| | 傳: |
酈食其，陳留人也。好讀書，身長八尺，人皆謂之狂生，自謂我非狂，沛公至高陽傳舍，使人召食其至，入謁，沛公方踞床，令兩女子洗，而見食其，食其入，即長揖不拜。曰：足下欲助秦攻諸侯乎。欲率諸侯破秦乎。沛公罵曰：竪儒，夫天下同苦秦久矣。故諸侯相率攻秦，何謂助秦。食其曰：必欲聚徒合義兵誅無道秦，不宜踞見長者，於是沛公輟洗起衣，延食其上坐謝之。 |
| | Li Shiqi was a native of Chenliu. He liked reading, was eight chi tall, and people all called him a mad scholar. He said of himself that he was not mad. When Prince Pei arrived at the Chuyang posthouse in Gaoyang, he sent someone to summon Shiqi. Upon entering to pay his respects, Prince Pei was sitting with his legs spread out on the bed and had two women washing him when he received Shiqi. When Shiqi entered, he immediately performed a long bow but did not kneel. He said: "Do you wish to help the Qin attack the feudal lords?" "Do you wish to lead the feudal lords in breaking up the Qin?" Prince Pei scolded, saying: "Foolish scholar! The people throughout the world have long suffered under the Qin together." "Therefore, the feudal lords are leading each other in attacking the Qin. What do you mean by helping the Qin?" Shiqi said: "If you indeed wish to gather followers and unite righteous troops to punish the tyrannical Qin, it is inappropriate for you to sit in a disrespectful manner before an elder." Upon hearing this, Prince Pei stopped washing, stood up, put on his clothes, invited Shiqi to sit at the upper seat, and apologized to him.
|
| | 傳: |
漢王據守敖倉。而使食其說齊王曰：王知天下之所歸乎。曰：不知也。天下何歸。曰：歸漢。齊王曰：先生何以言之。曰：漢王與項王約，先入咸陽者王之，項王背約不與，而遷殺義帝，漢王起蜀漢之兵擊三秦，出關而責義帝之負處，收天下之兵，立諸侯之後，降城即以侯其將，得賂則以分其士，與天下同其利，豪英賢才，皆樂為之用，諸侯之兵，四面而至，蜀漢之粟，方船而下，項王有背約之名，殺義帝之負，於人之功無所記，於人之罪無所忘，戰勝而不得其賞，拔城而不得其封，非項氏莫得用事，為人刻印，刓而不能授，攻城得賂，積財而不能賞，天下叛之，賢材怨之，而莫為之用，故天下之士歸於漢王，可坐而策也。 |
| | King Han occupied and held the Ao Granary. He sent Shiqi to persuade King Qi, saying: "Do you know where the whole world is turning its allegiance?" Said (the king): "I do not know." "To whom does the world turn its allegiance?" Said: "To Han." King Qi said: "Master, on what basis do you say this?" He said: "King Han and King Xiang made an agreement that whoever entered Xianyang first would be declared king of it. However, King Xiang broke the agreement and did not honor it, but instead displaced and killed King Yi. King Han raised troops from Shu and Han to attack the Three Qins, crossed the pass, and demanded justice for King Yi's displacement. He gathered all the armies under heaven, reinstated the descendants of feudal lords, granted fiefs to generals who surrendered cities, distributed rewards among his soldiers when he received tribute, shared benefits with the people throughout the land. Heroes, outstanding talents, and virtuous men were all willing to serve him. Armies from the feudal lords arrived from all directions; grain from Shu and Han flowed down in fleets of boats. King Xiang has the reputation of breaking agreements and bears the guilt for killing King Yi. He does not record people's merits but never forgets their faults. Those who win battles receive no reward, those who capture cities gain no fiefs. Only members of the Xiang family are allowed to hold power; when he makes seals for others, they are worn down before being given out." "Those who capture cities and receive tribute accumulate wealth but cannot distribute rewards. The whole world rebels against him, virtuous talents resent him, and no one is willing to serve him. Therefore, the scholars of the world naturally turn to King Han; this can be predicted with ease."
|
| | 傳: |
夫漢王發蜀漢，定三秦，涉西河之水，援上黨之兵，下井陘，破北魏，此黄帝之兵，非人之力，天之福也。今已據敖倉之粟，塞成皋之險，守白馬之津，杜太行之厄，拒飛狐之口，天下後服者，先亡矣。王疾下漢王，齊國社稷可得而保也。不下漢王，危亡可立而待也。田廣迺聽食其，罷歷下兵守戰備。 |
| | King Han raised his forces from Shu and Han, pacified the Three Qins, crossed through the waters of Xihe, supported troops in Shangdang, captured Jingxing Pass, and defeated Beiwai. This is a military campaign like that of Emperor Huangdi; it is not merely human strength but a blessing from Heaven. Now he has already occupied the grain at Ao Granary, blocked the perilous pass of Chenggao, guarded the ferry at Baoma, closed off the straits of Taihang, and resisted the entrance of Feihu. Those in the world who submit last will perish first. "Quickly surrender to King Han, and the state of Qi may yet be preserved." "If you do not submit to King Han, danger and destruction can be expected immediately." Tian Guang then listened to Shiqi's advice and withdrew the troops at Lixia who had been guarding and preparing for battle.
|
| | 傳: |
陸賈，楚人也。有口辯，常居左右，時時前說稱詩書。高帝罵之曰：乃公居馬上得之，安事詩書。賈曰：馬上得之，寧可以馬上治乎。且文武并用，長久之術也。昔者，吳王夫差，智伯極武而亡，秦任刑法不變，卒滅趙氏，向使秦已并天下，行仁義，法先聖，陛下安得而有之，高帝不懌，有慚色。謂賈曰：試為我著秦所以失天下，吾所以得之者，及古成敗之國事，賈凡著十二篇，每奏一篇，高帝未嘗不稱善，稱其書曰新語。 |
| | Lu Jia was a native of Chu. He was eloquent and often stayed close to the ruler, frequently speaking before him while citing the Classic of Poetry and the Book of Documents. Emperor Gao scolded him, saying: "I obtained my position through horseback warfare; what need is there for the Classic of Poetry and Book of Documents?" Jia said: "One may obtain power by horseback, but can one govern by it as well?" "Moreover, the concurrent use of civil and military means is the strategy for long-term stability." In the past, King Fuchai of Wu and Zhibo perished due to excessive military aggression. The Qin dynasty relied on legalist punishments without change, ultimately leading to their destruction by the Zhao clan. Had the Qin already unified the world and practiced benevolence and righteousness, following the laws of ancient sages, how could Your Majesty have acquired it? Emperor Gao was displeased and showed a look of shame. He said to Jia: "Try for me to write about why the Qin lost the world, how I gained it, and ancient cases of states' successes and failures." Jia composed a total of twelve chapters. Each time he presented one chapter, Emperor Gao never failed to praise it highly. He named the book Xin Yu (New Words).
|
| | 傳: |
呂大后時，王諸呂，諸呂擅權，欲劫少主，危劉氏，右丞相陳平患之。賈曰：天下安，注意相，天下危，注意將，將相和，則士豫附，士豫附，天下雖有變則權不分，權不分，為社稷計，在兩君掌握耳，平因結謀於大尉勃，卒誅諸呂，安劉氏，立文帝，賈之謀也。 |
| | During Empress Dowager Lü's reign, the Lü clan was enfeoffed as kings. The various members of the Lü family seized power and attempted to seize control over the young emperor, endangering the Liu dynasty. Grand Chancellor Chen Ping was troubled by this situation. Jia said: "When the world is at peace, one should focus on the prime minister; when it is in danger, one must pay attention to the generals. When the general and the prime minister are harmonious, scholars will willingly follow them. If scholars are willing to follow, even if there are changes in the world, power remains unified. With power united, planning for the state lies solely within the hands of these two leaders." Because of this, Chen Ping formed a secret plan with Grand Marshal Cao Bo. In the end, they eliminated the Lü clan, secured the Liu family's position, and installed Emperor Wen — all according to Jia's strategy.
