落到不可收拾的地步，东北女真建立后金政权，不断扰明。因此，朝廷任用辽东总兵熊廷弼、袁崇焕等人和女真对抗。同时在明清易代之际，明末思想家王夫之表现出特有的悲壮情怀和对华夷问题的反思，成为近代民族主义思想的滥觞。

明朝承袭传统的华夷之辨民族思想，尊崇汉族，鄙视少数民族，并进一步强化。而明朝民族关系思想基本上是对传统儒家民族观「大一统」和「华夷之辨」思想的继承和发展，同时又受到蒙元政权的影响，表现出「华夷一家」与「华夷之防」思想的矛盾与统一。但是消极、保守的边疆政策不仅影响了民族关系的发展，对于一个整体的统一多民族国家的形成、发展，具有重大影响。

西北各族

回族

学术界一般认为明朝是回族最终形成的时期。元朝灭亡后，不断有归附明朝政府的回人，明初政府曾禁止蒙古、色目人更易姓氏，限制回族内部通婚，后来明廷支持对回民的汉化政策，让回民改易汉姓。朱元璋「御制至圣百字赞」以及明皇室关于修建清真寺和保护清真寺宗教职业人员的谕旨，在一定程度上肯定了回族的宗教生活。明代学者陆容说：「回教门异于中国者，不供佛，不祭神，不拜尸。所尊敬者惟一天字。最敬孔圣人。故其言云：僧言佛子在西空，道说蓬莱往东海，唯有孔门真实事，眼前无日不春风。见中国人修斋记醮，则笑之。」大约经历了200多年，在伊斯兰教影响下，以回回人为主体，融合了国内汉、维、蒙等多种民族成分逐渐形成为新的民族共同体。在明末农民起义中，陕北和甘肃东部的回民在马守应的率领下，成为当时张献忠、李自成军队的主力之一。明末清初时期，米剌印、丁国栋在「反清复明」的口号下，率领了持续两年的甘州起义。到了清代，回族社会政治地位降到了历史上的最低点。

北部和东北各族

蒙古和女真

明朝边境上最大的两个威胁明朝安全的部族是蒙古和女真，时人称其为东虏和西虏。在明朝初年武功强盛时，一度将蒙古驱至漠北，蒙古也因内乱分裂成鞑靼、瓦剌等部而无力南侵。之后伴随明朝的衰落，蒙古诸部中最有实力者称霸于族内后，也多次进攻明朝，诸如瓦剌发起的土木之变和土默特部发起的庚戌之变，明朝的疆界因此内缩，也大大消耗明朝的国力。俺答汗后期开始于明朝通好，受封为顺义王，其后的三娘子继承和平的政策。明蒙之间边境安宁和平，互通有无。这种情况直到后金控制蒙古后才告结束。明朝早期曾经设置奴儿干都司来管理东北诸部，这一阶段女真人作为明朝于东北地区排除北元残馀势力的盟友，双方关系处于蜜月期，但中后期明朝采取「犁庭扫穴」等一些列不适当政策，对女真人进行歧视、限制、挑拨、分化甚至屠戮，激化当地矛盾。随著东北的蒙古部和女真部日益强大，奴儿干都司被废，明朝在东北的控制力更是进一步下降。17世纪后，建州女真首领努尔哈赤统一女真各部，降服蒙古，于1616年建国后金，与明朝分庭抗礼。后金占领辽东大部土地，曾对当地的汉人进行屠杀，并有入主中原的野心，严重威胁明朝的安全。1636年改国号大清，建立清朝，最终于1644年明朝灭亡后接替明朝统治中国276年的历史。

吉里迷和鄂罗克

吉里迷，是明代对库页岛的北半部上土著居民的称呼。在羁縻卫所，吉里迷（是尼夫赫人）的囊哈儿卫，鄂罗克人的兀列河卫和波罗河卫。永乐九年（1411年），明朝在黑龙江下游东岸特林设奴儿干都司，管理清代东三省。《重建永宁寺碑记》载：明钦差亦失哈等多次巡视奴儿干地方，曾对海外的库页岛的北半部。他们表示，「世世臣服，永无异意」。清代亦曾在此设姓长以统之。

西南

西藏

中国学者对于明朝对藏政策的主流见解是「因俗以治」、「多封众建」、「羁縻怀柔」。明朝对西南藏族地区的治理基本承袭元朝统治管理的办法。对西藏地区推行「多封众建」的政策，先后分封三大法王和五大地方之王。同时，通过朝贡和回赐，互通有无，体现西藏与中央政治上的隶属关系。明以来，藏族地区社会安定，经济发展迅速，文化艺术繁荣，与中国内地的交往更趋广泛和密切。美国汉学家认为，永乐帝是第一名积极寻求扩大与西藏关系的明朝统治者。

傣族

明朝时期傣族被称为「百夷」，而且经营百夷地区主要通过土司制度，明朝还制定了其他政策、采取了其他措施加强明朝对百夷的统治。百夷地处西南边疆地区，因此，明朝经营百夷的政策与明朝的西南边疆的形势发展息息相关。但由于明朝统治者的短视与误判，以「析解麓川地」的错误政策经略这一地区，最终导致明末缅甸东吁王朝对中缅边界中方一侧领土的侵扰和「蚕食」，造成明朝西南边界大幅内缩。

外交

朝贡体系

明朝初年，实施朝贡体制，朝贡贸易薄来厚往，许多日本人冒充朝贡使者来赚取好处。日本实际上是处于割据状态，没有统一的中央政权，很多到中国来冒充朝贡使者的日本人没有日本政府的管辖，朝贡后他们滞留在中国沿海抢劫。这是明初的倭寇。为防止倭寇朱元璋就颁布海禁政策。从此之后，如果要来中国做生意，必需朝贡兼贸易，否则不予，这就是所谓的「朝贡贸易」，兼具有怀柔拉拢周围国家的用途。明朝严格的贸易管制政策的影响导致正常贸易地下化，转为走私贸易。贸易港集中地由广东、福建转往已成为殖民地的菲律宾、印尼。而海上的维持秩序角色由于中国官方的消失而导致海盗集团猖獗。由于海上贸易仍在暗处进行，美洲银器又大量流入中国，银开始成为流行的通货。

海洋政策

海禁与郑和下西洋

明初鉴于倭寇的猖獗，明初曾实施海禁政策，永乐年间，明成祖派遣航海家三宝太监郑和率远洋船队七下西洋，最远到达非洲东海岸，又派遣吏部验封司员外郎陈子鲁出使撒马儿罕、吐鲁番、火州等西域十八国，加强明王朝同世界各国的经济政治上的往来，为中国走向世界做出贡献，体现永乐王朝的鼎盛和开放，也能表现出明朝海洋政策具有外向型海权意识。后来明仁宗听从朝中一些大臣的意见，认为下西洋过于浪费，收效不大，宣布停止下西洋的活动。不到一年，仁宗病逝，宣宗朱瞻基继位，改年号宣德。宣德五年闰十二月初六（1431年1月19日），派郑和第七次也是最后一次下西洋。明宪宗年间，曾有太监向宪宗提议再次下西洋，于是皇帝下诏到兵部索要郑和出使的海图等资料。但由于刘大夏等官员认为下西洋为一大弊政，有害无益，因此将当年郑和出海地图等资料藏匿起来（一说销毁），兵部尚书项忠命吏入库搜索无果，再次下西洋一事于是作罢。

而相当长时段内领先于世界的明朝海军，随著保守海洋政策的施行，海军实力迅速衰落。自唐宋以来中国的大航海事业，在明代出现衰退。尽管也有「郑和下西洋」的惊世盛举，但总的来说，海外贸易在整个明代的经济体系中所占比重不大。明代海禁约持续了两百年的时间，其结果是关闭了民间对外贸易的通道。私人下海贩易被视为违法，海外商船来华贸易也受到严格的控制。朝贡贸易则是唯一留下的贸易孔道，由官方垄断专营海外贸易，并与朝贡制度严密挂钩，从而形成朝贡与贸易合二为一的「贡市一体化」格局。明代学者王圻在《续文献通考》中记述：「凡外夷贡者，我朝皆设市舶司以领之⋯⋯其来也，许带方物，官设牙行与民贸易，谓之互市。是有贡舶即有互市，非入贡即不许其互市明矣。」日本学者内田直作认为：「明代之朝贡贸易，不论从贸易政策上或财政政策上讲，都没有重大的价值，只是举扬所谓朝贡礼的服从关系而已。」由于朝贡贸易无视经济法则，几乎全靠国力的强盛来维持，因此在明初明太祖和明成祖之后，由于国力渐衰以及时势发生变化，朝贡贸易也走向衰落，代之而起的是走私贸易。

隆庆开关

后来倭寇横行，明朝加大海禁的力度，直到明穆宗隆庆元年（1567年）之后，倭寇逐渐平息，朝廷有鉴于对外贸易对沿海居民的重要性，才逐步有限度地对外开放，并开放福建月港为中国商民出洋贸易的唯一口岸，允许民间商船出洋远贩东南亚各地，惟日本不在通商范围之内，去日贸易仍被视为「通倭」之举，史称「隆庆开关」。

