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武皇帝諱炎，字安世，文帝太子也。泰始五年，廷尉上西平民麴路伐登聞鼓，言多妖妄譭謗。帝詔曰：狂狷怨誹，亦朕之愆，勿罪也。 |
| | Emperor Wu, whose personal name was Yan and courtesy name Anshi, was the crown prince of Emperor Wen. In the fifth year of Taishi (269 AD), the Tingwei reported that Qu Lu, a native of Xiping in Shangdong, struck the Dengwen drum and made many absurd and slanderous remarks. The emperor issued an edict: "Foolish and eccentric complaints, as well as resentment and defamation, are also my faults. Do not punish him."
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咸寧四年，大醫司馬程據獻雉頭裘。詔曰：異服奇技，典制所禁也。其于殿前燒裘，甲申，敕內外敢有犯者，依禮治罪。 |
| | lø In the fourth year of Xinning (278 AD), Cheng Ju, a physician under the Da Yi, presented a pheasant-feather robe. The edict said: "Unusual clothing and extraordinary skills are prohibited by established regulations." Order the robe to be burned before the palace. On the Jia Shen day, he issued an order that anyone inside or outside the court who dared to commit such offenses would be punished according to ritual law.
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太康元年，吳主孫晧降，有司奏晉德隆茂，光被四表，吳會既平，六合為一，宜勒封東岳，以彰聖德。帝曰：此盛德之事，所未議也。羣臣固請，弗聽。 |
| | In the first year of Taikang (280 AD), Sun Hao, ruler of Wu, surrendered. The officials submitted a memorial stating that the virtue and prosperity of the Jin dynasty were great, shining to all directions; now that the region of Wu had been pacified and the world was united as one, it was appropriate to engrave an edict at Mount Dongyue (Mount Tai) in order to demonstrate the holy virtue. The emperor said: "This is a matter of great virtue, and it has not yet been discussed." The ministers repeatedly requested it, but he did not agree.
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惠皇帝諱衷，字正度，武帝太子也。永平元年，遷皇太后於永寧宮，賈后諷羣臣奏廢皇太后為庶人，居於金墉城，九年，賈后誣奏皇太子有悖書，帝幸式乾殿，召公卿百官皆入，詔賜太子死，以所謗悖書及詔文遍示諸王公。司空張華曰：此國之大禍，自漢氏以來，每廢黜正嫡，恒至喪亂，且晉有天下日淺，願陛下詳之。尚書仆射裴頠曰：臣不識太子書，不審誰為通表，誰發此者，為是太子手書不，宜先檢校，而王公百官竟無言，免太子為庶人，幽於金墉城。 |
| | Emperor Hui, whose personal name was Zhong and courtesy name Zhengdu, was the crown prince of Emperor Wu. In the first year of Yongping (291 AD), Empress Dowager was moved to Yongning Palace. Jia Hou hinted at the ministers, who then submitted a memorial requesting that the empress dowager be deposed and reduced to common status, confining her in Jinyong Cheng. In the ninth year [of Yuangfang] (299 AD), Jia Hou falsely accused the crown prince of possessing seditious writings. The emperor went to Shiqian Dian, summoned all chancellors, high officials, and ministers, and issued an edict ordering the crown prince's death. He then displayed the alleged seditious documents and the imperial decree to all the princes and nobles. Sikong Zhang Hua said: "This is a great calamity for the state. Since the Han dynasty, every time the legitimate heir was deposed or demoted, it inevitably led to chaos and disaster. Moreover, the Jin has ruled the realm only briefly; I hope Your Majesty will consider this carefully." Shangshu Puye Pei Wei said: "I do not recognize the handwriting of the crown prince, nor can I determine who drafted or submitted this document. Is it indeed written by the crown prince himself? We should first investigate and verify. Yet none among the princes, nobles, or officials spoke up." The crown prince was then stripped of his title and reduced to common status and confined in Jinyong Cheng.
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永康元年。前西夷校尉司馬閻纘輿棺詣闕上書曰：伏見赦文及牓下前太子遹手疏，以為驚愕，自古已來，臣子悖逆，未有如此之甚者也。幸賴天慈全其首領，臣伏念遹生於聖父而至此者，由於長養深宮，沉淪富貴，受饒先帝，父母驕之，每見選師傅，下至羣吏，率取膏粱擊鐘鼎食之家，稀有寒門儒素，如衛綰，周文，石舊，疏廣者也。洗馬舍人，亦無汲黯，鄭莊之比，遂使不見事父事君之道，臣案古典，太子居以士禮，與國人齒，以此明先王欲令知先賤然後乃貴，自頃東宮亦微太盛，所以致敗也。非但東宮，歷觀諸王，師友文學，亦取豪族，為能得者，率非龔遂，王陽，能以道訓友，無直亮三益之節，官以文學為名，實不讀書，但共鮮衣怒馬，縱酒高會，嬉游博奕，豈有切磋，能相長益，臣常恐公族凌遲，以此嘆息。 |
| | The first year of Yongkang (300 AD). Qian Xiyi Xiaoyue Sikou Yan Zuan, carrying a coffin, presented a memorial at the palace gate saying: "I have seen the decree of pardon and the notice below it containing the former crown prince Yu's handwritten letter. I am greatly shocked. Since ancient times, no subject or son has committed such grave treason as this." Fortunately, by the grace of Heaven he was allowed to keep his head. I reflect that Yu, born of a holy father, has reached this state because he grew up in deep palace seclusion, immersed in wealth and luxury. He was favored by the late emperor; his parents spoiled him. Every time they selected teachers or officials, from high ministers down to common officers, they mostly chose sons of wealthy families who dined on fine food and music, rarely selecting scholars of humble origin such as Wei Wan, Zhou Wen, Shi Jiu, or Shu Guang. Even the Xima Shiren (attendants of the Crown Prince) were rarely men comparable to Ji An or Zheng Zhuang. Thus, he never learned how to serve his father and ruler properly. I have examined classical texts: in ancient times, a crown prince was treated with the courtesy due to a scholar-official, ranked among common people by age, so that the kings of old wished them to understand lowly things before they could appreciate noble ones. In recent years, the Eastern Palace has been too luxurious and excessive; this is why failure occurred. This is not only the case with the Eastern Palace. Looking at all the princes, their teachers and literary attendants were also selected from aristocratic families; those who could truly be considered capable were rarely men like Gong Sui or Wang Yang, who could instruct others through moral principles. These officials bore the title of "literary scholars," but in reality did not study books. Instead, they merely rode fine horses dressed in colorful clothes, drank wine at grand banquets, and played games while idling away their time. How could there be any mutual encouragement or growth? I have always feared that the imperial clan would decline gradually, and this is why I sigh with regret.
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今遹可以為戒，恐其被斥，弃逐遠郊，始當悔過，無所復及，昔戾太子無狀，稱兵拒命，而壺關三老上書，猶曰子弄父兵，罪應笞，漢武感悟，築思子之臺，今遹無狀，言語逆悖，受罪之日，不敢失道，猶為輕於戾太子，尚可禁持檢著，目下重選師傅，為置文學，皆選以學行自立者，及取服勤更事，名行素聞者，使共與處，使嚴御史監護其家，絕貴戚子弟輕薄賓客，如此，左右前後，莫非正人，使共論議於前，但道古今孝子慈親，忠臣事君，及思愆改過之比，日聞善道，庶幾可全。 |
| | Now Yu may serve as a warning. I fear that if he is cast out and exiled to the distant suburbs, it will be only when he begins to regret his mistakes that it will already be too late. In ancient times, Crown Prince Li of Han was without virtue, raised arms against imperial orders, yet Hu Guan Sanlao submitted a memorial, still saying: "A son who handles his father's weapons deserves punishment by caning." Emperor Wu of Han was moved and built the Sizi Pavilion to express his regret. Now Yu is similarly lacking in virtue, speaking rebelliously; on the day he received his punishment, he did not dare to defy justice. His offense is still lighter than that of Crown Prince Li. He could yet be restrained and corrected. At present, we should carefully select teachers and literary attendants for him, choosing those who have established themselves through learning and virtue, as well as those known for diligence in service and experience with affairs. Let them live together with Yu to guide him. Appoint a strict yushi (censor) to supervise his household and cut off contact with the frivolous sons of noble relatives and shallow guests. In this way, all around him—those before and behind—will be upright men who can discuss matters in front of him, speaking only about filial sons and kind parents, loyal ministers serving their rulers, as well as examples of those who reflected on their faults and corrected themselves. If he hears good teachings every day, perhaps he may yet be saved.
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昔太甲有罪，放之三年，思庸克復，為殷明王，又魏明帝因母得罪，廢為平原侯，為置家臣，庶子文學，皆取正人，共相匡矯，事父以孝，事母以謹，聞於天下，於今稱之，李斯云，慈母多敗子，嚴家無格虜，由陛下驕遹使至於此，庶其受罪以來，足自思改，方今天下多虞，四夷未寧，將伺國隙，儲副大事，不宜空虛，宜為大計，少復停留，先加嚴誨，若不悛改，弃之未晚也。臣素寒門，不經東宮，情不私遹也。臣嘗備近職，情同閽寺，悾悾之誠，皆為國事，臣以死獻忠，輒具棺絮，伏須刑誅，書御不從，遣前將軍司馬送太子幽於許昌宮，賈后使黄門孫慮賊太子於許昌。 |
| | In the past, Taijia committed crimes and was exiled for three years. After reflecting on his faults, he recovered and became a wise ruler of Yin. Again, Emperor Mingdi of Wei offended because of his mother and was deposed as Pingyuan Hou (Marquis of Pingyuan). At that time, household attendants, junior sons, and literary scholars were all selected from upright men to assist him in correcting himself. He served his father with filial piety and treated his mother with caution, a reputation known throughout the world, still praised today. Li Si said: "A kind mother often raises a wayward son; a strict family has no unruly sons." This is because Your Majesty spoiled Yu, leading to this situation. Perhaps since he received punishment, it will be enough for him to reflect and reform himself. Now that the realm faces many dangers and the four foreign tribes remain unsettled, they may look for weaknesses in our state. The matter of the heir to the throne must not be left vacant; we should make a long-term plan and delay slightly before proceeding. First impose strict instruction upon him. If he does not reform, it is not too late to abandon him later. I am a man of humble origins and have never served in the Eastern Palace; I do not personally favor Yu. I have once held a position close to the court, and my feelings are no different from those of a gatekeeper or palace official. My sincerity is empty but devoted entirely to state affairs. I offer this loyal advice at the risk of death, carrying with me a coffin and padding, ready for punishment if needed. The emperor did not accept his memorial and sent General Qian Sikou to escort the crown prince into confinement in Xuchang Gong (Xuchang Palace). Jia Hou then dispatched Huangmen Sun Lü to murder the crown prince in Xuchang.