|
| | 傳: |
婁敬，齊人也。漢五年，戍隴西，過洛陽，高帝在焉。敬脱輓輅，見齊人虞將軍曰：臣願見上言便宜，虞將軍入言上，上召見問。敬說曰：陛下都洛陽，豈欲與周室比隆哉。上曰：然。敬曰：陞下取天下與周異，周之先自后稷積德累善十餘世，及武王伐紂，不期會孟津上八百諸侯，遂滅殷，成王即位，周公之屬傅相焉。迺營成周，都雒，以為此天下中，諸侯四方納貢職，道里鈞矣。有德則易以王，無德則易以亡，凡居此者，欲令周無周字，務以德致人，不欲阻險令後世驕奢以虐民也。及周之衰，分而為二，天下莫朝，周不能制，非德薄，形勢弱也。 |
| | Lou Jing was a native of Qi. In the fifth year of Han, while serving as a border guard in Longxi, Lou Jing passed through Luoyang, where Emperor Gao was residing. Jing removed the wooden yoke from a heavy cart. He met General Yu, a native of Qi, and said: "I wish to see the emperor and offer advice on what is beneficial." General Yu entered the palace and informed the emperor. The emperor summoned him for an audience and asked questions. Jing advised, saying: "Your Majesty has chosen Luoyang as the capital — is it your intention to rival the Zhou dynasty in prosperity?" The emperor said: "Yes." Jing said: "Your Majesty's way of seizing the world differs from that of the Zhou. The ancestors of the Zhou, starting with Hou Ji, accumulated virtue and good deeds for more than ten generations. When King Wu attacked King Zhou, over 800 feudal lords spontaneously gathered at Mengjin without prior arrangement, thus overthrowing Yin. After King Cheng ascended the throne, men like Duke of Zhou served as his mentors and regents." They then established the capital at Chengzhou, in Luoyang, considering it to be the center of the world. The feudal lords from all directions could pay tribute and fulfill their duties with equal distances for travel. With virtue, it was easy to become a king; without virtue, it was equally easy to perish. Those who resided there wished that the Zhou would not be remembered by name, but rather through their virtue in attracting people — they did not want to rely on natural barriers to make future generations arrogant and luxurious at the expense of oppressing the people. When the Zhou dynasty declined, it split into two parts; no one in the world came to pay homage. The Zhou could not control the situation — this was not due to a lack of virtue but because their position had become weak.
|
| | 傳: |
今陛下起豐，沛，收卒三千人，捲蜀，漢，定三秦，與項籍大戰七十，小戰四十，使天下之民，肝腦塗地，父子暴骸中野，不可勝數，哭泣之聲不絕，傷痍者未起，而欲比隆成，康之時，臣竊以為不侔矣。且夫秦地被山帶河，四塞以為固，卒然有急，百萬之衆可具，因秦之故，資甚美膏腴之地，此所謂天府，陛下入關而都之，山東雖亂，秦故地可全而有也。夫與人鬥，不扼其亢，拊其背，未能全勝，今陛下入關而都，按秦之故，此亦扼天下之亢而拊其背也。高帝即日駕西都關中，於是賜姓劉氏，拜為郞中，號曰奉春君。 |
| | Now, Your Majesty rose from Feng and Pei, gathered 3,000 soldiers, swept through Shu and Han, subdued the Three Qins, fought seventy major battles with Xiang Ji, forty minor ones. You caused the people of the world to spill their blood and brains on the ground; fathers and sons lay exposed in the fields — too numerous to count. The sound of weeping never ceased, and those wounded have not yet recovered. Yet you wish to rival the prosperity of Cheng and Kang? I secretly believe this is impossible. Moreover, the land of Qin is surrounded by mountains and rivers, with four natural barriers for defense. In case of sudden emergency, a force of one million can be mobilized. By relying on the former Qin territory and its rich, fertile lands — what is known as a "heavenly treasury" — if Your Majesty enters Guan and establishes your capital there, even though Shandong may fall into chaos, the former land of Qin will remain intact under your control. "When fighting with someone, one must not grasp their throat." "If you do not grasp their throat but only strike their back, victory cannot be complete. Now that Your Majesty enters Guan to establish your capital and occupies the former Qin territory, this is like grasping the throat of the world while striking its back." On that very day, Emperor Gao departed westward to establish his capital in Guanzhong. He then bestowed the surname Liu upon him, appointed him as a Langzhong, and conferred on him the title Fengchun Jun.
|
| | 傳: |
漢七年，韓王信反，高帝自往擊，至晉陽，聞信與匈奴欲擊漢，上使人使匈奴，匈奴匿其壯士肥牛馬，徒見其老弱及羸畜，使者十輩來，皆言匈奴易擊，上使敬復往。還報曰：兩國相擊，此宜夸矜見所長，今臣往，徒見羸胔老弱，此必欲見短，伏奇兵以争利，愚以為匈奴不可擊也。是時，漢兵三十餘萬衆，兵已業行。上怒罵敬曰：齊虜，以舌得官，迺今妄言沮吾軍，械繫敬廣武，遂往，至平城，匈奴果出奇兵圍高帝白登，七日，然後得解，高帝至廣武赦敬。曰：吾不用公言，以困平城，迺封敬二千户，號建信侯。 |
| | In the seventh year of Han, King Yan's vassal Wang Xin rebelled. Emperor Gao personally went to attack him and arrived at Jinyang. Learning that Xin had allied with the Xiongnu to strike against Han, the emperor sent envoys to the Xiongnu. The Xiongnu concealed their strong warriors, fat cattle, and horses, showing only old men, women, and weak livestock. Ten batches of envoys came back, all reporting that the Xiongnu were easy to attack. The emperor then sent Jing again on a mission. Jing returned and reported: "When two states are about to fight, they should display their strengths with pride. However, when I went there, I only saw weak livestock and the elderly and infirm. This must be a deliberate attempt to show weakness while hiding elite troops for an ambush. In my humble opinion, the Xiongnu cannot be attacked." At that time, Han had over 300,000 troops, and the army was already on its way. The emperor angrily scolded Jing, saying: "You wretched man from Qi, you obtained an official position with your tongue. Now you dare to recklessly speak and discourage my army!" He had Jing shackled and imprisoned in Guangwu, then proceeded forward. Upon reaching Pingcheng, the Xiongnu indeed launched a surprise attack and surrounded Emperor Gao at Baoting for seven days before the siege was lifted. When Emperor Gao arrived at Guangwu, he pardoned Jing. He said: "I did not follow your advice and was trapped in Pingcheng." He then enfeoffed Jing as a marquis of 2,000 households with the title Jianxin Hou.