来往国家

东亚

朝鲜

唐朝以来秉持著中华正统史观的朝鲜一直都是以「藩国」自居，尊中原王朝为宗主国，但在历代王朝中，朝鲜最为心悦诚服的却是明朝。1392年，高丽王朝大将李成桂发动政变，建立了李氏朝鲜。上书朱元璋要求赐予「国号」，朱元璋认为「朝鲜」是古名，而且「朝日鲜明」出处文雅，因此裁定朝鲜为新国名。朝中关系进入了近三百年的相对稳定时期。明亡之后，朝鲜君臣无不思念明朝，最后修建了大报坛来纪念明朝皇帝，尽管此时朝鲜官方文书的纪年在明亡后早已采用清朝的年号，无论是私人文书，还是皇室的祭祀中，私下里一概都是延用明朝纪年，以至于出现了「崇祯两百多年」事情。

清朝基本上不干涉朝鲜的尊明之举，朝鲜对明朝的崇拜不仅没有影响到对清朝的忠诚，反而让清朝感到朝鲜是一个知恩图报、讲情重义的国度。康熙帝曾说：「观朝鲜国王，凡事极其敬慎，其国人亦皆感戴。」

日本

倭寇对明朝的海疆构成严重威胁。但是倭寇的主要构成并非日本人，而是中国沿海一带的破产流民。期间虽有朱纨和张经的抗倭，但最后都未能取得完全的成功。为防止倭寇的侵扰，世宗时期实行海禁，断绝对日贸易。直到戚继光等名将力行抗倭，倭寇才被剿清，海疆形势才趋于平静。丰臣秀吉统一日本后，意欲占领朝鲜。万历廿年，日本进攻朝鲜，朝鲜国王逃到义州并派使节向明朝求救。明朝一度取得战争的胜利。中日一度进行和谈。但万历廿五年后，日本再次进攻朝鲜，战争进入僵局状态。万历廿六年，丰臣秀吉逝世，日本军心动摇，结果撤军。此即为壬辰卫国战争。这次战争严重削弱明朝与朝鲜两国，明朝在张居正期间积蓄的国力大量被消耗，日本复又陷入分裂，女真部落成为相对的得益者。

琉球

苦兀

苦兀或称苦夷，是明代对库页岛的南半部上土著居民的称呼。《敕修奴儿干永宁寺碑记》、载：明代奴儿干地方，曾对「海外苦夷诸民，赐男妇以衣服、器用，给以谷米，宴以酒食」。有人认为，「海外苦夷」（库页人）是指库页岛的南半部上的阿伊努人。

安南

明廷于明宣宗宣德二年（1427年）放弃，安南恢复黎氏王朝的大越。

东南亚

占城

暹罗

1377年，朱元璋册封阿瑜陀耶国王为「暹罗国王」，「暹罗」这一名称正式固定下来，称为中文语境下对泰国的称呼。有明一代，阿瑜陀耶遣使臣访问中国达112次，而中国也派使臣访问阿瑜陀耶19次。

中亚

欧洲

葡萄牙

欧洲进入大航海时代后，葡萄牙人持续开拓前往印度、中国的航路，1511年葡萄牙占领马六甲（约今马来亚地区）后，就意图在中国建立贸易据点。明武宗正德七年（1513年），葡萄牙国王曼努埃尔一世为想要与明廷通商，派出使节团前往中国。使节团本来想在广州登陆，但被拒绝入境。他们改以武力占据屯门，与明朝爆发屯门海战、西草湾之战，结果葡萄牙战败。最后明世宗同意葡方入境，并且让葡萄牙人在澳门开设洋行，修建洋房，允许他们每年来广州「越冬」，这是西方列强第一次正式性的登陆中国。其后西班牙、荷兰、英国等欧洲国家相继派使团东来，使得不少西洋事物传入中国。

西班牙

荷兰

西学东渐

明神宗万历十年（1582年），利玛窦奉命前往中国教区工作。利玛窦很快学会中文，并穿儒服、通儒书，颇得明朝士大夫好感。后来他被举荐到北京，颇得明神宗信任。他向中国进献坤舆万国全图、自鸣钟、日晷、西洋大炮、望远镜、火枪、西药、圣母玛莉亚像、十字架等贡品，先后在北京、肇庆等地展出。利玛窦不仅传播天主教，还启发徐光启、李之藻等人学习西学。另外他还将中国各种文化传入欧洲，如儒家思想、佛道学说、围棋等，可谓「贯通中西第一人」。另外，在明末时期有不少明朝军队曾装备火器，尤其是西洋大炮。

君主列表

南明君主

History

Founding

Revolt and rebel rivalry

The Mongol-led Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) ruled before the establishment of the Ming dynasty. Explanations for the demise of the Yuan include institutionalized ethnic discrimination against Han Chinese that stirred resentment and rebellion, overtaxation of areas hard-hit by inflation, and massive flooding of the Yellow River as a result of the abandonment of irrigation projects. Consequently, agriculture and the economy were in shambles, and rebellion broke out among the hundreds of thousands of peasants called upon to work on repairing the dykes of the Yellow River. A number of Han Chinese groups revolted, including the Red Turbans in 1351. The Red Turbans were affiliated with the White Lotus, a Buddhist secret society. Zhu Yuanzhang was a penniless peasant and Buddhist monk who joined the Red Turbans in 1352; he soon gained a reputation after marrying the foster daughter of a rebel commander. In 1356, Zhu's rebel force captured the city of Nanjing, which he would later establish as the capital of the Ming dynasty.

With the Yuan dynasty crumbling, competing rebel groups began fighting for control of the country and thus the right to establish a new dynasty. In 1363, Zhu Yuanzhang eliminated his archrival and leader of the rebel Han faction, Chen Youliang, in the Battle of Lake Poyang, arguably the largest naval battle in history. Known for its ambitious use of fire ships, Zhu's force of 200,000 Ming sailors were able to defeat a Han rebel force over triple their size, claimed to be 650,000-strong. The victory destroyed the last opposing rebel faction, leaving Zhu Yuanzhang in uncontested control of the bountiful Yangtze River Valley and cementing his power in the south. After the dynastic head of the Red Turbans suspiciously died in 1367 while a guest of Zhu, there was no one left who was remotely capable of contesting his march to the throne, and he made his imperial ambitions known by sending an army toward the Yuan capital Dadu (present-day Beijing) in 1368. The last Yuan emperor fled north to the upper capital Shangdu, and Zhu declared the founding of the Ming dynasty after razing the Yuan palaces in Dadu to the ground; the city was renamed Beiping in the same year. Zhu Yuanzhang took Hongwu, or "Vastly Martial", as his era name.

Reign of the Hongwu Emperor

Hongwu made an immediate effort to rebuild state infrastructure. He built a long wall around Nanjing, as well as new palaces and government halls. The History of Ming states that as early as 1364 Zhu Yuanzhang had begun drafting a new Confucian law code, the Da Ming Lü, which was completed by 1397 and repeated certain clauses found in the old Tang Code of 653. Hongwu organized a military system known as the weisuo, which was similar to the fubing system of the Tang dynasty (618–907).

In 1380 Hongwu had the Chancellor Hu Weiyong executed upon suspicion of a conspiracy plot to overthrow him; after that Hongwu abolished the Chancellery and assumed this role as chief executive and emperor, a precedent mostly followed throughout the Ming period. With a growing suspicion of his ministers and subjects, Hongwu established the Jinyiwei, a network of secret police drawn from his own palace guard. Some 100,000 people were executed in a series of purges during his rule.

The Hongwu emperor issued many edicts forbidding Mongol practices and proclaiming his intention to purify China of barbarian influence. However, he also sought to use the Yuan legacy to legitimize his authority in China and other areas ruled by the Yuan. He continued policies of the Yuan dynasty such as continued request for Korean concubines and eunuchs, Mongol-style hereditary military institutions, Mongol-style clothing and hats, promoting archery and horseback riding, and having large numbers of Mongols serve in the Ming military. Until the late 16th century Mongols still constituted one-in-three officers serving in capital forces like the Embroidered Uniform Guard, and other peoples such as Jurchens were also prominent. He frequently wrote to Mongol, Japanese, Korean, Jurchen, Tibetan, and Southwest frontier rulers offering advice on their governmental and dynastic policy, and insisted on leaders from these regions visiting the Ming capital for audiences. He resettled 100,000 Mongols into his territory, with many serving as guards in the capital. The emperor also strongly advertised the hospitality and role granted to Chinggisid nobles in his court.