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成皇帝諱衍，字世根，明帝太子也。咸和七年，詔除諸養禽之屬無益者。集書令史夏侯盛表曰：伏聞明詔悉除養熊虎之費，舉朝增慶，咸稱聖主，伏惟陛下未觀古今成敗之戒，而卓爾玄覽，明發自然，遣除無益，務在嗇民，誠可謂性與天道，生而知之，孔子十五志學，四十不惑，陛下年在志學之後，而思洞不惑之前，三代之興，無不抑損情欲，三季之衰，無不肆其侈靡，陛下不學其興，而與興者同功，不覽其衰，已去衰者之弊，道侔上哲，德邁中古，吐絲髪之言，著如綸之美，臣聞將順其美，匡救其惡，故人主之言，則右史書之，陛下此詔，既當等之史籍，又宜宣布天下。 |
| | Emperor Cheng, whose personal name was Yan, courtesy name Shigen, was the crown prince of Emperor Ming. In the seventh year of Xianhe (332 AD), an edict was issued to abolish all types of domesticated birds and animals that were deemed useless. Jishi Ling Shi Xiahou Sheng submitted a memorial: "I have heard the clear decree abolishing all expenses for keeping bears and tigers. The entire court rejoices, calling Your Majesty a sage ruler. I humbly believe that although Your Majesty has not studied the lessons of past successes and failures, your insight is profound and natural, as if you had spontaneously understood the Way. You have eliminated what is useless in order to conserve the people's resources—truly, this may be called an innate understanding of human nature and the principles of Heaven. Confucius set his mind on learning at fifteen and was free from confusion by forty; Your Majesty, though past the age when one sets a goal for study, has already surpassed the stage where one is no longer confused. In the three dynasties that flourished, rulers always restrained desires and pleasures; in the three declining periods, rulers indulged in extravagance without restraint. Your Majesty did not learn from their rise but has achieved equal merit with those who rose to power. You have not studied their decline yet have already abandoned its ills. Your virtue matches that of ancient sages and surpasses even the Middle Ages. Your words are as refined as silk, as beautiful as a royal decree. I have heard it said: 'One should support what is good and correct what is evil.' Therefore, when a ruler speaks, the Right Shi records it. This edict of Yours deserves to be recorded in history and also announced throughout the realm."
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自喪亂已來，四十餘載，塗炭之餘，思治久矣。陛下智成當年，而運值百六，德音之詔，發自聖德，願復觸類而長之，廣求其比，無使朝有游食費禄之臣，野有逋竄不徭之民，使居官者必有供時之賦，則何患倉廩之不實，下土之不均，凡修此術，易於反掌耳，臣誠總猥，官自朝末，不足對揚盛化，裨廣大猷，然自睹聖美，心悅至教，自忘叢細，謹拜表以賀。 |
| | Since the time of chaos began, more than forty years have passed. After so much suffering, people long for order and peace. Your Majesty has reached the prime of wisdom, yet your reign coincides with a time of great difficulty. This decree, issued from Your Sage virtue, is most commendable. I hope You will extend this principle to other matters and seek further examples of wise governance. May there be no officials in court who waste salaries without service, nor peasants in the fields evading corvée labor by hiding or fleeing. If those in office must contribute their due taxes, what need would there be for concern over empty granaries or unequal land distribution? To implement such policies is as easy as turning one's palm. I am truly humble and lowly; my position has been at the end of court affairs, insufficient to promote Your Majesty's great virtue or assist in expanding wise governance. Yet upon witnessing this excellence, my heart rejoices in Your teachings, and I have forgotten my own insignificance. With utmost respect, I bow and submit this memorial as a celebration.
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簡文皇帝諱昱，字道萬，元帝少子也。咸安二年。詔曰：夫敦本息末，抑絕華競，開忠信公坦之門，塞浮僞阿私之路，詢名檢實，致之以道，使清濁異流，能否殊貫，官無粃政，士無謗讟，不有懲勸，則德禮焉施，且强寇未殄，勞役未息，每念民疲力單，則中夜忘寢，若不弘政，以求民瘼，簡除游煩，以存儉約，將何以紓之耶，今自非軍國戎祀之要，其華飾煩費之用，可除者皆除之，宜省者皆省之，其鰥寡窮獨，癃殘六疾，不能自存，皆生民之至艱，先王之所愍，宜加隱卹，各賑賜之，若或孝子貞婦，殊行異操之人，皆以狀條列，當有以甄明其節。 |
| | Emperor Jianwen, whose personal name was Yu, courtesy name Daowan, was the youngest son of Emperor Yuan. The second year of Xian'an (372 AD). The edict said: "To strengthen the fundamentals and curb superficial pursuits, to suppress extravagance and competition, we must open a path for loyalty, trustworthiness, and public integrity while closing roads of falsehood, flattery, and private interests. We should investigate names and verify facts, guiding people through proper principles so that clarity and corruption flow separately, competence and incompetence are clearly distinguished; officials will have no corrupt governance, and scholars will not be subject to criticism or slander. Without punishment and encouragement, how can virtue and rites be applied? Moreover, fierce enemies remain undefeated, and labor duties have yet ceased. Every time I think of the people's exhaustion and weakness, I lose sleep at night. If we do not promote good governance to relieve their suffering, simplify unnecessary burdens, and preserve frugality, how else can we ease their hardships? Therefore, from now on, except for matters essential to military affairs, state administration, or religious ceremonies, all luxurious decorations and wasteful expenditures that may be eliminated shall be removed, and those that should be reduced will be cut. Widows, widowers, the poor, and the helpless—those who are elderly, disabled, or afflicted with serious illnesses and unable to support themselves—are among the most vulnerable of our people; they were pitied by previous kings. We must provide additional care and relief for them, offering assistance and gifts as needed. If there are filial sons, chaste women, or individuals with extraordinary conduct and virtue, their cases should be documented in detail so that we may recognize and honor their integrity."
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夫肥遁窮谷之賢，汨泥揚波之士，雖抗志於玄霄之表，潜默於幽岫之裏，貪屈高尚之道，以隆協贊之美，使惠風流於天下，膏澤被於萬物，孰與獨足山水，棲遲丘壑，殉匹夫之潔，而忘兼濟之大，古人不借賢於曩代，朕所以虛想於今日，內外百官，剖符親民，各勤所司，使善無不達，惡無不聞，退食自公，平情以道，令詩人無素飡之刺，而吾獲虛心之求，豈不善哉。其各宣攝，知朕意焉。 |
| | Those virtuous men who hide in remote valleys, and those scholars who rise from muddy waters to create waves—though they may hold lofty aspirations above the clouds or remain silent within secluded mountains, we should not let their noble virtues be ignored. Instead, we must encourage them to contribute to our shared cause of governance so that benevolent winds spread across the realm and nourishing rains benefit all things. How could one compare this with those who merely enjoy seclusion in rivers and hills, delay time among mountains and valleys, sacrifice themselves for the purity of a common man, yet forget their greater duty to help others? The ancients did not rely on sages from past ages; thus I yearn for virtuous men today. All officials inside and outside court who hold seals of authority and serve the people must diligently perform their duties so that no good deed goes unnoticed and no evil act remains hidden. After discharging public duties, they should return home with a clear conscience, governing with fairness and reason. Let there be no more complaints from poets about empty meals, but instead let me achieve my sincere desire for virtue—would this not be excellent? All of you should widely convey and implement these instructions so that you understand the intent of Your Majesty.
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琅耶王伷字子將，宣帝第五子，受詔征吳，孫晧請降，進拜大將軍，伷既戚屬尊重，加有平吳之功，而克己恭儉，無矜滿之色，統御文武，各得其用，百姓悅仰，咸懷惠化。 |
| | Langye Wang Zhou, courtesy name Zijiang, was the fifth son of Emperor Xuan. He received an imperial edict to campaign against Wu, and Sun Hao requested surrender. He was then promoted to Grand General. Since Zhou belonged to a close branch of the royal family and had been honored with the merit of pacifying Wu, he remained self-disciplined, modest, and frugal, showing no signs of arrogance or complacency. In managing both civil officials and military officers, he ensured that each was properly utilized. The common people were pleased and looked up to him, all harboring gratitude for his benevolent governance.
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扶風王駿字子臧，宣帝第七子也。年五六歲能書畫誦咏詩賦，秉德清貞，宗室之中，最為俊茂，封汝陰王遷鎮西大將軍，都督雍，梁諸軍事，大興佃農，入朝，徙封扶風王，薨，西土氓黎，思慕悲哭，涕泣岐路，更樹碑讃述德範，長老見碑者，無不拜之，其遺愛如此。 |
| | Fufeng Wang Jun, courtesy name Zizang, was the seventh son of Emperor Xuan. At the age of five or six, he was already able to write, paint, and recite poetry. He possessed moral integrity and purity, and among the imperial clan, he was considered the most outstanding. He was granted the title of Ruyin Wang. Later, he was transferred to serve as Zhongxi Da Jiangjun (General Who Pacifies the West), and Inspector-in-Chief of You, Liang , and other military affairs. He greatly promoted farming and land cultivation. Upon returning to court, he was moved and granted the title of Fufeng Wang. After his death, the people of the western territories mourned him with deep sorrow, weeping along the roadsides. They erected a monument to praise and record his virtuous example. Elders who saw the stele would all bow before it. His legacy of benevolence was thus profound.
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齊王攸字大猷，文帝第二子也。力行敦善，甚有名譽，為侍中數年，授太子太傅，獻箴於皇太子，每朝政大議，悉心陳之，且孝敬忠肅，至性過人，太康三年，為大司馬，都督青州諸軍事，薨。 |
| | Qi Wang You, courtesy name Dayou, was the second son of Emperor Wen. He diligently practiced virtue and was highly respected. He served as Shizhong (Attendant-in-Ordinary) for several years, and was later appointed Taifu of the Crown Prince. He presented admonitions to the crown prince. In every major discussion on court affairs, he carefully expressed his views. Moreover, he was filial, respectful, loyal, and solemn, with a natural virtue surpassing that of others. In Tai Kang 3 (282 AD), he became Dashima (Grand Marshal) and Inspector-in-Chief for the military affairs of Qingzhou. He died in office.