|
| | 傳: |
叔孫通，薛人也。為太子太傅，高帝欲以趙王如意易太子。通諫曰：昔者，晉獻公以驪姬故，廢太子，立奚齊，晉國亂者數十年，為天下笑，秦以不早定扶蘇，胡亥詐立，自使滅祀，此陛下所親見，今太子仁孝，天下皆聞之，呂后與陛下攻苦食啖，其可背哉。陛下必欲廢嫡而立少，臣願先伏誅，以頸血污地。高帝曰：公罷矣。吾特戲耳。通曰：太子，天下本，本壹搖，天下震動，奈何以天下戲。高帝曰：吾聽公。 |
| | Shusun Tong was a native of Xue. He served as Taifu (Grand Tutor) to the Crown Prince. Emperor Gao wanted to replace the crown prince with Zhao Wang Yuru. Tong advised: "In the past, Duke Xian of Jin, because of 骊姬 (Li Ji), deposed his crown prince and enthroned Xi Qi. This caused chaos in the state for several decades, becoming a laughingstock to the world. The Qin failed to appoint Fu Su early on; instead, Hu Hai fraudulently ascended the throne and brought about the dynasty's destruction — this is something Your Majesty has personally witnessed. Now, the crown prince is kind and filial, a fact known throughout the land. Lady Lü Hou shared with Your Majesty hardships and meager meals." How could that be betrayed? "If Your Majesty is determined to depose the legitimate heir and install a younger son, I beg to be executed first, so that my blood may stain the ground." Emperor Gao said: "Enough, Master. Dismissed." "I was merely joking." Tong said: "The crown prince is the root of the empire. Once the root is shaken, the whole world will be in turmoil. How can one treat such a matter as a joke?" Emperor Gao said: "I shall heed your words."
|
| | 傳: |
蒯通，范陽人也。韓信定齊地，自立為齊假王，通知天下權在於信。說信曰：今劉項分争，使人肝腦塗地，流離中野，不可勝數，非天下賢聖，其勢固不能息天下之禍，當今之時，兩主懸命於足下，足下為漢則漢勝，與楚則楚勝，方今為足下計，莫若兩利而俱存之，參分天下，鼎足而立，其勢莫敢先動，蓋聞天與弗取，反受其咎，時至弗行，反受其殃，願足下孰圖之。信曰：漢王遇我厚，吾豈可見利而背恩乎。遂謝通，通說不聽，惶恐，乃陽狂為巫。 |
| | Kuai Tong was a native of Fanyang. Han Xin pacified the land of Qi and declared himself as the provisional King of Qi. Kuai Tong realized that the power of the world lay in Han Xin's hands. Tong advised Xin, saying: "Nowadays, Liu and Xiang are vying for power, causing people to spill their blood on the ground; countless others have been displaced in the fields. Unless a truly virtuous or wise ruler emerges, this conflict cannot be stopped. At present, both leaders hang their fates upon your decision. If you side with Han, Han will prevail; if you ally with Chu, Chu will triumph. For your benefit at this moment, there is no better course than to secure mutual advantages and preserve both sides, dividing the world into three parts so that each stands as a tripod's leg — in such a situation, none would dare act first. I have heard it said: 'When Heaven grants an opportunity but one does not take it, misfortune will follow; when the time comes but one fails to act, disaster will result.' I hope you carefully consider this." Xin said: "King Han has treated me kindly. How could I possibly pursue profit and betray his kindness?" Tong's advice was rejected, so he left in disappointment. Fearing for his life, Tong pretended to be mad and became a witch-doctor.
|
| | 傳: |
天下既定，後信以罪廢，為淮陰侯，謀反，誅，臨死。嘆曰：悔不用蒯通之言，高帝聞之，召通，通至，上欲亨之。曰：若教韓信反何也。通曰：狗各吠非其主，當彼時，臣獨知齊王韓信，非知陛下也。且秦失其鹿，天下共逐之，高材者先得，天下匈匈，争欲為陛下所為，顧力不能，可殫誅邪，上迺赦之。 |
| | After the world was pacified, Han Xin was later deposed on charges of crime and enfeoffed as Marquis Huaiyin. He plotted rebellion and was executed at the time of his death. He lamented: "I regret not following Kuai Tong's advice." Emperor Gao heard of this and summoned Tong. When Tong arrived, the emperor wanted to boil him alive. He said: "Why did you teach Han Xin to rebel?" Tong replied: "Dogs bark at whatever master they are given. At that time, I knew only King Han Xin of Qi; I did not know Your Majesty." Moreover, the Qin lost its deer — The world rushed to claim it, and those with superior talent seized it first. The people of the land were restless, all wishing to do what Your Majesty did, but lacked the strength to succeed. Could they truly be entirely exterminated? The emperor then pardoned him.
|
| | 傳: |
至齊悼惠王時，曹參為相，禮下賢人，請通為客，初，齊處士東郭先生梁石君入深山隱居。通迺見相國曰：婦人有夫死三日而嫁者，有幽居守寡不出門者，足下即欲求婦，何取。曰：取不嫁者。通曰：然則求臣亦猶是也。彼東郭先生梁石君，齊之俊士也。隱居不嫁，未嘗卑節下意以求仕也。願足下使人禮之。曹相國曰：敬受命，皆以為上賓。 |
| | During the reign of King Dao Hui of Qi, Cao Can served as prime minister. He honored and respected virtuous men of lower status and invited Tong to be his guest scholar. Initially, the recluse Dongguo Xiansheng and Liang Shijun from Qi withdrew into deep mountains for seclusion. Tong then visited the prime minister and said: "Some women marry again three days after their husbands' deaths, while others remain in seclusion as widows without leaving their homes. If you wish to seek a wife, which one would you choose?" He said: "I would take the one who does not remarry." Tong said: "Then in seeking a minister, it is also like this." Those Dongguo Xiansheng Liang Shijun are outstanding men of Qi. They have chosen to live in seclusion, just as a woman chooses not to remarry — they have never lowered their standards or humbled themselves to seek official positions. I hope you will send someone to honor them with courtesy. Prime Minister Cao said: "I respectfully accept the order." He treated them all as honored guests.
|
| | 傳: |
賈誼，洛陽人也。孝文時，為梁懷王太傅，是時，匈奴强，侵邊，天下初定，制度疏闊，諸侯王僭擬，地過古制，淮南濟北王皆為逆誅，誼數上疏陳政事，多所欲匡建。其大略曰：臣竊惟事勢，可為痛哭者一，可為流涕者二，可為長太息者六，若其他背理而傷道者，難遍以疏舉。進言者皆曰：天下已安已治矣。臣獨以為未也。曰安且治者，非愚則諛，皆非事實，知治亂之體者也。夫抱火厝之積薪之下，而寢其上，火未及然，因謂之安，方今之勢，何以異此，陛下何不壹令臣得孰數之於前，因陳治安之策，試詳擇焉。 |
| | Jia Yi was a native of Luoyang. During the reign of Emperor Wen, Jia Yi served as Taifu to Prince Huaiwang of Liang. At that time, the Xiongnu were strong and frequently invaded the borders. The world had just been pacified, but systems and regulations remained loosely structured. Feudal lords acted inappropriately by imitating imperial customs, holding territories exceeding ancient standards. Princes of Huainan and Jibei were both executed for rebellion. Jia Yi repeatedly submitted memorials discussing state affairs, offering many suggestions to correct and improve governance. The general outline of his advice stated: "I secretly consider the current situation — there is one matter that causes me to weep bitterly, two matters that bring tears to my eyes, and six others for which I sigh deeply. As for other issues that defy reason and harm moral principles, they are too numerous to list in full." Those who offered advice all said: "The world is already at peace and well governed." Yet I alone believe it is not so. "To say the world is peaceful and well governed is either foolishness or flattery — neither reflects reality, nor do they understand the fundamentals of order and chaos." "Carrying fire and placing it beneath a pile of dry firewood, then sleeping on top — before the fire has even ignited, one calls this 'safe.' How is the current situation any different? Why does Your Majesty not allow me to clearly present these matters in person and offer strategies for peace and governance, so that you may carefully consider them?"