South-Western frontier

In Qinghai, the Salar Muslims voluntarily came under Ming rule, their clan leaders capitulating around 1370. Uyghur troops under Uyghur general Hala Bashi suppressed the Miao Rebellions of the 1370s and settled in Changde, Hunan. Hui Muslim troops also settled in Changde, Hunan after serving the Ming in campaigns against other aboriginal tribes. In 1381, the Ming dynasty annexed the areas of the southwest that had once been part of the Kingdom of Dali following the successful effort by Hui Muslim Ming armies to defeat Yuan-loyalist Mongol and Hui Muslim troops holding out in Yunnan province. The Hui troops under General Mu Ying, who was appointed Governor of Yunnan, were resettled in the region as part of a colonization effort. By the end of the 14th century, some 200,000 military colonists settled some 2,000,000 mu (350,000 acres) of land in what is now Yunnan and Guizhou. Roughly half a million more Chinese settlers came in later periods; these migrations caused a major shift in the ethnic make-up of the region, since formerly more than half of the population were non-Han peoples. Resentment over such massive changes in population and the resulting government presence and policies sparked more Miao and Yao revolts in 1464 to 1466, which were crushed by an army of 30,000 Ming troops (including 1,000 Mongols) joining the 160,000 local Guangxi (see Miao Rebellions (Ming dynasty)). After the scholar and philosopher Wang Yangming (1472–1529) suppressed another rebellion in the region, he advocated single, unitary administration of Chinese and indigenous ethnic groups in order to bring about sinification of the local peoples.

Campaign in the North-East

After the overthrow of the Mongol Yuan dynasty by the Ming dynasty in 1368, Manchuria remained under control of the Mongols of the Northern Yuan dynasty based in Mongolia. Naghachu, a former Yuan official and a Uriankhai general of the Northern Yuan dynasty, won hegemony over the Mongol tribes in Manchuria (Liaoyang province of the former Yuan dynasty). He grew strong in the northeast, with forces large enough (numbering hundreds of thousands) to threaten invasion of the newly founded Ming dynasty in order to restore the Mongols to power in China. The Ming decided to defeat him instead of waiting for the Mongols to attack. In 1387 the Ming sent a military campaign to attack Naghachu, which concluded with the surrender of Naghachu and Ming conquest of Manchuria.

The early Ming court could not, and did not, aspire to the control imposed upon the Jurchens in Manchuria by the Mongols, yet it created a norm of organization that would ultimately serve as the main instrument for the relations with peoples along the northeast frontiers. By the end of the Hongwu reign, the essentials of a policy toward the Jurchens had taken shape. Most of the inhabitants of Manchuria, except for the Wild Jurchens, were at peace with China. In 1409, under the Yongle Emperor, the Ming Dynasty established the Nurgan Regional Military Commission on the banks of the Amur River, and Yishiha, a eunuch of Haixi Jurchen origin, was ordered to lead an expedition to the mouth of the Amur to pacify the Wild Jurchens. After the death of Yongle Emperor, the Nurgan Regional Military Commission was abolished in 1435, and the Ming court ceased to have substantial activities there, although the guards continued to exist in Manchuria. Throughout its existence, the Ming established a total of 384 guards (卫, wei) and 24 battalions (所, suo) in Manchuria, but these were probably only nominal offices and did not necessarily imply political control. By the late Ming period, Ming's political presence in Manchuria has declined significantly.

Relations with Tibet

The Mingshi – the official history of the Ming dynasty compiled by the Qing dynasty in 1739 – states that the Ming established itinerant commanderies overseeing Tibetan administration while also renewing titles of ex-Yuan dynasty officials from Tibet and conferring new princely titles on leaders of Tibetan Buddhist sects. However, Turrell V. Wylie states that censorship in the Mingshi in favor of bolstering the Ming emperor's prestige and reputation at all costs obfuscates the nuanced history of Sino-Tibetan relations during the Ming era.

Modern scholars debate whether the Ming dynasty had sovereignty over Tibet. Some believe it was a relationship of loose suzerainty that was largely cut off when the Jiajing Emperor (r. 1521–67) persecuted Buddhism in favor of Daoism at court. Others argue that the significant religious nature of the relationship with Tibetan lamas is underrepresented in modern scholarship. Others note the Ming need for Central Asian horses and the need to maintain the tea-horse trade.

The Ming sporadically sent armed forays into Tibet during the 14th century, which the Tibetans successfully resisted. Several scholars point out that unlike the preceding Mongols, the Ming dynasty did not garrison permanent troops in Tibet. The Wanli Emperor (r. 1572–1620) attempted to reestablish Sino-Tibetan relations in the wake of a Mongol-Tibetan alliance initiated in 1578, an alliance which affected the foreign policy of the subsequent Manchu Qing dynasty (1644–1912) in their support for the Dalai Lama of the Yellow Hat sect. By the late 16th century, the Mongols proved to be successful armed protectors of the Yellow Hat Dalai Lama after their increasing presence in the Amdo region, culminating in the conquest of Tibet by Güshi Khan (1582–1655) in 1642, establishing the Khoshut Khanate.

Reign of the Yongle Emperor

Rise to power

The Hongwu Emperor specified his grandson Zhu Yunwen as his successor, and he assumed the throne as the Jianwen Emperor (1398–1402) after Hongwu's death in 1398. The most powerful of Hongwu's sons, Zhu Di, then the militarily mighty disagreed with this, and soon a political showdown erupted between him and his nephew Jianwen. After Jianwen arrested many of Zhu Di's associates, Zhu Di plotted a rebellion that sparked a three-year civil war. Under the pretext of rescuing the young Jianwen from corrupting officials, Zhu Di personally led forces in the revolt; the palace in Nanjing was burned to the ground, along with Jianwen himself, his wife, mother, and courtiers. Zhu Di assumed the throne as the Yongle Emperor (1402–1424); his reign is universally viewed by scholars as a "second founding" of the Ming dynasty since he reversed many of his father's policies.

New capital and foreign engagement

Yongle demoted Nanjing to a secondary capital and in 1403 announced the new capital of China was to be at his power base in Beijing. Construction of a new city there lasted from 1407 to 1420, employing hundreds of thousands of workers daily. At the center was the political node of the Imperial City, and at the center of this was the Forbidden City, the palatial residence of the emperor and his family. By 1553, the Outer City was added to the south, which brought the overall size of Beijing to .

Beginning in 1405, the Yongle Emperor entrusted his favored eunuch commander Zheng He (1371–1433) as the admiral for a gigantic new fleet of ships designated for international tributary missions. Among the Kingdoms visited by Zheng He, Yongle Emperor proclaimed the Kingdom of Cochin to be its protectorate. The Chinese had sent diplomatic missions over land since the Han dynasty (202 BCE – 220 CE) and engaged in private overseas trade, but these missions were unprecedented in grandeur and scale. To service seven different tributary voyages, the Nanjing shipyards constructed two thousand vessels from 1403 to 1419, including treasure ships measuring 112 m (370 ft) to 134 m (440 ft) in length and 45 m (150 ft) to 54 m (180 ft) in width.

Yongle used woodblock printing to spread Chinese culture. He also used the military to expand China's borders. This included the brief occupation of Vietnam, from the initial invasion in 1406 until the Ming withdrawal in 1427 as a result of protracted guerrilla warfare led by Lê Lợi, the founder of the Vietnamese Lê dynasty.

Tumu Crisis and the Ming Mongols

The Oirat leader Esen Tayisi launched an invasion into Ming China in July 1449. The chief eunuch Wang Zhen encouraged the Zhengtong Emperor (r. 1435–49) to lead a force personally to face the Oirats after a recent Ming defeat; the emperor left the capital and put his half-brother Zhu Qiyu in charge of affairs as temporary regent. On 8 September, Esen routed Zhengtong's army, and Zhengtong was captured – an event known as the Tumu Crisis. The Oirats held the Zhengtong Emperor for ransom. However, this scheme was foiled once the emperor's younger brother assumed the throne under the era name Jingtai (r. 1449–57); the Oirats were also repelled once the Jingtai Emperor's confidant and defense minister Yu Qian (1398–1457) gained control of the Ming armed forces. Holding the Zhengtong Emperor in captivity was a useless bargaining chip for the Oirats as long as another sat on his throne, so they released him back into Ming China. The former emperor was placed under house arrest in the palace until the coup against the Jingtai Emperor in 1457 known as the "Wresting the Gate Incident". The former emperor retook the throne under the new era name Tianshun (r. 1457–64).

Tianshun proved to be a troubled time and Mongol forces within the Ming military structure continued to be problematic. On 7 August 1461, the Chinese general Cao Qin and his Ming troops of Mongol descent staged a coup against the Tianshun Emperor out of fear of being next on his purge-list of those who aided him in the Wresting the Gate Incident. Cao's rebel force managed to set fire to the western and eastern gates of the Imperial City (doused by rain during the battle) and killed several leading ministers before his forces were finally cornered and he was forced to commit suicide.

While the Yongle Emperor had staged five major offensives north of the Great Wall against the Mongols and the Oirats, the constant threat of Oirat incursions prompted the Ming authorities to fortify the Great Wall from the late 15th century to the 16th century; nevertheless, John Fairbank notes that "it proved to be a futile military gesture but vividly expressed China's siege mentality." Yet the Great Wall was not meant to be a purely defensive fortification; its towers functioned rather as a series of lit beacons and signalling stations to allow rapid warning to friendly units of advancing enemy troops.