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子冏嗣，字景治，與趙王倫共廢賈后，倫篡，遷冏鎮東大將軍，開府，儀同三司，冏因民心怨望，移檄天下，破倫，帝反正，就拜大司馬，加九錫，輔政，大築第館，使大匠營制，與西宮等，後房施鐘懸，前庭儛八佾，沉於酒色，不入朝見，坐拜百官，符敕三臺，選舉不均，唯寵親昵，殿中御史桓豹奏事不先經冏府，即考竟之，於是朝廷側目，海內失望，冏驕亂日甚，終無悛志，長沙王發兵攻冏府，生禽冏，斬於閶闔門外，諸黨屬皆夷三族。 |
| | His son Jiong succeeded him. His courtesy name was Jingzhi. He joined with Wang Lun, the Prince of Zhao, to depose Empress Jia. After Lun usurped power, he transferred Jiong to serve as Zhendong Da Jiangjun (General Who Subdues the East), established a separate office, and granted him ceremonial status equal to that of the Three Excellencies. Because the people resented this situation, Jiong issued proclamations throughout the realm, defeated Lun, and the emperor was restored to power. He was immediately appointed Dashima (Grand Marshal) with the additional honor of the Nine Bestowals, and placed in charge of state affairs. He built grand mansions on a large scale, ordering the Grand Works Office to construct them equal in splendor to those of the Western Palace. In his private quarters he installed bells for ritual music, and in front of his courtyard he arranged eight rows of dancers as was reserved for the Son of Heaven. He became addicted to wine and women, ceased attending court sessions, and had officials prostrate themselves before him at home. He issued orders directly to the Three Offices without going through proper channels. His appointments were biased toward favorites rather than based on merit. When Grand Censor Huan Bao presented a report that did not first pass through Jiong's office, he was immediately punished severely. As a result, officials in court looked upon him with fear and resentment, while the people throughout the land felt disappointed. Jiong became increasingly arrogant and disorderly, showing no sign of repentance. The Prince of Changsha raised an army to attack Jiong's mansion, captured him alive, and beheaded him outside Changhai Gate. All his followers were executed along with their three generations of relatives.
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愍懷太子遹，字熙祖，惠帝長子也。謝才人所生，少而聰慧，惠帝即位，立為皇太子，年轉長大而不好學，喜與左右嬉戲，不能尊敬保傅，敬狎賓友，賈后素忌太子有佳譽。因此密敕諸黄門閹宦媚諛於太子曰：殿下誠可及壯時極意狡猾，何為恒自拘束，每見喜怒之際。輒嘆曰：殿下不知用威刑，天下那得畏服也。太子於是慢弛益彰，或廢朝侍，有過差之聲，洗馬江統等諫，太子不能用，賈后詐稱上不和，呼太子入朝，后不見，置别屋中，遣婢賜酒棗，逼使飲盡，仍齎謗書多未成字，稱詔令太子寫之，累續催促，醉不暇看，粗得迹，便足成悖辭，后以呈帝，帝即幸式乾殿，召公卿入。使黄門令薰猛以太子書及青紙詔曰：遹書如此，今賜死，遍示諸公王，而莫敢有言者，唯張華，裴頠證明太子，議至日西不决，后懼事變，乃表免太子為庶人，於是送幽于許昌宮，賈后矯詔害太子，趙王倫等廢后於金墉城，賜死，册復太子，謚為愍懷。 |
| | Prince Minhuai Yu, courtesy name Xizu, was the eldest son of Emperor Hui. He was the son of Xie Cairen. From an early age, he was intelligent and bright. After Emperor Hui ascended the throne, he was appointed Crown Prince. As he grew older, however, he did not take a liking to studying; instead, he enjoyed playing with his attendants and could not show proper respect toward his tutors or guardians. He treated his guests and friends in an irreverent manner. Empress Dowager Jia had long been jealous of the Crown Prince's good reputation. Therefore, she secretly ordered various Huangmen eunuchs to flatter the Crown Prince and say: "Your Highness is truly capable of indulging in whatever you desire at your prime; why should you constantly restrain yourself, always showing signs of joy or anger?" They would often sigh and say: "Your Highness does not know how to use authority and punishment; otherwise, how could the realm ever fear or obey you?" The Crown Prince thus became increasingly evident in his lax and disrespectful behavior, sometimes neglecting court attendance, and rumors of misconduct began to spread. Jiang Tong, the Xima (Attendant for Washing Horses), and others remonstrated with him, but the Crown Prince did not heed their advice. Empress Jia falsely claimed that the emperor was unwell and summoned the Crown Prince to court. However, she did not allow him to see the emperor, instead placing him in a separate room. She then sent a servant girl to offer wine and dates, forcing him to drink them all. At the same time, she presented many defamatory documents with incomplete characters, falsely claiming that it was an imperial order for the Crown Prince to copy them. She repeatedly urged him on. Drunk and without time to read carefully, he hastily copied what he could, barely completing a coherent but slanderous text. Empress Jia then submitted this document to the emperor. The emperor immediately went to Shiqian Dian (Hall of Style Dryness) and summoned ministers and high officials into court. She ordered Huangmen Ling Xun Meng to present the Crown Prince's letter and a yellow paper edict, saying: "The writing of Yu is like this; he is now granted death." The document was shown to all the princes and officials, but none dared speak. Only Zhang Hua and Pei Wei testified in defense of the Crown Prince. Discussions continued until evening without resolution. Fearing that circumstances might change, Empress Jia submitted a memorial requesting the emperor to depose the Crown Prince as an ordinary person. He was then sent into seclusion at Xuchang Gong (Xuchang Palace). Later, Empress Jia issued a forged imperial decree ordering the death of the Crown Prince. Wang Lun and others deposed her in Jinyong Cheng (Jinyong City) and had her executed. The Crown Prince was posthumously restored to his title, with the posthumous name Minhuai.
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安平王孚字叔達，宣帝弟也。魏甘露元年轉太傅，高貴鄉公卒，當時百官莫敢奔赴，孚往，枕尸於股，號慟盡哀，奏治主者，會太后有令，使以庶人禮葬，孚與羣公上表乞以王禮葬之，世祖受禪，陳留王就金墉城，孚拜辭，執王手涕泣歔欷，不能自勝。曰：臣死之日，固大魏之純臣也。臨終曰：有魏貞士河內司馬孚，不伊不周，不夷不惠，立身行道，始終若一，遺令素棺單椁，斂以時服，所給器物，一不施用。 |
| | Anping Wang Fu, courtesy name Shuda, was a younger brother of Emperor Xuan. In the first year of Ganlu era of Wei, he was transferred to Taifu (Grand Tutor). When Prince Gaigui Xianggong died, none among the officials dared attend his funeral. Fu went there and placed the corpse on his thigh, wailing with deep grief until exhaustion. He submitted a memorial accusing those responsible for the prince's death. At that time, an order from the empress dowager required him to be buried as a commoner. Fu, together with other officials, presented a memorial requesting that he be given the rites of a king. When Emperor Shizu accepted the abdication, Chenliu Wang went to Jinyong Cheng. Fu bid farewell and held his hand, weeping bitterly and sobbing uncontrollably, unable to compose himself. He said: "On the day of my death, I shall remain a loyal subject of Great Wei." On his deathbed, he said: "Zhenshi Sifa of Hedong in the Wei dynasty was neither biased toward Yi nor Zhou, neither inclined to Yí (kindness) nor Hui (benevolence). In cultivating virtue and practicing righteousness, he remained consistent from beginning to end." He left instructions for a plain coffin and simple outer case, requesting that only his regular clothes be used for burial. None of the provided funeral objects were to be used.
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高密王泰字子舒，宣帝弟馗之子也。封為隴西王，遷太尉，為人廉静，不近聲色，身為宰輔，食大國之租，服餝粗素，肴饍疏儉，如布衣寒士，事親恭謹，居喪哀戚，謙虛下物，為宗室儀表。 |
| | Gaomi Wang Tai, courtesy name Zishu, was the son of Kuai, a younger brother of Emperor Xuan. Note: The character 魁 (Kuai) is used for the father's name. He was granted the title of Longxi Wang and later transferred to Taiwei (Grand Commandant). He was a man of integrity and quiet demeanor, avoiding music and sensual pleasures. Though serving as a prime minister, he lived on the revenues from his large fief but dressed in plain and simple attire, ate modestly, and maintained a frugal lifestyle akin to that of an ordinary scholar or poor gentleman. He treated his parents with filial respect and was deeply sorrowful during mourning periods. Humble and respectful toward others, he became a model for the imperial clan.
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劉寔字子真，平原人也。太祖引參相國軍事，寔以世俗進趣，廉謙道缺，乃著崇讓論。其辭曰：古之聖王之治天下，所以貴讓者，欲以出賢才，息争競也。夫人情莫不皆欲己之賢也。故勸令讓賢以自明也。賢豈假讓不賢哉。故讓道興，賢能之人，不求自出矣。至公之舉自立矣。百官之副，亦豫具矣。一官缺，擇衆官所讓最多者而用之，審之道也。在朝之士相讓於上，草廬之人咸皆化之，推能讓賢之風，從此生矣。為一國所讓，則一國士也。天下所共推，則天下士也。推讓之風行，則賢與不肖灼然殊矣。此道之行，在上者無所用其心，因成清議隨之而已。故曰：蕩蕩乎堯之為君，莫之能名。又曰：舜，禹之有天下，而不與焉。賢人相讓于朝，大才之人，恒在大官，小人不争於野，天下無事矣。以賢才治無事，至道興矣。已仰其成，復何與焉。故可以歌南風之詩，彈五弦之琴也。成此功者非有他，崇讓之所致耳，在朝之人，不務相讓久矣。天下化之，自魏代已來，登進辟命之士，及在職之吏，臨見受叙，雖自辭不能，終莫肯讓有勝己者，夫推讓之風息，争競之心生矣。孔子曰：上興讓則下不争，明讓不興下必争也。推讓之道興，賢能之人，日見推舉，争競之心生，賢能之人，日見謗毁，夫争者之欲自先，甚惡能者之先，不能無毁也。孔，墨不能免世之謗已，况不及孔，墨者乎。 |
| | Liu Shi, courtesy name Zizhen, was a native of Pingyuan. Emperor Tai Zu appointed him as an assistant to the Prime Minister in military affairs. Shi, observing that worldly pursuits were prevalent and moral integrity was lacking, composed a treatise titled Chongrang Lun (On Reverence for Yielding). The text reads: "In ancient times, the sage kings who ruled the realm valued yielding because they wished to promote virtuous talents and quell contention." Human nature is such that everyone desires to be considered virtuous. Therefore, they are encouraged to yield to the worthy in order to demonstrate their own virtue. Is a virtuous person truly in need of yielding from an unvirtuous one? Therefore, when the practice of yielding prevails, virtuous and capable individuals will naturally emerge without needing to seek recognition. Thus, a just act of impartiality is established on its own. The deputies for the various officials are also prepared in advance. When a position becomes vacant, one should select the person who has received the most recommendations from other officials; this is the proper method of careful deliberation. If those in court recommend each other to superiors, and even common people in humble dwellings are influenced by this example, a trend of promoting ability and yielding to virtue will arise from it. If someone is recommended throughout the entire realm, then he is indeed a man of talent for the whole country. If someone is universally endorsed by all under heaven, then he is truly a man of virtue for the entire world. When the custom of recommendation and yielding prevails, the distinction between the virtuous and the unworthy becomes clearly evident. The implementation of this principle requires those in power to exert no personal effort; they merely follow and uphold the natural consensus that arises. Hence it is said: "Vast and boundless was Yao's rule as a sovereign, none could name its limits." It also says: "Shun and Yu ruled the realm without seeking it for themselves." When virtuous men recommend each other in court, great talents will always hold high offices; petty people will not contend for power among the commoners, and thus peace prevails throughout the realm. To govern a peaceful world with virtuous talents is to bring about the flourishing of the highest way. Having already benefited from its success, what further need is there for personal involvement? Therefore, one may sing the poem of the southern wind and play the five-stringed zither in contentment. Achieving this success requires no other means—it is solely due to the practice of reverence for yielding. For a long time, those in office have ceased to strive for mutual recommendation and yielding. The people of the realm have been influenced by this, and since the Wei dynasty, those who were recommended or appointed to office, as well as officials currently in service, when facing appointments or promotions, even if they modestly declined, ultimately no one was willing to yield to someone more capable than themselves. When the custom of yielding ceased, a spirit of contention arose instead. Confucius said: "When those above promote yielding, those below will not contend; this shows clearly that if yielding is not encouraged from above, contention among the people is inevitable." When the practice of recommendation and yielding flourishes, virtuous and capable people are increasingly promoted. When a spirit of contention arises, however, these same individuals become increasingly slandered and defamed. Those who contend desire to be first themselves; they deeply resent others being ahead of them, and thus cannot avoid spreading calumny. Even Kongzi (Confucius) and Mozi could not escape the world's slander; how much less those who are inferior to them?