|
| | 傳: |
夫使為治勞智慮，苦身體，乏鐘鼓之樂，勿為可也。樂與今同，而加之以諸侯軌道，兵革不動，民保首領，匈奴賓服，四荒向風，百姓素朴，獄訟衰息，天下順治，生為明帝，没為明神，名譽之美，垂於無窮，建久安之勢，成長治之業，以承祖廟，以奉六親，至孝也。以幸天下，以育羣生，至仁也。立經陳紀，輕重同得，後可以為萬世法程，雖有愚幼不肖之嗣，猶得蒙業而安，至明也。以陛下之明達，因使少知治體者得佐下風，致此非難也。臣謹稽之天地，驗之往古，案之當今之務，日夜念之，至孰也。雖使禹，舜復生，為陛下計，無以易此。 |
| | Indeed, governing requires wisdom, careful thought, and physical toil — it deprives one of the pleasures of music and drums. If one chooses not to do so, that is acceptable. But if one can enjoy the same pleasures as now, while adding a system where feudal lords follow proper conduct, wars do not break out, people preserve their lives and heads, the Xiongnu submit in obedience, all corners of the world look up to you with admiration, the people remain simple and honest, lawsuits and disputes decline, and the empire is smoothly governed — living as an enlightened emperor and dying as a revered deity, your noble reputation will last for eternity. Establishing lasting stability and achieving enduring peace would allow you to honor your ancestors' temples and serve your six relatives; this is the ultimate filial piety. This brings fortune to the world and nurtures all living beings — it is the highest form of benevolence. Establishing enduring principles and clear regulations, ensuring balance in all matters — this will serve as a model for future generations. Even if there are foolish or unworthy successors, they can still inherit the legacy and remain at peace; this is ultimate wisdom. With Your Majesty's enlightened understanding, if only a few who understand the fundamentals of governance could assist from below, achieving this would not be difficult. I have carefully examined the heavens and earth, verified past history, analyzed current affairs, and pondered these matters day and night — I am now thoroughly convinced. Even if Yu or Shun were to be reborn, they would have no better plan for Your Majesty than this.
|
| | 傳: |
夫樹國固必相疑之勢也。下數被其殃，上數爽其憂，甚非所以安上而全下，今或親弟謀為東帝，親兄之子西向而擊，天子春秋鼎盛，行義未過，德澤有加焉。猶尚如是，况莫大諸侯權力且十此者乎。然而天下少安，何也。大國之王，幼弱未壯，漢之所置傅相方握其事，數年之後，諸侯之王，大抵皆冠，血氣方剛，漢之傅相，稱病而賜罷，彼自丞尉以上，遍置私人，如此，有異淮南，濟北之為邪，此時而欲為治安，雖堯，舜不治也。 |
| | Establishing a stable state inevitably creates situations of mutual suspicion among its rulers and subjects. The lower ranks suffer repeatedly from its consequences, and the upper ranks are constantly burdened with worries. This is far from a way to ensure stability for the ruler or safety for his subjects. Today, even a beloved younger brother has plotted to become the "Eastern Emperor" — A beloved elder brother's son attacked from the west — The Son of Heaven is in the prime of his life — His conduct has not yet exceeded proper bounds, and he has shown added virtue and grace. And even so, how much more dangerous would it be for a great feudal lord whose power is ten times greater? Yet the world remains relatively peaceful — why is this so? The kings of the great states are still young and not yet strong, and their Han-appointed regents and chancellors currently hold power. But after several years, most of these feudal lords will have reached adulthood, with vigorous blood and strong tempers. The Han regents and chancellors will then claim illness and be dismissed by imperial decree. At that point, the feudal kings themselves will appoint their own confidants to positions from county magistrates upward. In such a situation, would this not differ from what happened in Huainan and Jibei? If one wishes for stability at such a time, even Yao or Shun could not bring order.
|
| | 傳: |
今令此道順而全安，甚易，不肯早為，已迺墮骨肉之屬而抗剄之，豈有異秦之季世乎。夫以天子之位，乘今之時，因天之助，尚憚以危為安，以亂為治，假設天下如曩時，淮陰侯尚王楚，黥布王淮南，彭越王梁，韓信王韓，張敖王趙，盧綰王燕，陳豨在代，令此六七公者皆亡恙，當是時而陛下即天子位，能自安乎。臣有以知陛下之不能也。天下殽亂，高皇帝與諸公并起，諸公幸者迺為中涓，其次僅得舍人，材之不逮至遠也。高皇帝以明聖威武，即天子位，割膏腴之地，以王諸公，多者百餘城，少者三四十縣，德至渥也。然其後十年之間，反者九起，陛下之與諸公，非親角材而臣之也。又非身封王之也。自高皇帝不能以是一歲為安，故臣知陛下之不能也。 |
| | Now, if this matter is handled properly and with care, it would be very easy. But because action was not taken early enough, we have now fallen to the point of turning against our own kin and beheading them — Is this not similar to the final days of the Qin dynasty? With the position of Son of Heaven and taking advantage of the current situation, relying on heaven's assistance, one still hesitates to regard danger as safety and disorder as order. Suppose the empire were as it was in former times: Han Yin Hou (Han Xin) still King of Chu, Ying Bu King of Huainan, Peng Yue King of Liang, Han Xin King of Yan, Zhang Ao King of Zhao, Lu Wan King of Yan, Chen Xi ruling Dai — if these six or seven lords remained unharmed and at that time Your Majesty ascended the throne as Son of Heaven, could you have ensured your own safety? I have good reason to know that Your Majesty would not have been able to. When the world was in chaos, Emperor Gaozu and many of his contemporaries rose together. Among them, those who were fortunate became mere attendants to the emperor, while others could only attain the rank of sheren (attendant). Their abilities fell far short of yours. Emperor Gaozu, with his wisdom and martial might, ascended the throne of Son of Heaven. He carved out fertile lands to enfeoff these lords as kings; some received over a hundred cities, while others obtained thirty or forty counties — an immense expression of virtue and generosity. Yet within the next ten years, rebellions arose nine times. Your Majesty did not conquer and subdue these lords by competing with them in strength or talent. Nor was it you who personally enfeoffed them as kings. Even Emperor Gaozu could not ensure peace for a single year with this system, so I know that Your Majesty cannot either.
|
| | 傳: |
臣請試言其親者，假令悼惠王王齊，元王王楚，中子王趙，幽王王淮陽，恭王王梁，靈王王燕，厲王王淮南，六七貴人皆無恙，當是時陛下即位，能為治乎。臣又知陛下之不能也。若此諸王，雖名為臣，實皆有布衣昆弟之心，慮無不帝制而天子自為者，擅爵人，赦死辠，甚者或戴黄屋，令不肯聽，召之安可致乎。幸而來至，法安可得加，動一親戚，天下圜視而起，陛下之臣雖有悍如馮敬者，適啓其口，匕首已陷其匈矣。陛下雖賢，誰與領此，故疏者必危，親者必亂，已然之效也。其異姓負强而動者，漢已幸而勝之矣。又不易其所以然，同姓襲是迹而動，既有徵矣。殃禍之變，未知所移，明帝處之，尚不能以安，後世將如之何。 |
| | I would now like to speak of the closer relations. Suppose King Dao Hui was king of Qi, Yuan Wang king of Chu, Zhongzi king of Zhao, Youwang king of Huaiyang, Gongwang king of Liang, Lingwang king of Yan, and Liwang king of Huainan — if these six or seven noble lords were all still alive and unharmed at that time, and Your Majesty had ascended the throne, could you have brought about good governance? I know once again that Your Majesty would not be able to. These lords, though nominally subjects, in reality all have the hearts of commoner brothers. They would not hesitate to establish themselves as emperors and rule independently; they would arbitrarily bestow ranks upon others, pardon those guilty of capital crimes, and in extreme cases, even wear yellow-roofed carriages — . When they issue orders, they refuse to obey the emperor. How could such lords be summoned or controlled? Even if they were fortunate enough to come, how could the law be applied? To move one relative would provoke the entire realm to rise in alarm. Even though Your Majesty has ministers as resolute as Feng Jing — he would barely have time to speak before a dagger is already plunged into his chest. Although Your Majesty may be virtuous, who could possibly manage such a situation? Therefore, distant relatives are inevitably in danger and close kin inevitably bring chaos — this is the proven result. As for those of non-royal lineage who rise in power and act recklessly, Han has already been fortunate enough to defeat them. Yet if the underlying causes remain unchanged, then royal relatives who follow this path and act similarly will also bring trouble — there is already clear evidence of this. The calamities and misfortunes caused by such situations are unpredictable, and even a wise emperor handling them would still find it difficult to ensure peace. What will future generations do in the face of this?