Decline and fall of the Ming dynasty

Later reign of the Wanli Emperor

The financial drain of the Imjin War in Korea against the Japanese was one of the many problems – fiscal or other – facing Ming China during the reign of the Wanli Emperor (1572–1620). In the beginning of his reign, Wanli surrounded himself with able advisors and made a conscientious effort to handle state affairs. His Grand Secretary Zhang Juzheng (1572–82) built up an effective network of alliances with senior officials. However, there was no one after him skilled enough to maintain the stability of these alliances; officials soon banded together in opposing political factions. Over time Wanli grew tired of court affairs and frequent political quarreling amongst his ministers, preferring to stay behind the walls of the Forbidden City and out of his officials' sight. Scholar-officials lost prominence in administration as eunuchs became intermediaries between the aloof emperor and his officials; any senior official who wanted to discuss state matters had to persuade powerful eunuchs with a bribe simply to have his demands or message relayed to the emperor. The Bozhou rebellion by the Chiefdom of Bozhou was going on in southwestern China at the same time as the Imjin War.

Role of eunuchs

The Hongwu Emperor forbade eunuchs to learn how to read or engage in politics. Whether or not these restrictions were carried out with absolute success in his reign, eunuchs during the Yongle Emperor's reign (1402–1424) and afterwards managed huge imperial workshops, commanded armies, and participated in matters of appointment and promotion of officials. Yongle put 75 eunuchs in charge of foreign policy; they traveled frequently to vassal states including Annam, Mongolia, the Ryukyu Islands, and Tibet and less frequently to farther-flung places like Japan and Nepal. In the later 15th century, however, eunuch envoys generally only traveled to Korea.

The eunuchs developed their own bureaucracy that was organized parallel to but was not subject to the civil service bureaucracy. Although there were several dictatorial eunuchs throughout the Ming, such as Wang Zhen, Wang Zhi, and Liu Jin, excessive tyrannical eunuch power did not become evident until the 1590s when the Wanli Emperor increased their rights over the civil bureaucracy and granted them power to collect provincial taxes.

The eunuch Wei Zhongxian (1568–1627) dominated the court of the Tianqi Emperor (r. 1620–1627) and had his political rivals tortured to death, mostly the vocal critics from the faction of the Donglin Society. He ordered temples built in his honor throughout the Ming Empire, and built personal palaces created with funds allocated for building the previous emperor's tombs. His friends and family gained important positions without qualifications. Wei also published a historical work lambasting and belittling his political opponents. The instability at court came right as natural calamity, pestilence, rebellion, and foreign invasion came to a peak. The Chongzhen Emperor (r. 1627–44) had Wei dismissed from court, which led to Wei's suicide shortly after.

The eunuchs built their own social structure, providing and gaining support to their birth clans. Instead of fathers promoting sons, it was a matter of uncles promoting nephews.

The Heishanhui Society in Peking sponsored the temple that conducted rituals for worshiping the memory of Gang Tie, a powerful eunuch of the Yuan dynasty. The Temple became an influential base for highly placed eunuchs, and continued in a somewhat diminished role during the Qing dynasty.

Economic breakdown and natural disasters

During the last years of the Wanli era and those of his two successors, an economic crisis developed that was centered on a sudden widespread lack of the empire's chief medium of exchange: silver. The Portuguese first established trade with China in 1516, trading Japanese silver for Chinese silk, and after some initial hostilities gained consent from the Ming court in 1557 to settle Macau as their permanent trade base in China. Their role in providing silver was gradually surpassed by the Spanish, while even the Dutch challenged them for control of this trade. Philip IV of Spain (r. 1621–1665) began cracking down on illegal smuggling of silver from New Spain and Peru across the Pacific through the Philippines towards China, in favor of shipping American-mined silver through Spanish ports. In 1639 the new Tokugawa regime of Japan shut down most of its foreign trade with European powers, cutting off another source of silver coming into China. These events occurring at roughly the same time caused a dramatic spike in the value of silver and made paying taxes nearly impossible for most provinces. People began hoarding precious silver as there was progressively less of it, forcing the ratio of the value of copper to silver into a steep decline. In the 1630s a string of one thousand copper coins equaled an ounce of silver; by 1640 that sum could fetch half an ounce; and, by 1643 only one-third of an ounce. For peasants this meant economic disaster, since they paid taxes in silver while conducting local trade and crop sales in copper. Recent historians have debated the validity of the theory that silver shortages caused the downfall of the Ming dynasty.

Famines became common in northern China in the early 17th century because of unusually dry and cold weather that shortened the growing season – effects of a larger ecological event now known as the Little Ice Age. Famine, alongside tax increases, widespread military desertions, a declining relief system, and natural disasters such as flooding and inability of the government to properly manage irrigation and flood-control projects caused widespread loss of life and normal civility. The central government, starved of resources, could do very little to mitigate the effects of these calamities. Making matters worse, a widespread epidemic, the Great Plague in late Ming Dynasty, spread across China from Zhejiang to Henan, killing an unknown but large number of people. The deadliest earthquake of all time, the Shaanxi earthquake of 1556, occurred during the Jiajing Emperor's reign, killing approximately 830,000 people.

Rise of the Manchu

A Jurchen tribal leader named Nurhaci (r. 1616–26), starting with just a small tribe, rapidly gained control over all the Manchurian tribes. During the Japanese invasions of Joseon Korea in the 1590s, he offered to lead his tribes in support of the Ming and Joseon army. This offer was declined, but he was granted honorific Ming titles for his gesture. Recognizing the weakness of Ming authority north of their border, he united all of the adjacent northern tribes and consolidated power in the region surrounding his homeland as the Jurchen Jin dynasty had done previously. In 1610, he broke relations with the Ming court, and in 1618 demanded a tribute from them to redress "Seven Grievances".

By 1636, Nurhaci's son Huang Taiji renamed his dynasty from the "Later Jin" to the "Great Qing" at Mukden, which had fallen to Qing forces in 1621 and was made their capital in 1625. Huang Taiji also adopted the Chinese imperial title huangdi, declared the Chongde ("Revering Virtue") era, and changed the ethnic name of his people from "Jurchen" to "Manchu". In 1638 the Manchu defeated and conquered Ming China's traditional ally Joseon with an army of 100,000 troops in the Second Manchu invasion of Korea. Shortly after, the Koreans renounced their long-held loyalty to the Ming dynasty.

Rebellion, invasion, collapse

A peasant soldier named Li Zicheng mutinied with his fellow soldiers in western Shaanxi in the early 1630s after the Ming government failed to ship much-needed supplies there. In 1634 he was captured by a Ming general and released only on the terms that he return to service. The agreement soon broke down when a local magistrate had thirty-six of his fellow rebels executed; Li's troops retaliated by killing the officials and continued to lead a rebellion based in Rongyang, central Henan province by 1635. By the 1640s, an ex-soldier and rival to Li – Zhang Xianzhong (1606–1647) – had created a firm rebel base in Chengdu, Sichuan, while Li's center of power was in Hubei with extended influence over Shaanxi and Henan.

In 1640, masses of Chinese peasants who were starving, unable to pay their taxes, and no longer in fear of the frequently defeated Chinese army, began to form into huge bands of rebels. The Chinese military, caught between fruitless efforts to defeat the Manchu raiders from the north and huge peasant revolts in the provinces, essentially fell apart. Unpaid and unfed, the army was defeated by Li Zicheng – now self-styled as the Prince of Shun – and deserted the capital without much of a fight. On 25 April 1644, Beijing fell to a rebel army led by Li Zicheng when the city gates were opened by rebel allies from within. During the turmoil, the last Ming emperor hanged himself on a tree in the imperial garden outside the Forbidden City.

Seizing opportunity, the Eight Banners crossed the Great Wall after the Ming border general Wu Sangui (1612–1678) opened the gates at Shanhai Pass. This occurred shortly after he learned about the fate of the capital and an army of Li Zicheng marching towards him; weighing his options of alliance, he decided to side with the Manchus. The Eight Banners under the Manchu Prince Dorgon (1612–1650) and Wu Sangui approached Beijing after the army sent by Li was destroyed at Shanhaiguan; the Prince of Shun's army fled the capital on the fourth of June. On 6 June, the Manchus and Wu entered the capital and proclaimed the young Shunzhi Emperor ruler of China. After being forced out of Xi'an by the Qing, chased along the Han River to Wuchang, and finally along the northern border of Jiangxi province, Li Zicheng died there in the summer of 1645, thus ending the Shun dynasty. One report says his death was a suicide; another states that he was beaten to death by peasants after he was caught stealing their food.

Despite the loss of Beijing and the death of the emperor, the Ming were not yet totally destroyed. Nanjing, Fujian, Guangdong, Shanxi, and Yunnan were all strongholds of Ming resistance. However, there were several pretenders for the Ming throne, and their forces were divided. These scattered Ming remnants in southern China after 1644 were collectively designated by 19th-century historians as the Southern Ming. Each bastion of resistance was individually defeated by the Qing until 1662, when the last southern Ming Emperor died, the Yongli Emperor, Zhu Youlang. The last Ming Princes to hold out were the Prince of Ningjing Zhu Shugui and the son of Zhu Yihai, the Prince of Lu Zhu Honghuan (朱弘桓) who stayed with Koxinga's Ming loyalists in the Kingdom of Tungning (in Taiwan) until 1683. Zhu Shugui proclaimed that he acted in the name of the deceased Yongli Emperor. The Qing eventually sent the seventeen Ming princes still living in Taiwan back to mainland China where they spent the rest of their lives.