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議者僉言，世少高名之才，朝廷不有大才之人，可以為大官者，山澤人小，官吏亦復云，朝廷之士，雖有大官，名德皆不及往時人也。余以為此二言皆失之矣。非時獨乏賢也。時不貴讓，一人有先衆之譽，毁必隨之，名不得成，使之然也。雖令稷，契復存，亦不復能全其名矣。能否渾雜，優劣不分，士無素定之價，官職有缺，主選之吏，不知所用，但案官次而舉之，同才之人先用者，非勢家之子，則必為有勢者之所念也。因先用之資，而復遷之無已，遷之無已，不勝其任之病發矣。所以見用不息者，由讓道廢也。因資用人之有失久矣。故自漢，魏以來，時開大舉，令衆官各舉所知，唯才所任，不限階次，如此者甚數矣。其所舉必有當者，不聞時有擢用，不知何誰最賢故也。所舉必有不當，而罪不加，不知何誰最不肖故也。所以不可得知，由當時之人莫肯相推，賢愚之名不别，令其如此，舉者知在上者察不能審，故敢漫舉而進之，或舉所賢，因及所念，一頓而至，人數猥多，各言所舉者賢，加之高狀，相似如一，難得而分矣。雖舉者不能盡忠之罪，亦由上開聽察之路濫，令其爾也。 |
| | Commentators all say that the world lacks men of great reputation and talent. The court has no individuals of extraordinary ability who can hold high office; even commoners in remote regions and officials repeat this view, claiming that although current officials may occupy important positions, their reputations and virtue fall far short of those from previous generations. I believe both these statements are mistaken. It is not that the present age alone lacks virtue. The problem lies in the fact that yielding is no longer valued; when one person gains a reputation for surpassing others, slander inevitably follows. Thus, his name cannot be established—it is this situation that causes it. Even if Ji and Qi were to exist in our time, they would no longer be able to preserve their reputations intact. Virtue and ability are mixed together, with no distinction between the superior and inferior. Scholars have no fixed standard of value; when an official position becomes vacant, those responsible for selection do not know whom to choose but merely follow rank in making appointments. Among equally capable individuals, the one chosen first is either a son from a powerful family or someone favored by those in power. Because of their initial advantage, they are repeatedly promoted without end. When promotion continues endlessly, the illness of being overburdened and unable to perform one's duties inevitably arises. Therefore, the reason for unceasing appointments is due to the decline in the practice of yielding. The mistake of appointing people based solely on their background has persisted for a long time. Therefore, since the Han and Wei dynasties, at various times, large-scale appointments were initiated, ordering all officials to recommend those they knew, appointing individuals solely based on their talent without regard for rank or seniority. Such measures occurred frequently. Among those recommended, there were certainly suitable candidates; yet it was never heard that any of them were promoted, because no one knew who the most virtuous person was. Those recommended inevitably included unsuitable candidates; yet no punishment was imposed, because it was also unknown who the most unworthy person was. This is why it cannot be known—who, at that time, was unwilling to recommend others? The names of the virtuous and unworthy were not clearly distinguished. Because those in power could not carefully discern, those making recommendations dared to submit candidates carelessly or even included both worthy individuals and personal favorites all at once. A large number of people were recommended, each claiming their candidate was virtuous, with exaggerated descriptions that made them seem almost identical—thus it became difficult to distinguish between them. Although the recommenders bear some guilt for not acting with complete loyalty, this is also due to those in power having opened a path of careless scrutiny and excessive listening, leading to such outcomes.
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昔齊王好聽竽聲，必令三百人合吹而後聽之，廩以數人之俸，南郭先生不知吹竽者也。以三百人合吹可以容其不知，因請為王吹竽，虛食數人之俸，嗣王覺而改之，難彰先王之過。乃下令曰：吾之好聞竽聲，有甚於先王，欲一一列而聽之，先生于此逃矣。推賢之風不立，濫舉之法不改，則南郭先生之徒盈於朝矣。才高守道之士日退，馳走有勢之門日多矣。雖國有典刑，弗能禁矣。讓道不興之弊，非徒賢人在下位不得時進也。國之良臣荷重任者，亦將以漸受罪退矣。何以知其然也。孔子以為顏氏之子不貳過耳，明非聖人皆有過矣。寵貴之地，欲之者多，惡賢能者塞其路，其過而毁之者亦多矣。夫謗毁之生，非徒空設，必因人之微過而甚之者也。毁謗之言數聞，在上者雖欲弗納，不能不杖所聞，因事之來而微察之也。無以其驗至矣。得，其驗安得不治其罪，若知而縱之，主之威日衰，令之不行，自此始矣。知而皆治之，受罪退者稍多，大臣有不自固之心矣。夫賢才不進，貴臣日疏，此有國者之深憂也。竊以為改此俗甚易矣。何以知之，夫一時在官之人，雖雜有凡猥之才，其中賢明者亦多矣。豈可謂皆不知讓賢為貴耶，直以其時皆不讓，習以成俗，故遂不為耳。 |
| | In the past, King Qi of Qi enjoyed listening to the sound of the yu (a type of bamboo flute), and he would always have three hundred people play together before listening. He provided them with rations equal to those given to several officials. Nan Guo Shi Sheng was a man who did not know how to play the yu at all. Because he could hide his ignorance among the three hundred players, he requested to play for the king and thus received rations meant for several officials without actually contributing. When a later king discovered this and corrected it, it was difficult to openly criticize the previous king's mistake. The new king then issued an order: "My love for the sound of the yu is even greater than that of my predecessor. I wish to hear each player individually." At this, Master Nan Guo fled. If the custom of recommending virtue is not established and the flawed system of haphazard appointments is not reformed, then men like Master Nan Guo will fill the court. Scholars of high talent and moral integrity gradually fall into decline, while those who rush to seek favor at powerful doors grow in number each day. Although the state has established laws and punishments, they are powerless to prevent this trend. The harm caused by the decline of yielding is not merely that virtuous people in low positions cannot be promoted at the right time. Even capable and loyal ministers who bear great responsibilities will gradually fall into disgrace and retreat from office as well. How do I know this to be true? Confucius believed that the son of Yan was merely free from repeating mistakes, which clearly indicates that even those who are not sages make errors. Positions of favor and power attract many desires, and those who resent the virtuous block their path. Those who commit errors and slander them are also numerous. Slander and defamation do not arise in vain; they must be based on some minor fault of the person, which is then exaggerated. Frequent rumors and defamatory remarks are heard; those in power, even if they wish not to accept them, cannot help but rely on what they hear. They must therefore conduct subtle investigations as events unfold. This is the ultimate proof of their guilt. Once evidence is obtained, how can one fail to punish the guilty? If those in authority know of a crime and allow it to go unpunished, their power will gradually weaken, and commands will no longer be followed—this marks the beginning of such decline. If those who commit crimes are all punished, more and more people will suffer penalties and be removed from office; then the high ministers may begin to feel insecure. The failure to promote virtuous talent, coupled with growing estrangement toward noble officials, is a deep concern for those who rule the realm. I secretly believe that changing this custom is very easy. How do I know? At any given time, among those in office, although there may be some mediocre and unworthy individuals, there are also many virtuous and wise people. Can it be said that none of them know the value of yielding to the worthy? It is simply because at that time, no one practiced yielding; this became a habit and eventually a custom, so people ceased doing it altogether.