|
| | 傳: |
屠牛坦一朝解十二年而芒刃不頓者，所排擊剥割，皆衆理解也。至於髖髀之所，非斤則斧，夫仁義恩厚，人主之芒刃也。權勢法制，人主之斤斧也。今諸侯王，皆衆髖髀也。釋斤斧之用，而欲嬰以芒刃，臣以為不缺則折，胡不用之淮南，濟北，勢不可也。 |
| | Tuniu Tan could, within a single morning, dismember an ox in twelve years' time without the sharpness of his blade diminishing — this was because all he cut and peeled were natural joints. But when it comes to the hips and thighs, one must use an axe or a hatchet — benevolence, righteousness, and deep kindness are the sharp blades of a sovereign. Power, authority, and legal systems are the axes and hatchets of a ruler. Now, the feudal kings are all like hips and thighs — difficult to deal with. To abandon the use of axes and hatchets, yet rely solely on a sharp blade — I believe this will either break or fail. Why not apply it to Huainan and Jibei, where circumstances make it impossible?
|
| | 傳: |
臣竊迹前事，大抵强者先反，淮陰王楚最强，則最先反，韓王信倚胡，則又反，貫高因趙資，則又反，陳豨兵精，則又反，彭越用梁，則又反，黥布用淮南，則又反，盧綰最弱，最後反，長沙迺在二萬五千户耳，功少而最完，勢疏而最忠，非獨性異人，亦形勢然也。曩令樊，酈，絳，灌據數十城而王，今雖已殘亡可也。令信，越之倫列為徹侯而居，雖至今存可，然則天下之大計可知也。欲諸王之皆忠附，則莫若令如長沙王，欲臣子之勿葅醢，則莫若令如樊，酈等，欲天下之治安，莫若衆建諸侯而少其力，力少則易使以義，國小則無邪心。 |
| | I have secretly examined past events and found that, in general, the strongest rebels first. Han Yin, King of Chu — the strongest — rebelled first. Wang Xin, King of Yan, relying on the Hu people, rebelled next. Guan Gao, taking advantage of Zhao's resources, also rebelled. Chen Xi, with his elite troops, then rebelled. Peng Yue, using Liang as a base, rebelled again. Ying Bu, controlling Huainan, likewise rebelled. Lu Wan was the weakest and thus rebelled last. Changsha, with only 25,000 households, contributed little in terms of merit yet remained intact — distant in relation to the throne but most loyal. This is not merely due to their different natures, but also a result of circumstances. Suppose at that time Fan Kuai, Li Shiqi, Jiao Ting, and Guan Ying had each held dozens of cities as kings — even now they might have perished or been destroyed. If Han Xin and Peng Yue had instead been enfeoffed as marquises (chehou) and lived in ordinary residence, they might still be alive today — . Thus, the great strategy for governing the empire becomes clear. If one wishes all the feudal kings to remain loyal and attached, there is no better way than making them like King of Changsha. If one desires that ministers and sons not be butchered or executed, there is no better approach than treating them as Fan Kuai and Li Shiqi were treated. To ensure peace throughout the empire, nothing surpasses establishing many feudal lords while limiting their power — for when their strength is limited, it becomes easier to guide them with righteousness; and when their states are small, they will have no evil intentions.
|
| | 傳: |
令海內之勢，如身之使臂，臂之使指，莫不制從，諸侯之君，不敢有異心，雖在細民，且知其安，故天下咸知陛下之明，割地定制，令齊，趙，楚各為若干國，使其子孫各受祖之分地，地盡而止，及燕，梁他國皆然，其分地衆而子孫少者，建以為國，空而置之，須其子孫生者舉使君之，天子無所利焉。誠以定治而已，故天下咸知陛下之廉，地制壹定，宗室子孫，莫慮不王，下無背叛之心，上無誅伐之志，天下咸知陛下之仁，法立而不犯，令行而不逆，細民向善，大臣致順，故天下咸知陛下之義，當時大治，後世誦聖，陛下誰憚而久不為此。 |
| | If the empire's situation is arranged so that it functions like a body commanding its arms, and arms commanding fingers — all in complete control — then the feudal lords will dare not entertain any rebellious thoughts. Even common people will know they are safe; thus, the whole world will recognize Your Majesty's wisdom. By dividing territories according to fixed regulations, let Qi, Zhao, and Chu each be divided into several states, with their descendants inheriting portions of ancestral lands until no more land remains. The same applies to Yan, Liang, and other states. Where a family has many fiefdoms but few descendants, establish them as independent states, leave them vacant for now, and wait until the descendants are born before appointing one to rule each — with the Son of Heaven gaining nothing from this arrangement. This is truly a way to establish lasting order. Thus, all under heaven will recognize Your Majesty's integrity. Once the land system is firmly established, descendants of the royal family need have no fear of not becoming kings; there will be no rebellious thoughts among the people below and no desire for punishment or war from above. All under heaven will know Your Majesty's benevolence: laws are set but never broken, orders issued but never defied — commoners turn to virtue, ministers show loyalty. Thus, all under heaven recognize Your Majesty's righteousness. At such a time, the empire would be in great order; future generations would sing of Your Majesty as a sage ruler. What is there for Your Majesty to fear that has delayed taking this action so long?
|
| | 傳: |
天下之勢，方病大瘇，一脛之大幾如要，一指之大幾如股，平居不可屈伸，失今不治，必為錮疾，後雖有扁鵲，不能為已，可痛哭者此病是也。天下之勢方倒懸，凡天子者，天下之首也。蠻夷者，天下之足也。今匈奴嫚娒侵掠，至不敬也。為天下患，至無已也。而漢歲致金絮采繒以奉之，足反居上，首顧居下，倒懸如此，莫之能解，猶為國有人乎。可為流涕者此也。 |
| | The situation in the empire is like a severe swelling — The swelling of one leg is nearly as thick as the waist, and a single toe swells to the size of the thigh. Even in normal times, it cannot bend or stretch. If we fail to treat this now, it will become an incurable disease; even if later there were Bian Que (a legendary physician), he could do nothing — this is precisely the condition that calls for lamentation and tears. The situation of the empire is now upside down. The Son of Heaven is the head of all under heaven. Barbarians and outsiders are the feet of the world. Now, the Xiongnu mock and invade — this is an extreme act of disrespect. They are a source of endless trouble for all under heaven. Yet Han sends gold, silk, and colored fabrics every year to appease them. The feet are placed above while the head is below — this upside-down situation continues without resolution. Can such a state still be said to have capable people? This is precisely what should bring tears of sorrow.