In 1725 the Qing Yongzheng Emperor bestowed the hereditary title of Marquis on a descendant of the Ming dynasty Imperial family, Zhu Zhilian (朱之琏), who received a salary from the Qing government and whose duty was to perform rituals at the Ming tombs. The Chinese Plain White Banner was also inducted in the Eight Banners. Later the Qianlong Emperor bestowed the title Marquis of Extended Grace posthumously on Zhu Zhilian in 1750, and the title passed on through twelve generations of Ming descendants until the end of the Qing dynasty in 1912. The last Marquis of Extended Grance was Zhu Yuxun (朱煜勋). In 1912, after the overthrow of the Qing dynasty in the Xinhai Revolution, some advocated that a Han Chinese be installed as Emperor, either the descendant of Confucius, who was the Duke Yansheng, or the Ming dynasty Imperial family descendant, the Marquis of Extended Grace.

Government

Province, prefecture, subprefecture, county

Described as "one of the greatest eras of orderly government and social stability in human history" by Edwin O. Reischauer, John K. Fairbank and Albert M. Craig, the Ming emperors took over the provincial administration system of the Yuan dynasty, and the thirteen Ming provinces are the precursors of the modern provinces. Throughout the Song dynasty, the largest political division was the circuit (lu 路). However, after the Jurchen invasion in 1127, the Song court established four semi-autonomous regional command systems based on territorial and military units, with a detached service secretariat that would become the provincial administrations of the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. Copied on the Yuan model, the Ming provincial bureaucracy contained three commissions: one civil, one military, and one for surveillance. Below the level of the province (sheng 省) were prefectures (fu 府) operating under a prefect (zhifu 知府), followed by subprefectures (zhou 州) under a subprefect. The lowest unit was the county (xian 县), overseen by a magistrate. Besides the provinces, there were also two large areas that belonged to no province, but were metropolitan areas (jing 京) attached to Nanjing and Beijing.

Institutions and bureaus

Institutional trends

Departing from the main central administrative system generally known as the Three Departments and Six Ministries system, which was instituted by various dynasties since late Han (202 BCE – 220 CE), the Ming administration had only one Department, the Secretariat, that controlled the Six Ministries. Following the execution of the Chancellor Hu Weiyong in 1380, the Hongwu Emperor abolished the Secretariat, the Censorate, and the Chief Military Commission and personally took charge of the Six Ministries and the regional Five Military Commissions. Thus a whole level of administration was cut out and only partially rebuilt by subsequent rulers. The Grand Secretariat, at the beginning a secretarial institution that assisted the emperor with administrative paperwork, was instituted, but without employing grand counselors, or chancellors.

The Hongwu Emperor sent his heir apparent to Shaanxi in 1391 to "tour and soothe" (xunfu) the region; in 1421 the Yongle Emperor commissioned 26 officials to travel the empire and uphold similar investigatory and patrimonial duties. By 1430 these xunfu assignments became institutionalized as "grand coordinators". Hence, the Censorate was reinstalled and first staffed with investigating censors, later with censors-in-chief. By 1453, the grand coordinators were granted the title vice censor-in-chief or assistant censor-in-chief and were allowed direct access to the emperor. As in prior dynasties, the provincial administrations were monitored by a travelling inspector from the Censorate. Censors had the power to impeach officials on an irregular basis, unlike the senior officials who were to do so only in triennial evaluations of junior officials.

Although decentralization of state power within the provinces occurred in the early Ming, the trend of central government officials delegated to the provinces as virtual provincial governors began in the 1420s. By the late Ming dynasty, there were central government officials delegated to two or more provinces as supreme commanders and viceroys, a system which reined in the power and influence of the military by the civil establishment.

Grand Secretariat and Six Ministries

Governmental institutions in China conformed to a similar pattern for some two thousand years, but each dynasty installed special offices and bureaus, reflecting its own particular interests. The Ming administration utilized Grand Secretaries to assist the emperor, handling paperwork under the reign of the Yongle Emperor and later appointed as top officials of agencies and Grand Preceptor, a top-ranking, non-functional civil service post, under the Hongxi Emperor (r. 1424–25). The Grand Secretariat drew its members from the Hanlin Academy and were considered part of the imperial authority, not the ministerial one (hence being at odds with both the emperor and ministers at times). The Secretariat operated as a coordinating agency, whereas the Six Ministries – Personnel, Revenue, Rites, War, Justice, and Public Works – were direct administrative organs of the state:

• The Ministry of Personnel was in charge of appointments, merit ratings, promotions, and demotions of officials, as well as granting of honorific titles.

• The Ministry of Revenue was in charge of gathering census data, collecting taxes, and handling state revenues, while there were two offices of currency that were subordinate to it.

• The Ministry of Rites was in charge of state ceremonies, rituals, and sacrifices; it also oversaw registers for Buddhist and Daoist priesthoods and even the reception of envoys from tributary states.

• The Ministry of War was in charge of the appointments, promotions, and demotions of military officers, the maintenance of military installations, equipment, and weapons, as well as the courier system.

• The Ministry of Justice was in charge of judicial and penal processes, but had no supervisory role over the Censorate or the Grand Court of Revision.

• The Ministry of Public Works had charge of government construction projects, hiring of artisans and laborers for temporary service, manufacturing government equipment, the maintenance of roads and canals, standardization of weights and measures, and the gathering of resources from the countryside.

Bureaus and offices for the imperial household

The imperial household was staffed almost entirely by eunuchs and ladies with their own bureaus. Female servants were organized into the Bureau of Palace Attendance, Bureau of Ceremonies, Bureau of Apparel, Bureau of Foodstuffs, Bureau of the Bedchamber, Bureau of Handicrafts, and Office of Staff Surveillance. Starting in the 1420s, eunuchs began taking over these ladies' positions until only the Bureau of Apparel with its four subsidiary offices remained. Hongwu had his eunuchs organized into the Directorate of Palace Attendants, but as eunuch power at court increased, so did their administrative offices, with eventual twelve directorates, four offices, and eight bureaus. The dynasty had a vast imperial household, staffed with thousands of eunuchs, who were headed by the Directorate of Palace Attendants. The eunuchs were divided into different directorates in charge of staff surveillance, ceremonial rites, food, utensils, documents, stables, seals, apparel, and so on. The offices were in charge of providing fuel, music, paper, and baths. The bureaus were in charge of weapons, silverwork, laundering, headgear, bronze work, textile manufacture, wineries, and gardens. At times, the most influential eunuch in the Directorate of Ceremonial acted as a de facto dictator over the state.

Although the imperial household was staffed mostly by eunuchs and palace ladies, there was a civil service office called the Seal Office, which cooperated with eunuch agencies in maintaining imperial seals, tallies, and stamps. There were also civil service offices to oversee the affairs of imperial princes.

Personnel

Scholar-officials

The Hongwu emperor from 1373 to 1384 staffed his bureaus with officials gathered through recommendations only. After that the scholar-officials who populated the many ranks of bureaucracy were recruited through a rigorous examination system that was initially established by the Sui dynasty (581–618). Theoretically the system of exams allowed anyone to join the ranks of imperial officials (although it was frowned upon for merchants to join); in reality the time and funding needed to support the study in preparation for the exam generally limited participants to those already coming from the landholding class. However, the government did exact provincial quotas while drafting officials. This was an effort to curb monopolization of power by landholding gentry who came from the most prosperous regions, where education was the most advanced. The expansion of the printing industry since Song times enhanced the spread of knowledge and number of potential exam candidates throughout the provinces. For young schoolchildren there were printed multiplication tables and primers for elementary vocabulary; for adult examination candidates there were mass-produced, inexpensive volumes of Confucian classics and successful examination answers.

As in earlier periods, the focus of the examination was classical Confucian texts, while the bulk of test material centered on the Four Books outlined by Zhu Xi in the 12th century. Ming era examinations were perhaps more difficult to pass since the 1487 requirement of completing the "eight-legged essay", a departure from basing essays off progressing literary trends. The exams increased in difficulty as the student progressed from the local level, and appropriate titles were accordingly awarded successful applicants. Officials were classified in nine hierarchic grades, each grade divided into two degrees, with ranging salaries (nominally paid in piculs of rice) according to their rank. While provincial graduates who were appointed to office were immediately assigned to low-ranking posts like the county graduates, those who passed the palace examination were awarded a jinshi ('presented scholar') degree and assured a high-level position. In 276 years of Ming rule and ninety palace examinations, the number of doctoral degrees granted by passing the palace examinations was 24,874. Ebrey states that "there were only two to four thousand of these jinshi at any given time, on the order of one out of 10,000 adult males." This was in comparison to the 100,000 shengyuan ('government students'), the lowest tier of graduates, by the 16th century.