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人臣初除，皆通表上聞，名之謝章，所由來尚矣。原謝章之本意，欲進賢能以謝國恩也。昔舜以禹為司空，禹拜稽首讓於稷，契及咎繇，唐，虞之時，衆官初除，莫不皆讓也。謝章之義，蓋取於此也。書記之者，欲以示永世之則，季世所用不賢，不能讓賢，虛謝見用之恩而已，相承不變，習俗之失也。夫叙用之官，通章表者，其讓賢推能乃通，其不能有所讓，徒費簡紙者，皆絕不通，人臣初除，各思推賢能而讓之矣。讓之文，付主者掌之，三司有缺，擇三司所讓最多者而用之，此為一公缺，三公已豫選之矣。且主選之吏，不必任公，而選三公，不如令三公自共選一公為詳也。四征缺，擇四征所讓最多者而用之，此為一征缺，四征已豫選之矣。必詳於停缺而令主者選四征也。尚書缺，擇尚書所讓最多者而用之，此為令八尚書共選一尚書，詳於臨缺而令主者選八尚書也。郡守缺，擇衆郡所讓最多者而用之，詳於任主者令選者郡守也。夫以衆官百郡之讓，與主者共相比，不可同歲而論也。賢愚皆讓，百姓耳目，盡為國耳目。 |
| | When officials are first appointed, they all submit memorials to the throne as a formality; this is known as the "Xie Zhang" (Memorial of Thanks). This practice has long historical precedent. Originally, the intention behind the Xie Zhang was to recommend virtuous and capable individuals as a way of repaying the nation's favor. In ancient times, when Shun appointed Yu as Sikong (Minister of Works), Yu bowed and kowtowed, yielding the position to Ji, Qi, or You Yáo. During the Tang and Yu periods, whenever officials were first appointed, none failed to yield in this manner. The meaning of Xie Zhang is derived precisely from this tradition. Those who recorded this practice wished to establish it as an eternal model for future generations. However, in later times, officials appointed were often unvirtuous and incapable of yielding to the worthy; they merely submitted empty expressions of gratitude for their appointments. This custom was passed down without change, becoming a flaw rooted in convention. When officials receiving appointments submit their memorials, those who recommend the worthy and promote ability will be accepted; those who are unable to yield and merely waste paper in empty gestures will not be approved. When officials first assume office, they should all think of recommending virtuous and capable men and yielding to them. The documents of yielding should be submitted to the responsible officials for record. When a vacancy occurs among the Three Excellencies, one should choose the person who has been recommended most frequently by them; this means that when an official post becomes vacant, the Three Excellencies have already pre-selected suitable candidates. Moreover, those responsible for appointments need not be the officials themselves; when selecting among the Three Excellencies, it is better to let the Three Excellencies jointly select one of their own as a more thorough process. When a vacancy occurs among the Four Zhen (military commanders), one should choose the individual who has been recommended most by the Four Zhen; this means that for each vacant position, the Four Zhen have already pre-selected candidates in advance. This method is certainly more thorough than merely pausing the vacancy and leaving it to an official to select among the Four Zhen. When a vacancy occurs in the Shangshu (Ministry of Works), one should choose the official who has been recommended most among the Shangshus; this means letting eight Shangshus jointly select one, which is more thorough than waiting for a vacancy and then leaving it to an official to choose from among them. When a vacancy occurs for the governor of a commandery, one should choose the candidate who has been recommended most often by all the commanderies; this is more thorough than leaving it to an official in charge to select from among the commandery governors. Comparing the collective recommendations of hundreds of officials and commanderies with those made by a single official in charge is not something that can be equated. When both the virtuous and unvirtuous recommend, the ears and eyes of the people become those of the state itself.
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夫人情争則欲毁己所不如，讓則競推於勝己，故世争則毁譽交錯，優劣不分，難得而讓也。時讓則賢智顯出，能否之美，歷歷相次，不可得而亂也。當此時也。能退身修己者讓之者多矣。雖欲守貧賤不可得也。馳鶩進趣而欲人見讓，猶却行而求前也。夫如是，愚智咸知進身求通，非修之於己則無由矣。游外求者，於此相隨而歸矣。浮聲虛論，不禁而自息矣。人人無所用其心，任衆人之議，而天下自治矣。元康中，遷司空。 |
| | Human nature is such that when people contend, they wish to slander those who surpass them; but when yielding prevails, individuals compete in recommending those more capable than themselves. Therefore, in a world of contention, praise and defamation become intertwined, the superior and inferior cannot be distinguished, and it becomes difficult to achieve true yielding. In a time when yielding is practiced, the wise and virtuous naturally emerge; the distinctions between capable and incapable individuals become clearly visible in sequence, and cannot be confused. At this time. Those who withdraw to cultivate themselves will receive many recommendations for yielding. Even if they wish to remain poor and lowly, it is no longer possible. To rush forward in pursuit of advancement yet hope for others to recommend you is like walking backward while trying to move ahead. In this way, both the wise and the foolish understand that they must seek advancement for themselves; without self-cultivation, there is no path to success. Those who previously sought advancement through external means will now return with this understanding. Empty words and false reputations will cease on their own without the need for prohibition. When every person has no need to scheme, but simply follows public opinion, then the realm will govern itself harmoniously. In the Yuankang period, he was transferred to serve as Sikong (Minister of Works).
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閻纘字續伯，巴西人也。楊駿為太傅，以纘補舍人，出為安復令，駿既被誅，莫敢收者，纘聞之，弃官免歸，獨以家財人力修墓，終成葬事，遷殿中將軍，以疾不拜，愍懷太子之廢，纘輿棺詣闕上書理太子之冤，朝廷立太孫，纘復上疏陳，今相國雖已保傅東宮，至於旦夕訓誨，輔導出入，動静劬勞，宜選寒苦之士，忠貞清正，老而不衰，以為師傅，其侍臣以下，文武將吏，且勿復取盛戚豪門子弟，魏文帝之在東宮，徐幹，劉楨為友，文學相接之道，并如氣類，吳太子登，顧譚為友，諸葛恪為賓，臥同床帳，行則參乘，交如布衣，此則近代之明比也。天子之子，不患不富貴，不患人不敬畏，患於驕盈不聞其過，不知稼穡之艱難耳，至於甚者，乃不知名六畜，可不勉哉。今不忍小相維持，令至闕失，頓相罪責，不亦誤哉。太孫幼衝，選置兵衛，宜得柱石之士如周昌者，朝廷善其忠烈，擢為漢中太守。 |
| | Yan Zuan, courtesy name Xubei, was a native of Bazhou. Yang Jun served as Taifu (Grand Tutor), and appointed Zuan to the position of Shiren. Later, he was posted as the magistrate of Anfu. After Yang Jun was executed, no one dared to take charge of his affairs. Upon hearing this, Zuan resigned from office and returned home voluntarily. Alone, he used his family's wealth and labor force to repair Yang Jun's tomb, eventually completing the burial arrangements. He was later transferred to serve as Dianzhong Jiangjun (Palace Attendant General), but declined due to illness. When Crown Prince Minhuai was deposed, Zuan carried a coffin to the palace gate and submitted a memorial pleading for justice on behalf of the prince. After the court appointed the Taigong (Grand Regent) as guardian of the crown prince, Zuan again submitted a memorial stating: "Although the current Prime Minister has already assumed the role of tutor to the Crown Prince, regarding daily instruction, guidance in and out, and the laborious duties involved in his upbringing, it would be appropriate to select scholars from humble backgrounds who are loyal, upright, and incorruptible, whose virtue does not wane with age, as his teachers. As for the attendants and officials below that rank, both civil and military officers should no longer be selected solely from prominent aristocratic families or relatives of high-ranking officials. In the case of Emperor Wen of Wei while he was Crown Prince, Xu Gan and Liu Zhen were his friends; their literary exchanges followed a path of mutual respect and shared ideals, akin to kindred spirits. When Wu's Crown Prince Deng was in power, Gu Tan served as his friend and Zhuge Ke as his guest. They slept under the same canopy and traveled together in the same carriage, treating each other like commoners. This is an evident example from recent history." The son of an emperor need not worry about lacking wealth or status, nor about people failing to show reverence. What he should be concerned with is becoming arrogant and complacent without hearing of his faults, and being unaware of the hardships involved in farming and harvesting. In extreme cases, some may even fail to recognize the names of domestic animals—how could one not strive for improvement? If we cannot bear to maintain a small measure of restraint now, allowing matters to reach the point of failure and then suddenly assigning blame, is this not a grave mistake? Since the Taigong was still young, when selecting guards and attendants for him, one should choose steadfast men like Zhou Chang. The court approved of his loyalty and valor, and promoted him to serve as governor of Hanzhong.
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段灼字休然，敦煌人也。為鄧艾鎮西司馬，徵拜議郎，世祖即位。灼上疏追理艾曰：故征西將軍鄧艾誅，以性剛急，矜功伐善，而不能協同朋類，輕犯雅俗，失君子之心，故莫肯理之者，臣敢昧死言艾不反之狀，艾本屯田掌犢人，宣皇帝拔之于農吏之中，顯之於宰府之職，先帝委艾以廟勝成圖，指授長策，艾受命忘身，前無堅敵，軍不逾時，而巴蜀蕩定，艾功名已成，亦當書之竹帛，傳祚萬世，七十老公，復何所求哉。艾以劉禪初降，遠郡未附，矯令承制，權安社稷，雖違常科，有合古義，原心定罪，事可詳論，鍾會有吞天下之心，恐艾威名，知必不同，因其疑似，構成其事，夫反非小事，若懷惡心，即當謀及豪桀，然後乃能興動大衆，不聞艾有腹心一人，臨死口無惡言，而獨受腹背之誅，豈不哀哉。故見之者垂涕，聞之者嘆息，此賈誼所以忼愾于漢文，天下之事，可為痛哭者，良有以也。昔秦民憐白起之無罪，吳人傷子胥之寃酷，皆為之立祠，天下之人，為艾悼心痛恨，亦由是也。謂可聽艾門生故吏，收艾尸柩，歸葬舊墓，以平蜀之功，繼封其後，使艾闔棺定謚，死無所恨，赦寃魂於黄泉，收信義於後世，則天下殉名之士，立功之臣，必投湯火，樂為陛下死矣。世祖得表省覽，甚嘉其意。 |
| | Duan Zhuo, courtesy name Xiuran, was a native of Dunhuang. He served as Zhongxi Sima (Western Military Councillor) under Deng Ai and was later summoned to serve as Yilang. When Emperor Shizu ascended the throne, Zhuo submitted a memorial to clear Deng Ai's name, saying: "The former General of the Western Expedition, Deng Ai, was executed because of his rigid and hasty nature. He took pride in his achievements and failed to cooperate with others, lightly offending established customs and losing the hearts of gentlemen; thus, no one dared speak on his behalf. I dare to risk my life to state that Deng Ai did not rebel. Deng Ai originally began as a man managing oxen for military farming operations. Emperor Xuan selected him from among agricultural officials and elevated him to an important position in the imperial court. The late emperor entrusted Deng Ai with strategies for decisive victory, providing him with long-term plans. Upon receiving his orders, Deng Ai forgot himself entirely, facing no unyielding enemy ahead. His campaign lasted less than a season, yet Ba-Shu was completely pacified. Deng Ai's achievements and reputation were already established; they should be recorded in bamboo slips and silk scrolls to be passed down for ten thousand generations. Now an old man of seventy, what more could he possibly seek?" Deng Ai, after Liu Shan's initial surrender, found that distant commanderies had not yet submitted. He issued orders in the emperor's name and assumed authority to stabilize the state temporarily. Although this violated established procedures, it conformed with ancient principles. If we examine his intentions to determine guilt, the matter deserves a detailed review. Zhong Hui harbored ambitions of seizing power and feared Deng Ai's reputation; knowing they would inevitably oppose each other, he took advantage of Deng Ai's ambiguous situation and fabricated charges against him. Treason is no small matter. Had Deng Ai truly harbored evil intentions, he would have first conspired with powerful figures before mustering a large force. Yet there was not even one trusted associate by his side, nor did he utter any malicious words at the time of his death—yet he alone suffered betrayal and execution from behind. Is this not deeply tragic? Thus, those who witnessed it wept bitterly, and those who heard of it sighed with sorrow. This is why Jia Yi was so moved to express his grief before Emperor Wen of Han—there are indeed many matters in the world that deserve lamentation and tears. In the past, the people of Qin pitied Bai Qi for his innocence, and the people of Wu mourned the injustice suffered by Wu Zixu; both erected shrines in their honor. Likewise, people throughout the land grieve and resent Deng Ai's fate for similar reasons. It is suggested that Deng Ai's former students and officials be allowed to retrieve his remains, return them for burial in their ancestral tomb, and bestow posthumous honors upon him based on the merit of subduing Shu. By continuing to confer titles upon his descendants, Deng Ai may then rest in peace with a proper posthumous name, dying without regret. This would clear his wronged spirit from the netherworld and preserve trust and righteousness for future generations. In doing so, all those who are loyal to reputation and achievement will be willing to face fire and boiling water, joyfully laying down their lives for Your Majesty. Emperor Shizu read the memorial and greatly appreciated its sentiment.