|
| | 傳: |
今民賣僮者，為之繡衣絲履，偏諸緣，內之閑中，是古天子后服，所以廟而不宴者也。而庶人得以衣婢妾，白榖之表，薄紈之裏，緁以偏諸，是古天子之服也。今富人大賈，嘉會召客者，以被墻，古者以奉一帝一后而節適，今庶人屋壁得為帝服，倡優下賤，得為后飾，然而天下不屈者，殆未有也。夫俗至大不敬也。至無等也。至冒上也。進計者猶曰無為，可為長太息者此也。 |
| | Now, when common people sell slaves — they dress them in embroidered clothes and silk shoes, decorate their edges with fine trim, and place them inside the market stalls — These are garments once worn by empresses in ancient times, used only in ancestral temples and not at banquets. Yet commoners now allow their female slaves to wear them — with white millet cloth on the outside and thin silk lining inside, decorated with fine trim. These are garments that once belonged exclusively to the Son of Heaven. Now, wealthy individuals and big merchants who host grand banquets cover their walls with such fabrics. In ancient times, these were reserved for a single emperor and empress in measured use; now commoners' house walls may be adorned as if they are imperial robes, while performers and lowly entertainers wear decorations meant only for the empress. Yet there has never been an instance where all under heaven did not bow to such injustice. This is a custom that has reached extreme disrespect. It has reached total disregard for hierarchy and rank. It has even reached the point of defying superiors. Those who offer advice still say "do nothing" — this is precisely what should cause endless sighs and sorrow.
|
| | 傳: |
商君遺禮義，弃仁恩，并心於進取，秦俗日敗，故秦人家富子壯則出分，家貧子壯則出贅，借父耰鋤，慮有德色，母取箕箒，立而誶語，抱哺其子，與公倂倨，其慈子嗜利，不同禽獸者無幾耳，然并心而赴時者，猶曰蹷六國，兼天下，功成求得矣。終不知反廉愧之節，仁義之厚，衆掩寡，知欺愚，勇威怯，壯陵衰，其亂至矣。是以大賢起之，威震海內，德從天下，曩之為秦者，今轉而為漢矣。然其遺風餘俗，猶尚未改。 |
| | Shang Jun abandoned rites and righteousness, discarded benevolence and kindness, and focused solely on expansion. As a result, the customs of Qin deteriorated day by day. Thus, in Qin families, when sons grew strong and the family was wealthy, they would leave to establish separate households; if poor, they became in-laws — Even when borrowing their father's farming tools, they would show an air of virtue — If their mother took a broom or basket, they would stand there scolding her — They carry and feed their infants while standing defiantly with the grandfather. The love of children for profit is not much different from that of beasts. Yet, those who focused solely on seizing opportunities still claimed to have "uprooted the six states" and unified all under heaven — they achieved glory and rewards. They never knew the virtue of shame or integrity, nor did they understand the depth of benevolence and righteousness. The many oppressed the few; the wise deceived the foolish; the brave intimidated the timid; the strong bullied the weak — thus chaos arose. Therefore, great sages rose up, their authority shaking all under heaven and virtue following from the people. What was once Qin has now transformed into Han. Yet its lingering customs and residual traditions have not yet changed.
|
| | 傳: |
今世以侈靡相競，而上無制度，弃禮誼，捐廉耻，日甚，殺父兄，盗者剟寢户之簾，搴兩廟之器，白晝大都之中，剽吏而奪之金，矯僞者出幾十萬石粟，賦六百餘萬錢，乘傳而行郡國，此其無行義之尤至者也。而大臣特以簿書不報，期會之間，以為大故，至於俗流失，世壞敗，因恬而不知怪，夫移風易俗，使天下回心而向道，類非俗吏之所能為也。俗吏之所務，在於刀筆筐篋而不知大體，陛下又不自憂，竊為陛下惜之。 |
| | In today's world, people compete in extravagance and wastefulness, while the ruler has no regulations. Rites and righteousness are abandoned; integrity and shame are discarded — this grows worse day by day. Fathers and brothers are murdered; thieves cut through the curtains of sleeping rooms to steal — They plunder ancestral temple vessels — . The two temples refer to the temples of Emperor Gaozu and Emperor Huidi.}} In broad daylight, within the capital city, robbers attack officials and seize their gold; forgers falsely issue tens of thousands of dan of grain — They collect more than six hundred thousand coins in taxes, travel by imperial carriage to the commanderies and states — these are the most extreme examples of people without virtue or righteousness. Yet high officials merely consider the failure to report documents and delays in administrative deadlines as major matters. As a result, customs deteriorate and society collapses — they remain complacent and do not find it strange. To transform customs and redirect all under heaven toward virtue is something beyond the capability of ordinary bureaucrats. What these petty officials focus on are merely brushes, documents, and boxes — they do not understand the greater picture. And yet Your Majesty does not worry about this yourself; I secretly feel it is a great pity for You.
|
| | 傳: |
夫立君臣，等上下，使父子有禮，六親有紀，此非天之所為，人之所設也。人之所設，不為不立，不植則僵，不修則壞。管子曰：禮義廉耻，是謂四維，四維不張，國乃滅亡，使管子愚人也。則可，管子而少知治體，則是豈可不為寒心哉。秦滅四維而不張，故君臣乖亂，六親殃戮，奸人并起，萬民離叛，凡十三歲而社稷為墟，今四維猶未備也。故奸人幾幸而衆心疑惑，豈如今定經制，令君臣上下有差，父子六親，各得其宜，奸人無所幾幸，此業壹定，世世常安，若夫經制不定，是猶渡江河無維檝，中流而遇風波，船必覆矣。可為長大息者此也。 |
| | Establishing the relationship between ruler and subject, distinguishing ranks above and below, ensuring that father and son observe propriety, and maintaining order among the six relations — this is not something determined by heaven but established by human effort. What humans establish will not fail to stand, yet if it is not nurtured, it withers; if neglected, it collapses. Guan Zi said: "Rites, righteousness, integrity, and shame — these are the four pillars. If the four pillars do not hold firm, a nation will perish." Even if Guan Zi were a fool, this would still be true. If Guan Zi had even the slightest understanding of governance, how can one not feel a chill at this realization? Qin destroyed the four pillars and did not uphold them, so that ruler and subject became disordered, family relations were ruined by calamity and slaughter, evildoers rose together, and all the people rebelled. After only thirteen years, its state was reduced to ruins. Now, the four pillars are still incomplete. Therefore, evildoers are nearly able to take advantage and the people's hearts remain doubtful. How much better would it be if we now established fixed institutions so that rulers and subjects, superiors and inferiors, fathers and sons, and all six relations each have their proper place? Then evildoers could find no opportunity for gain. Once this foundation is firmly set, peace will endure through generations. If such systems are not established, it would be like crossing a river without ropes or oars — when the boat reaches midstream and meets wind and waves, it must surely capsize. This is precisely what calls for long, deep sighs of sorrow.