The maximum tenure in office was nine years, but every three years officials were graded on their performance by senior officials. If they were graded as superior then they were promoted, if graded adequate then they retained their ranks, and if graded inadequate they were demoted one rank. In extreme cases, officials would be dismissed or punished. Only capital officials of grade 4 and above were exempt from the scrutiny of recorded evaluation, although they were expected to confess any of their faults. There were over 4,000 school instructors in county and prefectural schools who were subject to evaluations every nine years. The Chief Instructor on the prefectural level was classified as equal to a second-grade county graduate. The Supervisorate of Imperial Instruction oversaw the education of the heir apparent to the throne; this office was headed by a Grand Supervisor of Instruction, who was ranked as first class of grade three.

Historians debate whether the examination system expanded or contracted upward social mobility. On the one hand, the exams were graded without regard to a candidate's social background, and were theoretically open to everyone. In actual practice, the successful candidates had years of a very expensive, sophisticated tutoring of the sort that wealthy gentry families specialized in providing their talented sons. In practice, 90 percent of the population was ineligible due to lack of education, but the upper 10 percent had equal chances for moving to the top. To be successful young men had to have extensive, expensive training in classical Chinese, the use of Mandarin in spoken conversation, calligraphy, and had to master the intricate poetic requirements of the eight-legged essay. Not only did the traditional gentry dominated the system, they also learned that conservatism and resistance to new ideas was the path to success. For centuries critics had pointed out these problems, but the examination system only became more abstract and less relevant to the needs of China. The consensus of scholars is that the eight-legged essay can be blamed as a major cause of "China's cultural stagnation and economic backwardness." However Benjamin Ellman argues there were some positive features, since the essay form was capable of fostering 「abstract thinking, persuasiveness, and prosodic form」 and that its elaborate structure discouraged a wandering, unfocused narrative」.

Lesser functionaries

Scholar-officials who entered civil service through examinations acted as executive officials to a much larger body of non-ranked personnel called lesser functionaries. They outnumbered officials by four to one; Charles Hucker estimates that they were perhaps as many as 100,000 throughout the empire. These lesser functionaries performed clerical and technical tasks for government agencies. Yet they should not be confused with lowly lictors, runners, and bearers; lesser functionaries were given periodic merit evaluations like officials and after nine years of service might be accepted into a low civil service rank. The one great advantage of the lesser functionaries over officials was that officials were periodically rotated and assigned to different regional posts and had to rely on the good service and cooperation of the local lesser functionaries.

Eunuchs, princes, and generals

Eunuchs gained unprecedented power over state affairs during the Ming dynasty. One of the most effective means of control was the secret service stationed in what was called the Eastern Depot at the beginning of the dynasty, later the Western Depot. This secret service was overseen by the Directorate of Ceremonial, hence this state organ's often totalitarian affiliation. Eunuchs had ranks that were equivalent to civil service ranks, only theirs had four grades instead of nine.

Descendants of the first Ming emperor were made princes and given (typically nominal) military commands, annual stipends, and large estates. The title used was "king" (王, wáng) but – unlike the princes in the Han and Jin dynasties – these estates were not feudatories, the princes did not serve any administrative function, and they partook in military affairs only during the reigns of the first two emperors. The rebellion of the Prince of Yan was justified in part as upholding the rights of the princes, but once the Yongle Emperor was enthroned, he continued his nephew's policy of disarming his brothers and moved their fiefs away from the militarized northern border. Although princes served no organ of state administration, the princes, consorts of the imperial princesses, and ennobled relatives did staff the Imperial Clan Court, which supervised the imperial genealogy.

Like scholar-officials, military generals were ranked in a hierarchic grading system and were given merit evaluations every five years (as opposed to three years for officials). However, military officers had less prestige than officials. This was due to their hereditary service (instead of solely merit-based) and Confucian values that dictated those who chose the profession of violence (wu) over the cultured pursuits of knowledge (wen). Although seen as less prestigious, military officers were not excluded from taking civil service examinations, and after 1478 the military even held their own examinations to test military skills. In addition to taking over the established bureaucratic structure from the Yuan period, the Ming emperors established the new post of the travelling military inspector. In the early half of the dynasty, men of noble lineage dominated the higher ranks of military office; this trend was reversed during the latter half of the dynasty as men from more humble origins eventually displaced them.

Society and culture

Literature and arts

Literature, painting, poetry, music, and Chinese opera of various types flourished during the Ming dynasty, especially in the economically prosperous lower Yangzi valley. Although short fiction had been popular as far back as the Tang dynasty (618–907), and the works of contemporaneous authors such as Xu Guangqi, Xu Xiake, and Song Yingxing were often technical and encyclopedic, the most striking literary development was the vernacular novel. While the gentry elite were educated enough to fully comprehend the language of Classical Chinese, those with rudimentary education – such as women in educated families, merchants, and shop clerks – became a large potential audience for literature and performing arts that employed Vernacular Chinese. Literati scholars edited or developed major Chinese novels into mature form in this period, such as Water Margin and Journey to the West. Jin Ping Mei, published in 1610, although incorporating earlier material, marks the trend toward independent composition and concern with psychology. In the later years of the dynasty, Feng Menglong and Ling Mengchu innovated with vernacular short fiction. Theater scripts were equally imaginative. The most famous, The Peony Pavilion, was written by Tang Xianzu (1550–1616), with its first performance at the Pavilion of Prince Teng in 1598.

Informal essay and travel writing was another highlight. Xu Xiake (1587–1641), a travel literature author, published his Travel Diaries in 404,000 written characters, with information on everything from local geography to mineralogy. The first reference to the publishing of private newspapers in Beijing was in 1582; by 1638 the Peking Gazette switched from using woodblock print to movable type printing. The new literary field of the moral guide to business ethics was developed during the late Ming period, for the readership of the merchant class.

In contrast to Xu Xiake, who focused on technical aspects in his travel literature, the Chinese poet and official Yuan Hongdao (1568–1610) used travel literature to express his desires for individualism as well as autonomy from and frustration with Confucian court politics. Yuan desired to free himself from the ethical compromises that were inseparable from the career of a scholar-official. This anti-official sentiment in Yuan's travel literature and poetry was actually following in the tradition of the Song dynasty poet and official Su Shi (1037–1101). Yuan Hongdao and his two brothers, Yuan Zongdao (1560–1600) and Yuan Zhongdao (1570–1623), were the founders of the Gong'an School of letters. This highly individualistic school of poetry and prose was criticized by the Confucian establishment for its association with intense sensual lyricism, which was also apparent in Ming vernacular novels such as the Jin Ping Mei. Yet even gentry and scholar-officials were affected by the new popular romantic literature, seeking courtesans as soulmates to re-enact the heroic love stories that arranged marriages often could not provide or accommodate.

Famous painters included Ni Zan and Dong Qichang, as well as the Four Masters of the Ming dynasty, Shen Zhou, Tang Yin, Wen Zhengming, and Qiu Ying. They drew upon the techniques, styles, and complexity in painting achieved by their Song and Yuan predecessors, but added techniques and styles. Well-known Ming artists could make a living simply by painting due to the high prices they demanded for their artworks and the great demand by the highly cultured community to collect precious works of art. The artist Qiu Ying was once paid 2.8 kg (100 oz) of silver to paint a long handscroll for the eightieth birthday celebration of the mother of a wealthy patron. Renowned artists often gathered an entourage of followers, some who were amateurs who painted while pursuing an official career and others who were full-time painters.

The period was also renowned for ceramics and porcelains. The major production center for porcelain was the imperial kilns at Jingdezhen in Jiangxi province, most famous in the period for blue and white porcelain, but also producing other styles. The Dehua porcelain factories in Fujian catered to European tastes by creating Chinese export porcelain by the late 16th century. Individual potters also became known, such as He Chaozong, who became famous in the early 17th century for his style of white porcelain sculpture. In The Ceramic Trade in Asia, Chuimei Ho estimates that about 16% of late Ming era Chinese ceramic exports were sent to Europe, while the rest were destined for Japan and South East Asia.

Carved designs in lacquerware and designs glazed onto porcelain wares displayed intricate scenes similar in complexity to those in painting. These items could be found in the homes of the wealthy, alongside embroidered silks and wares in jade, ivory, and cloisonné. The houses of the rich were also furnished with rosewood furniture and feathery latticework. The writing materials in a scholar's private study, including elaborately carved brush holders made of stone or wood, were designed and arranged ritually to give an aesthetic appeal.

Connoisseurship in the late Ming period centered on these items of refined artistic taste, which provided work for art dealers and even underground scammers who themselves made imitations and false attributions. The Jesuit Matteo Ricci while staying in Nanjing wrote that Chinese scam artists were ingenious at making forgeries and huge profits. However, there were guides to help the wary new connoisseur; Liu Tong (died 1637) wrote a book printed in 1635 that told his readers how to spot fake and authentic pieces of art. He revealed that a Xuande era (1426–1435) bronze work could be authenticated by judging its sheen; porcelain wares from the Yongle era (1402–1424) could be judged authentic by their thickness.