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虞悝，長沙人也。弟望字子都，并有士操，閨門有孝悌之稱，鄉黨有廉信之譽，譙王承臨州，王敦作逆，遣使招承，承不應，與甘卓相結，起義赴都，承於是命悝為長史，望為司馬，敦遣魏乂等攻戰轉急，望臨陳授首，悝為魏乂所害，臨刑，鄉人送以百數，與相酬酢，意氣周洽，有如平日，子弟號泣。悝謂曰：人生有死，闔門為忠義鬼，亦何恨哉。及敦被誅，詔書追述悝，望忠勛，贈悝襄陽太守，望滎陽太守，遣謁者至墓吊祭。 |
| | Yu Kui was a native of Changsha. His younger brother, Yu Wang, courtesy name Zidou, was also a man of virtue. In their household, they were known for filial piety and fraternal respect; in the local community, they earned a reputation for integrity and trustworthiness. When Marquis Qiao Wang Cheng governed the state, Wang Dun rebelled. He sent envoys to recruit Cheng, but Cheng refused. Instead, he allied with Gan Zhuo and raised an army to march on the capital. Cheng then appointed Yu Kui as his chief clerk (Changshi) and Yu Wang as his military counselor (Simah). As Wang Dun dispatched Wei Yi and others to launch increasingly fierce attacks, Yu Wang fell in battle while commanding troops at the front lines. Yu Kui was killed by Wei Yi. At the time of their executions, hundreds of local residents came to see them off, exchanging words with them as if it were an ordinary day—Yu Kui's demeanor remained composed and amicable until the end. His younger family members wept bitterly. Kui said, "Life inevitably ends in death; to die as a loyal and righteous spirit with one's entire family is no cause for regret." After Wang Dun was executed, an imperial decree posthumously honored Kui and Wang for their loyalty and meritorious service. Kui was conferred the title of Taihou (Governor) of Xiangyang, and Wang that of Taihou of Yingyang. Officials were sent to their tombs to offer sacrifices in their memory.
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刑法志。 |
| | The Records of Criminal Law .
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侍中臣顧言，夫殺生賞罰，治亂所由興也。人主所謂宜生，或不可生，則人臣當陳所以宜殺，人主所謂宜賞，或不應賞，則人臣當陳所以宜罰，然後治道耳，古之聖賢，欲上盡理務，下收損益，莫不深閉慎密，以延良謨，兆庶內外咸知主如此，然後乃展布服心，竭其忠誠耳。 |
| | Shizhong Minister Gu Yan said: "The power to kill or spare lives and to bestow rewards or punishments is the very foundation upon which order or chaos arises." When the sovereign deems a person worthy of life, it may in fact be inappropriate to spare them; thus, ministers should present reasons why they ought to be executed. When the sovereign considers someone deserving of reward, it may actually not be fitting to grant one; therefore, ministers must explain why punishment is appropriate. Only then can governance proceed properly. Ancient sages and virtuous men who wished for the sovereign to fully understand affairs above and for subjects below to benefit or be corrected never failed to remain deeply cautious and discreet, so as to preserve sound counsel. When common people both within and outside the court understood that their ruler acted thus, only then would they willingly submit with sincerity and devote themselves wholeheartedly in loyalty.
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廷尉劉頌表曰：臣昔上行肉刑，從來積年，遂寢不論，臣竊以為議者拘孝文之小仁，而輕違聖王之典刑，未詳之甚，莫過於此，今死刑重，故非命者衆，生刑輕，故罪不禁奸，所以然者，肉刑不用之所致也。今為徒者，類性元惡不軌之族也。去家懸遠，無衣食之資，飢寒切身，志不聊生，廉士介節者，則皆為盗賊，豈况本性奸凶無賴之徒乎。是以徒亡日屬，賊盗日繁，得輒加刑，日益一歲，此為終身之徒也。自顧反善無期而灾困逼身，其志亡思盗，勢不得息，事使之然也。 |
| | Tingwei Liu Song submitted a memorial, saying: "In the past, I proposed the resumption of corporal punishment. For many years since then, this matter has been quietly set aside without discussion. I secretly believe that those who oppose it are bound by Emperor Xiaowen's minor act of mercy and lightly disregard the established penal codes of sage kings; there is no greater failure to understand than this. Now, because capital punishment is too severe, many innocent people suffer unjust deaths. Because lesser punishments are too lenient, crimes cannot be effectively deterred. The reason for this situation lies precisely in our abandonment of corporal punishment." Those who now receive lesser punishments are originally wicked and lawless individuals. Stripped of their families and sent far away, they lack the means to support themselves with food or clothing. Suffering from hunger and cold, their lives become unbearable. Even upright men of integrity may be driven to become thieves; how much more so for those who were originally wicked, violent, and untrustworthy? Therefore, the number of convicts who escape increases daily, and bandits grow more numerous. When they are caught, their punishments are increased each time by an additional year—eventually becoming lifelong exiles. When people find themselves in a situation where there is no hope of returning to goodness and misfortune constantly threatens them, their resolve turns toward theft. Under such circumstances, crime cannot be stopped—it is the result of these conditions.
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古者用刑以止刑，今反於此以刑生刑，以徒生徒，諸重犯亡者，髪過三寸，輒重髡之，此以刑生刑，加作一歲，此以徒生徒也。徒亡者積多，繫獄猥蓄。議者曰：囚不可不赦，復從而赦之，此為刑不勝罪，法不勝奸，民知法之不勝，相聚而謀為不軌，月異而歲不同，故自頃年以來，奸惡凌暴，所在充斥，漸以滋漫，議者不深思此故，曰肉刑於名忤聽，忤聽，孰與盗賊不禁，聖王之制肉刑，遠有深理，其事可得而言，非徒心懲，其畏剥割之痛而不為也。去其為惡之具，使夫奸民無用復肆其志，止奸絕本，理之盡也。亡者刖其足，無所用復亡，盗者截其手，無所用復盗，淫者割其勢，理亦如之，除惡塞源，莫善於此，今宜取死刑之限重，生刑之限輕，及三犯逃亡，淫，盗，悉以肉刑代之，其應四五歲刑者，皆髡笞使各有差，悉不復居作，然後刑不復生刑，徒不復生徒，而殘體為戮，終身作誡，民見其痛，畏而不犯，必數倍於今，豈與全其為奸之手足，而蹴居必死之窮地同哉!而猶曰肉刑不可用，竊以為不識務之甚也。 |
| | In ancient times, punishment was used to prevent further crime. Today, however, we do the opposite: punishment begets more punishment, exile leads to more exile. For those repeatedly convicted and who escape, if their hair grows beyond three cun (about 10 cm), they are shaved again—this is how punishment breeds more punishment. Adding an additional year of exile for each offense is how exile gives rise to further exile. The number of escaped convicts has accumulated greatly, and prisons are overcrowded with detainees. Some argue: "Prisoners cannot be left unreprieved. If we repeatedly pardon them, this shows that punishment is insufficient to match the severity of crimes and law is powerless against evildoers. When people realize that laws are ineffective, they gather together to plot disorder; each month brings new changes, and each year sees different developments. Hence, since recent years, wickedness and violence have spread everywhere, growing increasingly rampant. Those who debate this issue do not deeply consider the root cause. They say corporal punishment offends public sentiment—yet which is worse: offending public opinion or failing to stop banditry? The sage kings established corporal punishment with deep reasoning behind it; its rationale can be clearly explained. It is not merely a matter of psychological deterrence, but that people fear the pain of physical punishment and thus refrain from committing crimes." Removing the means by which people commit evil ensures that wicked individuals can no longer act on their desires. This cuts off the root of wrongdoing and represents the most thorough approach to governance. Those who escape should have their feet amputated, so they can no longer flee. Thieves should have their hands cut off, so they cannot steal again. Those guilty of lewdness should be castrated—this principle applies similarly in all cases. To eliminate evil and block its source, there is nothing better than this. Today, we should replace the severe death penalty with corporal punishment for those who commit serious crimes, and substitute lighter punishments for lesser offenses. For those convicted three times of escape, lewdness, or theft, corporal punishment should be used instead. Those sentenced to four or five years' exile should all receive 髡刑 (hair shaving) and caning in varying degrees, but no longer be forced into labor. Only then will punishment not breed further punishment, nor exile lead to more exile. By maiming the body as a public warning, people will see the pain and fear committing crimes, with results surely many times greater than today's ineffective system. How could this possibly compare to allowing criminals to retain their hands and feet for wrongdoing while forcing them into certain death? And yet some still say corporal punishment cannot be used—I secretly believe such views show a complete failure to understand practical governance.
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衛展字道野，河東人也。遷大理。上書曰：今施行詔書，有考子正父死刑，或鞭父母，問子所在，近主者所稱庚寅詔書，舉家逃亡，家長斬，若長是逃亡之主，斬之，斬之雖重，猶可也。設子孫犯事，將考父祖逃亡，逃亡是子孫，而父祖嬰其酷，傷順破教，如此者衆，相隱之道離，則君臣之義廢，君臣之義廢，則犯上之奸生矣。秦網密文峻，漢興掃除煩苛，風移俗易，幾於刑厝，大人革命，不得不蕩其穢匿，通其圮滯，今詔書宜除者多，有便於當今，著為正條，則法差簡易。元帝令曰：自元康已來，事故荐臻，法禁滋漫，大理所上，宜朝堂會議，蠲除詔書不可用者，此孤所虛心者也。 |
| | Wei Zhan, courtesy name Daoye, was a native of Hedong. He was transferred to serve as Tai Li (Minister of Justice). He submitted a memorial, stating: "Currently, when implementing imperial decrees, there are cases where sons are examined to determine the death penalty for their fathers, or parents are whipped and asked about their son's whereabouts. According to the recent decree issued in the Gengyin year, if an entire family flees, the head of the household is executed. If the head was indeed the one who led the escape, executing him may be severe, but it is still justifiable." However, if in the future descendants commit crimes and their parents or ancestors are examined for having fled, while it is actually the descendants who have escaped, yet the parents and ancestors suffer cruel punishment—this harms filial piety and undermines moral instruction. If such cases become widespread, the principle of mutual concealment between family members will be broken, and thus the bond of loyalty between ruler and subject will collapse. Once that bond collapses, acts of rebellion against authority will inevitably arise. The Qin dynasty had a dense and severe legal system. When the Han dynasty rose to power, it abolished these complicated and harsh laws, shifting customs and gradually moving toward a state where punishment was rarely needed. In times of great change, such as dynastic revolution, one cannot help but clear away corruption and blockages. Today's imperial decrees should eliminate many existing provisions that are no longer suitable; those beneficial to current governance should be codified into official statutes, thereby making the legal system simpler and more practical. Emperor Yuan issued an edict: "Since the Yuankang era, misfortunes have repeatedly occurred, and laws and prohibitions have become increasingly excessive. Matters submitted by the Tai Li should be discussed in a court assembly at the Choutang (Hall of Audience). We wish to eliminate decrees that are no longer applicable; this is what I sincerely seek."