|
| | 傳: |
夏為天子十有餘世，殷為天子二十餘世，周為天子三十餘世，秦為天子二世而亡，人性不甚相遠也。何三代之君，有道之長，而秦無道之暴也。其故可知也。古之王者，太子迺生，固舉以禮，使士負之，有司齊肅端冕，見於天也。過闕則下，過廟則趨，孝子之道也。故自為赤子而教固已行矣。昔者，成王幼，在繈褓之中，召公為太保，周公為太傅，太公為太師，保，保其身體，傅，傅之德義，師，導之教訓，此三公職也。 |
| | Xia ruled as Son of Heaven for more than ten generations, Yin for over twenty, and Zhou for more than thirty. Yet Qin lasted only two generations before perishing — human nature is not vastly different among them. Why then did the three dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou enjoy long reigns with virtuous rulers, while Qin perished so quickly under its tyrannical rule? The reason is clear. In ancient times, when a king's heir was born, he was immediately raised with rites. Officials carried him on their backs while wearing formal attire and ceremonial caps; this was done to present the child before heaven in solemn ceremony. They would dismount when passing a palace gate, quicken their pace when passing a temple — this was the way of filial sons. Thus, from the moment they were infants, education had already begun. In the past, when King Cheng was young and still in swaddling clothes, Zhao Gong served as Tai Bao, Zhou Gong as Tai Fu, and Tai Gong as Tai Shi. The role of "Bao" (protector) was to safeguard his body; that of "Fu" (tutor) was to teach him virtue and righteousness; the duty of "Shi" (teacher) was to guide him with instruction — these were the responsibilities of the Three Dukes.
|
| | 傳: |
於是為置三少，少保，少傅，少師，是與太子宴者也。故迺孩提有識，三公三少明孝仁禮義以導習之，逐去邪人，不使見惡行，於是皆選天下之端士孝悌博聞有道術者，以衞翼之，使與太子居處出入，故太子迺生而見正事，聞正言，行正道，左右前後皆正人，夫習與正人居之不能無正，猶生長楚之鄕不能不楚言也。孔子曰：少成若天性，習貫如自然。 |
| | Thus, three junior officials were appointed: Xiao Bao (Junior Protector), Xiao Fu (Junior Tutor), and Xiao Shi (Junior Teacher) — these were the ones who dined with the crown prince. Therefore, even when the prince was a child with some awareness, the Three Dukes and Three Juniors would clearly teach him filial piety, benevolence, rites, and righteousness to guide his habits. They removed wicked people from around him so he could not witness evil deeds. Thus, they selected upright men throughout the empire — those who were filial, respectful of elders, well-informed, and knowledgeable in principles — to serve as attendants and protectors, living with the prince and accompanying him wherever he went. In this way, the crown prince would see only proper conduct, hear only correct words, walk only on righteous paths; all around him, before and behind, were virtuous people. To be constantly surrounded by upright individuals cannot help but make one upright — just as a person raised in a Chu-speaking region inevitably learns to speak the language of Chu. Confucius said: "Habits formed at an early age become as natural as one's disposition; repeated practice becomes second nature."
|
| | 傳: |
太子既冠成人，免於保傅之嚴，則有記過之史，徹膳之宰，進善之旌，誹謗之木，敢諫之鼓，瞽史誦詩，工誦箴諫，大夫進謀，士傳民語，習與智長，故切而不媿，化與心成，故中道若性，春秋入學，坐國老，執醬而親餽之，所以明有孝也。行以鸞和，步中采齊，趨中肆夏，所以明有度也。其於禽獸，見其生不食其死，聞其聲不食其肉，故遠庖厨，所以長恩，且明有仁也。 |
| | Once the crown prince reached adulthood and was no longer under the strict guidance of his protectors and tutors, there were still historians to record his mistakes, stewards who could withhold food as a form of discipline, banners for commendation of good deeds, wooden posts for public criticism, drums inviting bold advice. Blind historians recited poetry; artisans read warnings and remonstrances; ministers offered strategies; scholars conveyed the people's words. Through such practices, he grew wiser with experience — so sharp in discernment that he felt no shame. These influences shaped his heart, making him follow the middle path as naturally as one's own nature. In spring and autumn, he would attend school, sit before elder statesmen, present sauce personally, and serve them food — all to demonstrate filial piety. He traveled with the sound of the luan and he instruments accompanying him — his steps matched the rhythm of Cai Qi and his brisk pace followed Si Xia — This demonstrated his adherence to proper standards and decorum. Regarding animals, he would not eat those that were alive and would avoid eating their flesh if they had made a sound before being killed. Thus, he kept his distance from the kitchen — this was to cultivate compassion and also demonstrated his benevolence.
|
| | 傳: |
夫三代之所以長久者，以其輔翼太子有此具也。至秦而不然，其俗固非貴辭讓也。所上者告訐也。固非貴禮義也。所上者刑罰也。使趙高傅胡亥而教之獄，所習者非斬劓人，則夷人之三族也。故胡亥今日即位而明日射人，忠諫者謂之誹謗，深計者謂之妖言，其視殺人若刈草菅，然豈唯胡亥之性惡哉。彼其所以導之者非其理故也。 |
| | This is why the three dynasties lasted so long: they had these systems in place to support and guide the crown prince. But by the time of Qin, this was no longer the case; its customs were not based on valuing courtesy or yielding. What they valued most was denunciation and exposure. Indeed, it did not value rites or righteousness. lando What was valued most were punishments and penalties. Zhao Gao, as tutor to Huhuai, taught him about legal cases; what he learned was not merely beheading or amputating people's noses, but exterminating entire clans of three generations. Therefore, Huhuai ascended to the throne today and killed people tomorrow; those who gave loyal advice were called slanderers, while those with deep thoughts were labeled as spreading superstitious words. He regarded killing people as cutting down weeds — yet this was not solely due to Huhuai's inherently evil nature. It was because those who guided him did so in a way that went against proper principles.
|
| | 傳: |
鄙諺曰：不習為吏，視已成事。又曰：前車覆，後車誡，夫三代之所以長久者，其已事可知也。夫存亡之變，治亂之機，其要在是矣。夫天下之命，懸於太子，太子之善，在於早諭教與選左右，夫心未濫而先諭教，則化易成也。開於道術智誼之指，則教之力也。若其服習積貫，則左右而已。臣故曰：選左右早諭教最急，夫教得而左右正，則太子正矣。太子正，而天下定矣。 |
| | A vulgar proverb says: "Those unaccustomed to being officials regard past events as mere examples." It also says: "When a cart overturns ahead, the one behind takes warning." This is why the three dynasties endured for so long — their past experiences were instructive and well known. The key to understanding changes between survival and destruction, order and chaos, lies precisely in this. The fate of the world depends on the crown prince; a crown prince's virtue lies in early instruction and careful selection of his attendants. When one's heart is still pure and guidance is given early, transformation becomes easier to achieve. When he is opened up to the principles of the Way, learning, wisdom, and righteousness, this is the power of education. If one becomes accustomed through long practice — then it is merely a matter of the people around him. Therefore, I say: selecting the right attendants and providing early instruction is most urgent. When education is properly conducted and those around him are upright, then the crown prince will also be upright. When the crown prince is upright, the world finds stability.