Religion

The dominant religious beliefs during the Ming dynasty were the various forms of Chinese folk religion and the Three Teachings – Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. The Yuan-supported Tibetan lamas fell from favor, and the early Ming emperors particularly favored Taoism, granting its practitioners many positions in the state's ritual offices. The Hongwu Emperor curtailed the cosmopolitan culture of the Mongol Yuan dynasty, and the prolific Prince of Ning Zhu Quan even composed one encyclopedia attacking Buddhism as a foreign "mourning cult", deleterious to the state, and another encyclopedia that subsequently joined the Taoist canon.

Islam was also well-established throughout China, with a history said to have begun with Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas during the Tang dynasty and strong official support during the Yuan. Although the Ming sharply curtailed this support, there were still several prominent Muslim figures early on, including the Hongwu Emperor's generals Chang Yuqun, Lan Yu, Ding Dexing, and Mu Ying, as well as the Yongle Emperor's powerful eunuch Zheng He. Mongol and Central Asian Semu Muslim women and men were required by Ming Code to marry Han Chinese after the first Ming Emperor Hongwu passed the law in Article 122.

The advent of the Ming was initially devastating to Christianity: in his first year, the Hongwu Emperor declared the eighty-year-old Franciscan missions among the Yuan heterodox and illegal. The centuries-old Nestorian church also disappeared. During the later Ming a new wave of Christian missionaries arrived – particularly Jesuits – who employed new western science and technology in their arguments for conversion. They were educated in Chinese language and culture at St. Paul's College on Macau after its founding in 1579. The most influential was Matteo Ricci, whose "Map of the Myriad Countries of the World" upended traditional geography throughout East Asia, and whose work with the convert Xu Guangqi led to the first Chinese translation of Euclid's Elements in 1607. The discovery of a Nestorian stele at Xi'an in 1625 also permitted Christianity to be treated as an old and established faith, rather than as a new and dangerous cult. However, there were strong disagreements about the extent to which converts could continue to perform rituals to the emperor, Confucius, or their ancestors: Ricci had been very accommodating and an attempt by his successors to backtrack from this policy led to the Nanjing Incident of 1616, which exiled four Jesuits to Macau and forced the others out of public life for six years. A series of spectacular failures by the Chinese astronomers – including missing an eclipse easily computed by Xu Guangqi and Sabatino de Ursis – and a return by the Jesuits to presenting themselves as educated scholars in the Confucian mold restored their fortunes. However, by the end of the Ming the Dominicans had begun the Chinese Rites controversy in Rome that would eventually lead to a full ban of Christianity under the Qing dynasty.

During his mission, Ricci was also contacted in Beijing by one of the approximately 5,000 Kaifeng Jews and introduced them and their long history in China to Europe. However, the 1642 flood caused by Kaifeng's Ming governor devastated the community, which lost five of its twelve families, its synagogue, and most of its Torah.

Philosophy

Wang Yangmings Confucianism

During the Ming dynasty, the Neo-Confucian doctrines of the Song scholar Zhu Xi were embraced by the court and the Chinese literati at large, although the direct line of his school was destroyed by the Yongle Emperor's extermination of the ten degrees of kinship of Fang Xiaoru in 1402. The Ming scholar most influential upon subsequent generations, however, was Wang Yangming (1472–1529), whose teachings were attacked in his own time for their similarity to Chan Buddhism. Building upon Zhu Xi's concept of the "extension of knowledge" (理学 or 格物致知), gaining understanding through careful and rational investigation of things and events, Wang argued that universal concepts would appear in the minds of anyone. Therefore, he claimed that anyone – no matter their pedigree or education – could become as wise as Confucius and Mencius had been and that their writings were not sources of truth but merely guides that might have flaws when carefully examined. A peasant with a great deal of experience and intelligence would then be wiser than an official who had memorized the Classics but not experienced the real world.

Conservative reaction

Other scholar-bureaucrats were wary of Wang's heterodoxy, the increasing number of his disciples while he was still in office, and his overall socially rebellious message. To curb his influence, he was often sent out to deal with military affairs and rebellions far away from the capital. Yet his ideas penetrated mainstream Chinese thought and spurred new interest in Taoism and Buddhism. Furthermore, people began to question the validity of the social hierarchy and the idea that the scholar should be above the farmer. Wang Yangming's disciple and salt-mine worker Wang Gen gave lectures to commoners about pursuing education to improve their lives, while his follower He Xinyin (何心隐) challenged the elevation and emphasis of the family in Chinese society. His contemporary Li Zhi even taught that women were the intellectual equals of men and should be given a better education; both Li and He eventually died in prison, jailed on charges of spreading "dangerous ideas". Yet these "dangerous ideas" of educating women had long been embraced by some mothers and by courtesans who were as literate and skillful in calligraphy, painting, and poetry as their male guests.

The liberal views of Wang Yangming were opposed by the Censorate and by the Donglin Academy, re-established in 1604. These conservatives wanted a revival of orthodox Confucian ethics. Conservatives such as Gu Xiancheng (1550–1612) argued against Wang's idea of innate moral knowledge, stating that this was simply a legitimization for unscrupulous behavior such as greedy pursuits and personal gain. These two strands of Confucian thought, hardened by Chinese scholars' notions of obligation towards their mentors, developed into pervasive factionalism among the ministers of state, who used any opportunity to impeach members of the other faction from court.

Urban and rural life

Wang Gen was able to give philosophical lectures to many commoners from different regions because – following the trend already apparent in the Song dynasty – communities in Ming society were becoming less isolated as the distance between market towns was shrinking. Schools, descent groups, religious associations, and other local voluntary organizations were increasing in number and allowing more contact between educated men and local villagers. Jonathan Spence writes that the distinction between what was town and country was blurred in Ming China, since suburban areas with farms were located just outside and in some cases within the walls of a city. Not only was the blurring of town and country evident, but also of socioeconomic class in the traditional four occupations (Shì nóng gōng shāng, 士农工商), since artisans sometimes worked on farms in peak periods, and farmers often traveled into the city to find work during times of dearth.

A variety of occupations could be chosen or inherited from a father's line of work. This would include – but was not limited to – coffin makers, ironworkers and blacksmiths, tailors, cooks and noodle-makers, retail merchants, tavern, teahouse, or winehouse managers, shoemakers, seal cutters, pawnshop owners, brothel heads, and merchant bankers engaging in a proto-banking system involving notes of exchange. Virtually every town had a brothel where female and male prostitutes could be had. Male catamites fetched a higher price than female concubines since pederasty with a teenage boy was seen as a mark of elite status, regardless of sodomy being repugnant to sexual norms. Public bathing became much more common than in earlier periods. Urban shops and retailers sold a variety of goods such as special paper money to burn at ancestral sacrifices, specialized luxury goods, headgear, fine cloth, teas, and others. Smaller communities and townships too poor or scattered to support shops and artisans obtained their goods from periodic market fairs and traveling peddlers. A small township also provided a place for simple schooling, news and gossip, matchmaking, religious festivals, traveling theater groups, tax collection, and bases of famine relief distribution.

Farming villagers in the north spent their days harvesting crops like wheat and millet, while farmers south of the Huai River engaged in intensive rice cultivation and had lakes and ponds where ducks and fish could be raised. The cultivation of mulberry trees for silkworms and tea bushes could be found mostly south of the Yangzi River; even further south sugarcane and citrus were grown as basic crops. Some people in the mountainous southwest made a living by selling lumber from hard bamboo. Besides cutting down trees to sell wood, the poor also made a living by turning wood into charcoal, and by burning oyster shells to make lime and fired pots, and weaving mats and baskets. In the north traveling by horse and carriage was most common, while in the south the myriad of rivers, canals, and lakes provided cheap and easy water transport. Although the south had the characteristic of the wealthy landlord and tenant farmers, there were on average many more owner-cultivators north of the Huai River due to harsher climate, living not far above subsistence level.

Early Ming dynasty saw the strictest sumptuary laws in Chinese history. It was illegal for commoners to wear fine silk or dress in bright red, dark green or yellow colors; nor could they wear boots or guan hats. Women could not use ornaments made from gold, jade, pearl or emerald. Merchants and their families were further banned from using silk. However, these laws were no longer enforced from the middle Ming period onwards.

Science and technology

Compared to the flourishing of science and technology in the Song dynasty, the Ming dynasty perhaps saw fewer advancements in science and technology compared to the pace of discovery in the Western world. In fact, key advances in Chinese science in the late Ming were spurred by contact with Europe. In 1626 Johann Adam Schall von Bell wrote the first Chinese treatise on the telescope, the Yuanjingshuo (Far Seeing Optic Glass); in 1634 the Chongzhen Emperor acquired the telescope of the late Johann Schreck (1576–1630). The heliocentric model of the solar system was rejected by the Catholic missionaries in China, but Johannes Kepler and Galileo Galilei's ideas slowly trickled into China starting with the Polish Jesuit Michael Boym (1612–1659) in 1627, Adam Schall von Bell's treatise in 1640, and finally Joseph Edkins, Alex Wylie, and John Fryer in the 19th century. Catholic Jesuits in China would promote Copernican theory at court, yet at the same time embrace the Ptolemaic system in their writing; it was not until 1865 that Catholic missionaries in China sponsored the heliocentric model as their Protestant peers did. Although Shen Kuo (1031–1095) and Guo Shoujing (1231–1316) had laid the basis for trigonometry in China, another important work in Chinese trigonometry would not be published again until 1607 with the efforts of Xu Guangqi and Matteo Ricci. Ironically, some inventions which had their origins in ancient China were reintroduced to China from Europe during the late Ming; for example, the field mill.