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轉廷尉，又上言古者肉刑，事經前聖，愚謂宜復古施行。中宗詔曰：可內外通共議之，於是驃騎將軍王導等議以肉刑之典，由來尚矣。肇自古先，以及三代，聖哲明王，所未曾改，班固深論其事，以為外有輕刑之名，內實殺人，輕重失當，故刑政不中也。且原先王之造刑名也。非以過怒也。非以殘民也。所以救奸，所以當罪也。今盗者竊人之財，淫者好人之色，亡者避叛之役，皆無殺害也。刖之以刑，刑之則止，而加之斬戮，戮過其罪，死不可生，縱虐於此，歲以巨計，此乃仁人君子所不忍聞，而况行之於政乎。若乃惑其名而不練其實，惡其生而趣其死，此畏水投舟，避坎陷井，愚夫之不若，何取於政哉。 |
| | He was transferred to serve as Tingwei and again submitted a proposal stating that corporal punishment, which had been established by ancient sages, should be restored and implemented. Emperor Zhongzong issued an edict: "This matter should be discussed jointly by officials inside and outside the court." As a result, General Biaoqi Wang Dao and others deliberated that the practice of corporal punishment had long-standing historical precedent. It originated in ancient times and continued through the Three Dynasties. Sage kings and enlightened rulers never altered it. Ban Gu discussed this matter at length, arguing that although corporal punishment bore the name of leniency on the surface, in reality it amounted to killing people—its severity was improperly balanced, thus making penal administration unjust. Moreover, when ancient kings first established forms of punishment, it was not out of excessive anger. It was not intended to harm the people. Its purpose was to curb wrongdoing and ensure that punishment corresponded appropriately to crimes committed. Now, thieves steal others' property, lewd individuals pursue the beauty of others, and fugitives evade conscription for rebellion—all these acts involve no killing. Amputating their limbs through corporal punishment would deter them from further wrongdoing. Yet to add execution on top of that is excessive punishment for the crime committed. Death cannot be reversed, and such cruelty has been inflicted year after year in vast numbers—this is something even benevolent sages and virtuous gentlemen could not bear to hear about, let alone implement as state policy. If one is misled by the name of a policy without understanding its actual consequences, and out of fear of leniency hastens to impose death, it is like fearing water yet boarding a boat or avoiding ditches only to fall into a well. This is even more foolish than an ignorant man's actions—what value could such governance possibly have?
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中書郎李重以為等級繁多，在職不得久，又外選輕而內官重，以使風俗大弊，宜厘改重外選，簡階級，使官人。議曰：古之聖王，建官垂制，所以體國經治，而功在簡易，自帝王而下，世有增損，舜命九官，周分六職，秦采古制，漢仍秦舊，倚丞相，任九卿，雖置五曹，尚書令僕射之職，始于掌封奏以宣外內，事任尚輕，而郡守牧民之官重，故漢宣稱所與為治，唯良二千石，其有殊政者，或賜爵進秩，諒為治大體，所以遠蹤三代也。及至東京，尚書雖漸優顯，然令僕出為郡守，便入為三公，虞延，第五倫，桓虞，鮑昱是也。近自魏朝，名守杜畿，滿寵，田豫，胡質等，居郡十餘二十年，或秩中二千石假節，猶不去郡，此亦古人苟善其事，雖没世不徙官之義也。 |
| | Zhongshu Lang Li Zhong considered that the numerous ranks made it impossible for officials to hold their posts for long, and also because external appointments were light while internal positions were heavy, this led to a great corruption of customs. He believed that reforms should be carried out, giving more importance to external appointments, simplifying the ranks, so as to properly appoint officials. The commentary said: In ancient times, the sage kings established official positions and set precedents in order to embody the principles of state governance. Their success lay in simplicity. From emperors downward, each generation made additions or reductions. Shun appointed nine officials; the Zhou dynasty divided responsibilities into six categories. The Qin adopted ancient systems, while the Han followed the Qin's precedent, relying on the Chancellor and entrusting duties to the Nine Ministers. Although five departments were established, the roles of the Secretary General (Shangshu Ling) and the Minister of Works (Puye) originated in handling sealed memorials and communicating between internal and external affairs. At that time, their responsibilities remained light, while local magistrates who governed the people held significant importance. Thus Emperor Xuan of Han declared that those with whom he could govern effectively were only the virtuous officials ranked as "erqianshi" (two-thousand-dan officials). Those who achieved outstanding governance might be granted noble titles or promoted in rank. This approach to administration indeed formed a solid foundation, allowing them to emulate the Three Dynasties from afar . By the time of Dongjing, although the Secretariat gradually became more prominent, when the Secretary General or Minister of Works was appointed as a governor of a commandery , they would be promoted to the Three Dukes. Examples include Yu Yan, Diwu Lun, Huan Yu, and Bao Yu. Recently, since the Wei dynasty, renowned magistrates such as Du Ji, Man Chong, Tian Yu, and Hu Zhi held their commandery posts for more than ten or twenty years. Some were granted the rank of Zhongerqianshi (Intermediate Two-thousand Dan Official) with provisional authority to issue military orders, yet they still did not leave their positions. This also reflects the meaning of the ancients who said that if one is good at his duties, he should remain in office even until death without transferring to another post.
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| | 百官志: |
漢，魏以來，內官之貴，於今最隆，而百官等級，遂多遷補，轉徙如流，能不以著，黜陟不得彰，此為治之大弊也。夫階級繁多而望官久，官不久而望治功成，不可得也。虞書云，三考黜陟幽明，周官，三年大計羣吏之治，而行其誅賞，漢法，官人或不直秩，魏初用輕資，亦先試守，不稱，繼以左遷，然則雋才登進，無能降退，此則所謂有知必試，而使人以器者也。臣以為今宜大并羣官等級，使同班者不得復稍遷，又簡法外議罪之制，明試守左遷之例，則官人理書，士必量能而受爵矣。居職者自久，則政績可考，人心自定，務求諸己矣。 |
| | Since the Han and Wei dynasties, the prestige of internal officials has reached its peak in our time. Consequently, the ranks of government officials have become increasingly numerous, with frequent appointments and replacements, as positions change like flowing water. Merit or failure cannot be clearly distinguished, and promotions or demotions are not properly recognized—this is a major flaw in governance. With numerous ranks and expecting officials to hold their positions for long, yet with short tenures and hoping for effective governance and accomplishments, is impossible. The Shangshu (Book of Documents) says: "After three assessments, officials will be promoted or demoted according to their merits and faults." The Zhouli (Rites of Zhou) states that every three years a major evaluation was conducted on the governance of all officials, followed by punishments or rewards accordingly. Under Han law, appointments were sometimes made without regard for official rank. In the early Wei dynasty, those with low status were first tested in provisional posts; if they proved inadequate, they would be demoted. Thus, talented individuals could rise to prominence while the incompetent would descend in rank—this was what is meant by ensuring that knowledge must be tested and people appointed according to their abilities. I believe that today we should greatly consolidate the ranks of officials, so that those in the same class may no longer gradually advance. We should also simplify the legal provisions for punishing crimes outside established laws and clearly define the examples of provisional appointments and demotions. In this way, when appointing officials and recording their duties , scholars will surely be granted ranks according to their abilities. If those in office remain in their posts for a long time, then their administrative achievements can be assessed, people's hearts will naturally stabilize, and officials will strive to improve themselves.
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| | 百官志: |
裴顧以萬機庶政，宜委宰輔，詔命不應數改。乃上疏曰：臣聞古之聖哲，深原治道，以為經理羣務，非一才之任，照練萬機，非一智所達，故設官建職，制其分局，分局既制，則軌體有斷，事務不積，則其任易處，選賢舉善，以守其位，委任責成，立相干之禁，侵官為曹，離局陷奸，猶懼此法未足制情，以義明防。曰：君子思不出位，夫然，故人知厥務，各守其所，下無越分之臣，然後治道可隆，頌聲能舉，故稱堯舜勞於求賢，逸於使能，分業既辨，居任得人，無為而治，豈不宜哉。及其失也。官非其才，人不守分，越位干曹，競達所懷，衆言紛錯，莅職者不得自治其事，非任者横干他分，主聽眩莫知所信，遂親細事，躬自聽斷，所綜遂密，所告彌衆，功無所歸，非無所責，羣下弃職，得辭宜罰，以此望治，固其難也。 |
| | Pei Hui believed that with the many state affairs and administrative matters, they should be entrusted to the prime ministers; imperial edicts should not be frequently changed. He then submitted a memorial, saying: "I have heard that the ancient sages and philosophers deeply understood the principles of governance. They believed that managing all affairs could not be entrusted to one individual alone, nor could overseeing myriad matters be achieved by a single mind. Therefore, they established offices and assigned duties, setting up departments with defined responsibilities. Once these divisions were in place, there would be clear boundaries for organization; if administrative tasks did not accumulate, then the responsibilities would be easier to manage. They selected virtuous and capable individuals to hold positions, entrusted them with authority, required results, and set prohibitions against interference. Officials who encroached on other departments' duties or abandoned their posts to engage in deceit were still feared as potential violations of these laws; thus, moral principles were clearly established for prevention." It is said: "A gentleman does not think beyond his position." Only in this way can people understand their duties, each guarding what belongs to them. Then there will be no subordinates who overstep their bounds; only then can the path of good governance flourish and praises be sung. Hence it was said that Yao and Shun labored in seeking virtuous men but found ease in employing capable ones. Once responsibilities were clearly defined and positions filled by suitable individuals, effective governance could be achieved with minimal effort—how appropriate is this! And when they lost it. When officials are not matched with their abilities, and people do not abide by their proper roles, they overstep their positions to interfere in other departments, competing to express their own views. As a result, numerous opinions become confused, and those in charge cannot manage their affairs independently. Those who are not entrusted with responsibilities recklessly meddle in others' duties; the ruler becomes bewildered and does not know whom to trust. Consequently, he personally attends to minor matters, listens to and decides on every case himself. The more comprehensive his oversight becomes, the greater the number of complaints increases. Merits have no one to attribute them to, yet faults are not without blame. Subordinates abandon their posts and can easily find excuses for punishment. To expect good governance under such circumstances is indeed difficult.