The Chinese calendar was in need of reform since it inadequately measured the solar year at 365 ¼ days, giving an error of 10 min and 14 sec a year or roughly a full day every 128 years. Although the Ming had adopted Guo Shoujing's Shoushi calendar of 1281, which was just as accurate as the Gregorian Calendar, the Ming Directorate of Astronomy failed to periodically readjust it; this was perhaps due to their lack of expertise since their offices had become hereditary in the Ming and the Statutes of the Ming prohibited private involvement in astronomy. A sixth-generation descendant of the Hongxi Emperor, the "Prince" Zhu Zaiyu (1536–1611), submitted a proposal to fix the calendar in 1595, but the ultra-conservative astronomical commission rejected it. This was the same Zhu Zaiyu who discovered the system of tuning known as equal temperament, a discovery made simultaneously by Simon Stevin (1548–1620) in Europe. In addition to publishing his works on music, he was able to publish his findings on the calendar in 1597. A year earlier, the memorial of Xing Yunlu suggesting a calendar improvement was rejected by the Supervisor of the Astronomical Bureau due to the law banning private practice of astronomy; Xing would later serve with Xu Guangqi in reforming the calendar (Chinese: 崇祯暦书) in 1629 according to Western standards.

When the Ming founder Hongwu came upon the mechanical devices housed in the Yuan dynasty's palace at Khanbaliq – such as fountains with balls dancing on their jets, self-operating tiger automata, dragon-headed devices that spouted mists of perfume, and mechanical clocks in the tradition of Yi Xing (683–727) and Su Song (1020–1101) – he associated all of them with the decadence of Mongol rule and had them destroyed. This was described in full length by the Divisional Director of the Ministry of Works, Xiao Xun, who also carefully preserved details on the architecture and layout of the Yuan dynasty palace. Later, European Jesuits such as Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault would briefly mention indigenous Chinese clockworks that featured drive wheels. However, both Ricci and Trigault were quick to point out that 16th-century European clockworks were far more advanced than the common time keeping devices in China, which they listed as water clocks, incense clocks, and "other instruments ... with wheels rotated by sand as if by water" (Chinese: 沙漏). Chinese records – namely the Yuan Shi – describe the 'five-wheeled sand clock', a mechanism pioneered by Zhan Xiyuan (fl. 1360–80) which featured the scoop wheel of Su Song's earlier astronomical clock and a stationary dial face over which a pointer circulated, similar to European models of the time. This sand-driven wheel clock was improved upon by Zhou Shuxue (fl. 1530–58) who added a fourth large gear wheel, changed gear ratios, and widened the orifice for collecting sand grains since he criticized the earlier model for clogging up too often.

The Chinese were intrigued with European technology, but so were visiting Europeans of Chinese technology. In 1584, Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598) featured in his atlas Theatrum Orbis Terrarum the peculiar Chinese innovation of mounting masts and sails onto carriages, just like Chinese ships. Gonzales de Mendoza also mentioned this a year later – noting even the designs of them on Chinese silken robes – while Gerardus Mercator (1512–1594) featured them in his atlas, John Milton (1608–1674) in one of his famous poems, and Andreas Everardus van Braam Houckgeest (1739–1801) in the writings of his travel diary in China.

The encyclopedist Song Yingxing (1587–1666) documented a wide array of technologies, metallurgic and industrial processes in his Tiangong Kaiwu encyclopedia of 1637. This includes mechanical and hydraulic powered devices for agriculture and irrigation, nautical technology such as vessel types and snorkeling gear for pearl divers, the annual processes of sericulture and weaving with the loom, metallurgic processes such as the crucible technique and quenching, manufacturing processes such as for roasting iron pyrite in converting sulphide to oxide in sulfur used in gunpowder compositions – illustrating how ore was piled up with coal briquettes in an earthen furnace with a still-head that sent over sulfur as vapor that would solidify and crystallize – and the use of gunpowder weapons such as a naval mine ignited by use of a rip-cord and steel flint wheel.

Focusing on agriculture in his Nongzheng Quanshu, the agronomist Xu Guangqi (1562–1633) took an interest in irrigation, fertilizers, famine relief, economic and textile crops, and empirical observation of the elements that gave insight into early understandings of chemistry.

There were many advances and new designs in gunpowder weapons during the beginning of the dynasty, but by the mid to late Ming the Chinese began to frequently employ European-style artillery and firearms. The Huolongjing, compiled by Jiao Yu and Liu Bowen sometime before the latter's death on 16 May 1375 (with a preface added by Jiao in 1412), featured many types of cutting-edge gunpowder weaponry for the time. This includes hollow, gunpowder-filled exploding cannonballs, land mines that used a complex trigger mechanism of falling weights, pins, and a steel wheellock to ignite the train of fuses, naval mines, fin-mounted winged rockets for aerodynamic control, multistage rockets propelled by booster rockets before igniting a swarm of smaller rockets issuing forth from the end of the missile (shaped like a dragon's head), and hand cannons that had up to ten barrels.

Li Shizhen (1518–1593) – one of the most renowned pharmacologists and physicians in Chinese history – belonged to the late Ming period. His Bencao Gangmu is a medical text with 1,892 entries, each entry with its own name called a gang. The mu in the title refers to the synonyms of each name. Inoculation, although it can be traced to earlier Chinese folk medicine, was detailed in Chinese texts by the sixteenth century. Throughout the Ming dynasty, around fifty texts were published on the treatment of smallpox. In regards to oral hygiene, the ancient Egyptians had a primitive toothbrush of a twig frayed at the end, but the Chinese were the first to invent the modern bristle toothbrush in 1498, although it used stiff pig hair.

Population

Sinologist historians debate the population figures for each era in the Ming dynasty. The historian Timothy Brook notes that the Ming government census figures are dubious since fiscal obligations prompted many families to underreport the number of people in their households and many county officials to underreport the number of households in their jurisdiction. Children were often underreported, especially female children, as shown by skewed population statistics throughout the Ming. Even adult women were underreported; for example, the Daming Prefecture in North Zhili reported a population of 378,167 males and 226,982 females in 1502. The government attempted to revise the census figures using estimates of the expected average number of people in each household, but this did not solve the widespread problem of tax registration. Some part of the gender imbalance may be attributed to the practice of female infanticide. The practice is well documented in China, going back over two thousand years, and it was described as "rampant" and "practiced by almost every family" by contemporary authors. However, the dramatically skewed sex ratios, which many counties reported exceeding 2:1 by 1586, cannot likely be explained by infanticide alone.

The number of people counted in the census of 1381 was 59,873,305; however, this number dropped significantly when the government found that some 3 million people were missing from the tax census of 1391. Even though underreporting figures was made a capital crime in 1381, the need for survival pushed many to abandon the tax registration and wander from their region, where Hongwu had attempted to impose rigid immobility on the populace. The government tried to mitigate this by creating their own conservative estimate of 60,545,812 people in 1393. In his Studies on the Population of China, Ho Ping-ti suggests revising the 1393 census to 65 million people, noting that large areas of North China and frontier areas were not counted in that census. Brook states that the population figures gathered in the official censuses after 1393 ranged between 51 and 62 million, while the population was in fact increasing. Even the Hongzhi Emperor (r. 1487–1505) remarked that the daily increase in subjects coincided with the daily dwindling amount of registered civilians and soldiers. William Atwell states that around 1400 the population of China was perhaps 90 million people, citing Heijdra and Mote.

Historians are now turning to local gazetteers of Ming China for clues that would show consistent growth in population. Using the gazetteers, Brook estimates that the overall population under the Chenghua Emperor (r. 1464–87) was roughly 75 million, despite mid-Ming census figures hovering around 62 million. While prefectures across the empire in the mid-Ming period were reporting either a drop in or stagnant population size, local gazetteers reported massive amounts of incoming vagrant workers with not enough good cultivated land for them to till, so that many would become drifters, conmen, or wood-cutters that contributed to deforestation. The Hongzhi and Zhengde emperors lessened the penalties against those who had fled their home region, while the Jiajing Emperor (r. 1521–67) finally had officials register migrants wherever they had moved or fled in order to bring in more revenues.

Even with the Jiajing reforms to document migrant workers and merchants, by the late Ming era the government census still did not accurately reflect the enormous growth in population. Gazetteers across the empire noted this and made their own estimations of the overall population in the Ming, some guessing that it had doubled, tripled, or even grown fivefold since 1368. Fairbank estimates that the population was perhaps 160 million in the late Ming dynasty, while Brook estimates 175 million, and Ebrey states perhaps as large as 200 million. However, the Great Plague in late Ming Dynasty, a great epidemic that started in Shanxi Province in 1633, ravaged the densely populated areas along the Grand Canal; a gazetteer in northern Zhejiang noted more than half the population fell ill that year and that 90% of the local populace in one area was dead by 1642.