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| | 百官志: |
昔杜蕢既數師曠，退而自酌，以罰干職之非，記稱其善，陳平不知簿書之目，漢史美其守職，政不可多門，多門則民擾，於今之宜，選士既得其人，但當委責，若有不稱，便加顯戮，誰敢不盡心竭力，不當便有干職之臣，適不守局，則所豫必廣，所豫適廣，則人心赴之，人心通赴，則得作威福，臣作威福，朝之蠹也。帷幄張子房之謀者，不宜使多，外委羣司，卑力所職，尊崇宰輔，動静咨度，保任其負，如此，詔書必不復數改，聽聞風言頗以詔命數移易為不安静，臣不勝狂瞽，敢陳愚懷，乞陛下少垂省察。 |
| | In the past, Du Kai, after repeatedly consulting his teacher Kuang, withdrew and self-punished himself for interfering in another's duties; records praised this as virtuous. Chen Ping did not know the details of official documents, yet Han historians commended him for adhering to his post. Governance cannot have too many gateways; if there are too many, the people will be disturbed. In today's circumstances, once suitable officials are selected, they should simply be entrusted with responsibility. If someone proves inadequate, he should immediately face severe punishment—who would then dare not to devote himself wholeheartedly? There must never be ministers who interfere in others' duties or fail to remain within their assigned roles; such behavior inevitably leads to broader interference. The more interference there is, the more people will flock to it. When many follow, they gain power to confer benefits and inflict harm. Officials who wield such arbitrary authority become pests of the court. Those who possess the strategic wisdom of Zhang Liang in the imperial court should not be numerous. Matters outside the palace should be entrusted to various departments, with each official fulfilling their assigned duties according to rank ; the prime ministers should be honored and elevated, and all major decisions should be made after consulting them carefully. Their responsibilities must be trusted and supported in this way. If so, imperial edicts will certainly not need frequent revisions. We have heard that people often regard the frequent changes of decrees as a sign of instability. I dare to humbly present my foolish thoughts, respectfully requesting Your Majesty to kindly consider and examine them.
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| | 百官志: |
何曾字穎孝，陳國人也。為司隸校尉。言于太祖曰：公方以孝治天下，而聽阮籍以重哀飲酒食肉於公坐，宜擯四裔，無令污染華夏。大祖曰：此子羸病若此，君不能為吾忍耶，曾重引據，辭理甚切，朝廷憚焉。泰始九年，為司徒，以疲疾求退，孫綏位至侍中，潘滔譖之于太傅越，遂被殺，初，曾告老，時被召見，侍坐終日，世祖不論經國大事，但說平生常語。曾出每曰：將恐身不免亂，能及嗣乎。告其二子曰：汝等猶可得没。指諸孫曰：此輩必遇亂死也。及綏死。兄嵩曰：我祖其神乎。 |
| | He Ceng, courtesy name Yingxiao, was a native of Chen Guo. He served as Sili Jiaowei (Commandant of the Imperial Secretariat). He advised Taizu, saying: "Your Highness is now governing the world through filial piety, yet you allow Ruan Ji to drink alcohol and eat meat in public while mourning deeply. He should be banished to the distant frontier; do not let him taint the Han Chinese." Taizu said: "This man is so frail and ill; can you not show me a little leniency for him?" Ceng repeatedly cited reasons, his arguments being very compelling, and the court was thus intimidated. In the ninth year of Taishi, he became Siku (Minister of Ceremonies), and due to exhaustion and illness, requested retirement. Sun Sui attained the position of Shizhong (Attendant-in-Ordinary). Pan Tao slandered him before Tai Fu Yue, and thus he was killed. Initially, when Ceng requested to retire on grounds of old age, he was summoned for an audience and remained in attendance all day. Emperor Wu did not discuss major state affairs but merely spoke about everyday matters from his life. Ceng often said: "I am afraid my own life will not escape turmoil; how can I ensure the safety of my descendants?" He told his two sons, "You still may be able to survive." Pointing at his grandsons, he said: "These boys will certainly meet their deaths in turmoil." When Sun Sui died. His elder brother Song said: "How prophetic was my grandfather!"
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| | 百官志: |
羊祜字叔子，泰山人也。都督荊州諸軍事，征南大將軍，上疏平吳，世祖深納之，吳軍人前後至者，不可勝數，祜將入朝而有疾，至洛陽，遂薨，南州市會聞喪，舉市悲號而罷，於是傳哭接音，邑里相達，百姓乃樹碑峴峰，立廟祭祀，行人望碑，皆涕泗垂泣，杜預代鎮，名為墮泪碑，吳滅。詔曰：祜建平吳之規，其封祜夫人夏侯氏為萬歲鄉君，邑五千户，絹萬匹，吳平慶會，羣臣上壽。世祖流涕曰：此羊太傅之功，豈朕所能為也。 |
| | Yang Hu, courtesy name Shuzi, was a native of Tai Shan. He served as Dudu of Jingzhou Zhujunshi (Commander-in-Chief of All Military Affairs in Jingzhou) and Zhennan Dajiangjun (General Who Subdues the South). He submitted a memorial advocating for the conquest of Wu, which was deeply accepted by Emperor Wu. The number of Wu soldiers who surrendered before and after this time could not be counted. When Hu was about to enter court but fell ill, he arrived in Luoyang and died there. Upon hearing of his death, the entire market city of Nanjun mourned with loud wailing and ceased business operations. Mournful cries were passed from one place to another, spreading through villages and neighborhoods. The people then erected a stele on Xianfeng Hill and built a temple for worship. Travelers who gazed at the stele wept bitterly. Du Yu succeeded him in command; this stele became known as the "Tulie Bei" (Stepping-Stone Stele). After Wu was destroyed, it remained. The imperial edict said: "Yang Hu established the plan for pacifying Wu. Therefore, his wife Xiahou Shi shall be enfeoffed as Wan sui Xiangjun (Lady of Ten Thousand Years), with a fief of 5,000 households and 10,000 bolts of silk." After Wu was subdued in celebration, the ministers offered longevity wishes to the emperor. Emperor Wu wept and said: "This is the achievement of Grand Tutor Yang; how could it be something I alone could accomplish?"
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| | 百官志: |
秦秀字玄良，新興人也。少以學行忠直知名，遷補博士，羣率伐吳，詔以賈充為大都督，秀性惡憎佞，疾之如讎，輕鄙賈充，聞其為大統，心所不平，遂欲哭師，及充卒，議謚，秀請謚為荒公，初，何曾卒。秀議曰：曾事親有色養之名，在官奏科尹之模，此二者，實得臣子事上之概，然資性驕奢，不循軌則，朝野之論，不可具言，儉，德之恭也。侈，惡之大也。曾受寵二代，顯赫累世，荷保傅之貴，秉司徒之均，而乃驕奢之名，被於九域，有生之民，咸怪其行，穢皇代之美，弃羔羊之節，示後生之慠，莫大於此，若生極其情，死又無貶，是無正刑也。王公貴人，復何畏哉。謹案謚法名與實爽曰繆，怙亂肆行曰醜，曾宜為繆醜公，古人闔棺之日，然後誄行，不以前善没後惡也。秀性悻直，與物多忤，為博士前後垂二十年，卒於官。 |
| | Qin Xiu, courtesy name Xuanliang, was a native of Xinxing. From a young age, he became well known for his learning, conduct, loyalty, and integrity. He was promoted to the position of Bohu (Doctor). When the campaign against Wu began, an imperial edict appointed Jia Chong as Daidu Du (Grand Commander-in-Chief). Xiu detested flattery and deceit; he hated such behavior as if it were an enemy, looked down on Jia Chong with contempt. Upon hearing that Jia had been given supreme command, he felt deeply resentful and even wanted to mourn for the army. When Jia died later, a discussion arose over his posthumous title. Xiu requested that he be given the title "Huang Gong" (Wasteful Duke). Initially, He Ceng had passed away. Xiu remarked: "Ceng was known for filial devotion in caring for his parents and served as a model official by setting an example of administrative conduct. These two aspects truly reflect the general standards of a subject serving his ruler. However, he possessed a naturally arrogant and extravagant nature, failing to follow established rules and regulations. The discussions about him from both court and countryside cannot be fully expressed here. Frugality is indeed the foundation of virtue." Extravagance is a great evil. Ceng received favor for two generations, enjoying great prestige across many dynasties. Holding the esteemed position of a guardian and the balanced authority of Siku (Minister of Ceremony), he was nonetheless known throughout the nine regions for his arrogance and extravagance. All living people found his conduct strange and disgraceful; it sullied the virtue of our imperial era, abandoned the modesty symbolized by the "gao yang" (unblemished lamb), and set a proud example for future generations—nothing could be worse than this. If in life he indulged to the extreme, yet after death received no censure, then there is truly no justice. If this is the case, then what should dukes and nobles fear? Carefully examining the rules for posthumous titles, a name that does not match reality is called "Miu," and one who clings to chaos and acts recklessly is called "Chou." Ceng should be given the title "Miu Chou Gong" (Confused and Shameful Duke). In ancient times, eulogies were only composed after the coffin was closed; they did not allow past virtues to cover later evils. Xiu had a stubborn and upright nature, often clashing with others. He served as Bohu (Doctor) for nearly twenty years before passing away in office.
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| | 百官志: |
李憙字季和，上黨人也。累辟三府，不就，宣帝復辟為太傅屬，固辭，世宗輔政，命憙為大將軍從事中郎，憙到引見。謂憙曰：昔先公辟君而不應，今孤命君而至何也。對曰：先君以禮見待，憙得以禮進退，明公以法見繩，憙畏法而至，帝甚敬重焉。遷太常司隸校尉。 |
| | Li Xi, courtesy name Jihe, was a native of Shangdang. He was repeatedly invited to serve in the Three Offices but refused each time. Emperor Xuan again appointed him as Tai Fu Zhu (Attendant of the Grand Tutor), which he firmly declined. During Shizong's regency, orders were given for Xi to serve as Zhonglang of a Great General's staff. Upon his arrival, he was summoned for an imperial audience. He said to Xi: "In the past, my late father invited you but you did not respond; now I have personally summoned you and you have come—why is that?" Xi replied: "My late lord treated me with courtesy, and I was able to accept or decline according to propriety. Your Highness now binds me by law, so out of fear of legal consequences, I have come." The emperor held him in great respect. He was later transferred to serve as Taichang Sili Jiaowei.
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