|
| | 傳: |
若夫慶賞以勸善，刑罰以懲惡，先王執此之政，堅如金石，行此之令，信如四時，據此之公無私，如天地，豈顧不用哉。孔子曰：聼訟吾猶人也。必也使無訟乎。為人主計者，莫如先審取舍，取舍之極定於內，而安危之萌應於外矣。安者非一日而安也。危者非一日而危也。皆以積漸，然不可不察也。人主之所積，在其取舍，以禮義治之者積禮義，以刑罰治之者積刑罰，刑罰積而民怨背，禮義積而民和親，故世主欲民之善同，而所以使民善者或異，或導之以德教，或敺之以法令，導之以德教，德教洽而民氣樂，敺之以法令者，法令極而民風哀，哀樂之感，禍福之應也。 |
| | Rewarding and celebrating good deeds to encourage virtue, and employing punishments to deter evil — the ancient kings adhered to this governance with a firmness as unyielding as gold or stone. They carried out these decrees with reliability like the four seasons, upholding impartiality in public affairs just as the heavens and earth are impartial. Could they possibly have neglected such principles? Confucius said: "In hearing lawsuits, I am no different from others." But surely one should strive to make litigation unnecessary. For those who advise a ruler, nothing is more important than first carefully considering what to take and what to reject. When the ultimate decision on taking or rejecting something is made internally, signs of safety or danger will manifest externally. Peace and stability are not achieved in a single day. Nor is danger something that arises overnight. Both result from gradual accumulation, yet neither can be ignored or left unexamined. What a ruler accumulates depends on his choices. If he governs with rites and righteousness, he accumulates rites and righteousness; if he governs through punishments and penalties, he accumulates punishments and penalties. When punishments accumulate, the people grow resentful and turn away; when rites and righteousness accumulate, the people become harmonious and loyal. Thus, rulers of all ages desire their subjects to be virtuous, yet the methods they use to achieve this may differ: some guide them through moral instruction, while others drive them with laws and decrees. When guided by moral instruction, virtue spreads and the people feel joy; when driven by laws and decrees, harsh enforcement leads to a sorrowful populace. The emotional response of joy or sorrow is what brings about consequences — either blessings or misfortunes.
|
| | 傳: |
秦王之欲尊宗廟而安子孫，與湯，武同，然而湯，武廣大其德行，六七百歲而弗失，秦王持天下十餘歲則大敗，此無他故矣。湯，武之定取舍審，而秦王之定取舍不審也。夫天下大器，今人之置器，置諸安處則安，置諸危處則危，天下之情，與器無以異，在天子之所置之，湯，武置天下於仁義禮樂，而德澤洽禽獸，草木廣裕，德被子孫數十世，此天下所共聞也。秦王置天下於法令刑罰，德澤無一有，而怨毒盈於世，人憎惡之如仇讎，禍幾及身，子孫誅絕，此天下之所共見也。是非其明效大驗邪。人之言曰：聽言之道，必以其事觀之，則言者莫敢妄言，今或言禮誼之不如法令，教化之不如刑罰，人主胡不引殷，周，秦事以觀之也。 |
| | King Qin's desire to honor his ancestral temple and ensure the safety of his descendants was no different from that of Tang and Wu. Yet, while Tang and Wu expanded their virtue and righteousness for six or seven hundred years without losing them, King Qin held onto all under heaven for merely more than ten years before suffering a great downfall. This happened for no other reason. It was because Tang and Wu carefully considered what to take or reject, while King Qin did not deliberate on his choices with care. The world is a great vessel. When people place an object in a secure location, it remains safe; when placed in a dangerous spot, it becomes unstable. The nature of the world is no different from that of objects — its stability depends entirely on where the Son of Heaven places it. Tang and Wu placed the world within benevolence, righteousness, rites, and music, so their virtue extended even to birds, beasts, grasses, and trees; their blessings enriched future generations for dozens of dynasties — this is a fact known by all under heaven. King Qin placed the world under laws and punishments, yet not a single drop of virtue or grace was spread; instead, resentment and hatred filled society. People hated him as they would an enemy, calamity nearly befalling himself, while his descendants were exterminated — this is something witnessed by all under heaven. Is this not clear proof and a striking example? People say: "The way to judge words is by examining the results." When this is done, no one dares to speak recklessly. Now some claim that rites and righteousness are less effective than laws and decrees; moral instruction less powerful than punishments — why then do rulers not refer to the histories of Yin, Zhou, and Qin to observe the truth?
|
| | 傳: |
人主之尊譬如堂，羣臣如陛，衆庶如地，古者聖王制為等列，內有公卿大夫士，外有公侯伯子男，等級分明，而天子加焉。故其尊不可及也。鄙諺曰：欲投鼠，忌器，尚憚不投，恐傷其器，况貴臣之近主乎。廉耻禮節，以治君子，故有賜死而無戮辱，是以黥劓之辠，不及大夫，顧其離主上不遠也。君之寵臣，雖或有過，刑戮之罪，不加其身者，尊君故也。所以體貌大臣而厲其節也。今自王侯三公之貴，皆天子之所改容而禮之，古天子之所謂伯父伯舅也。而今與衆庶同黥劓髡刖笞傌弃市之法，然則堂不無陛乎。被戮辱者，不泰迫乎。廉耻不行大臣，無迺握重權大官而有徒隸無耻之心乎。 |
| | The dignity of a ruler is like that of a hall; the ministers are like its steps, and the common people like the ground. In ancient times, sage kings established clear ranks: within the court were chancellors, high officials, gentlemen, and scholars; outside it were marquises, dukes, viscounts, earls, and barons — each level distinct, with the Son of Heaven above them all. Therefore, his dignity was beyond reach. A vulgar proverb says: "If one wishes to throw a stone at a rat, he fears damaging the vessel it is near; even so, people hesitate not to act for fear of harming the object. How much more cautious should one be when dealing with high-ranking ministers close to the ruler?" Integrity, shame, rites, and propriety were used to govern gentlemen; thus, they could be granted death as a mercy but never subjected to humiliation. For this reason, punishments like branding or nose-cutting did not apply to high officials — for their closeness to the sovereign was great. A ruler's favored minister, even if he committed some fault, would not suffer corporal punishment — this was done out of respect for the sovereign. This was to show respect and courtesy toward high ministers and encourage their virtue and integrity. Now, even the most exalted figures — kings, marquises, and high officials — all receive respectful treatment from the Son of Heaven. In ancient times, they were addressed by the sovereign as "uncle" or "maternal uncle," terms signifying great respect. Yet today, they are subjected to the same punishments as commoners — branding, nose-cutting, shaving of hair and feet, caning, forced labor, or public execution. If this is so, then does a hall exist without its steps? Those subjected to humiliation and disgrace — are they not too close for comfort? If integrity and shame no longer govern high ministers, is it not likely that those holding great power and important offices have the hearts of unscrupulous slaves?
|
| | 傳: |
今而有過，帝令廢之可也。退之可也。賜之死可也。滅之可也。若夫束縛之，繫緤之，輸之司寇，編之徒官，司寇小吏詈罵而榜笞之，殆非所以令衆庶見也。夫天子之所嘗敬，衆庶之所嘗寵，死而死耳，賤人安得如此而頓辱之哉。故主上遇其大臣，如遇犬馬，彼將犬馬自為也。如遇官徒，彼將官徒自為也。故古者禮不及庶人，刑不至大夫，所以厲寵臣之節也。其有大罪者，聞命則北面再拜，跪而自裁，上不使人捽抑而刑之也。曰：子大夫自有過耳，吾遇子有禮矣。 |
| | Now, if they commit a fault, an imperial decree can simply dismiss them. They may be removed from office. They may even be granted a death sentence. Their influence can be eradicated. But if they are bound, shackled, sent to the judicial official, registered as common convicts, and then insulted and caned by minor clerks — this surely is not a spectacle meant for the people to witness. Those who have once been respected by the Son of Heaven and cherished by the people — they may die, but how can lowly individuals suddenly subject them to such disgrace? Therefore, when a sovereign treats his high ministers as he would dogs or horses, they will come to see themselves in the same light. If treated like convicts, then they will behave no better than convicts. Therefore, in ancient times, rites did not extend to commoners, and punishments did not reach high officials — this was precisely to encourage the virtue of favored ministers. For those with grave offenses, upon receiving orders they would bow twice facing north and kneel to commit suicide — the sovereign did not send others to seize or punish them. He would say: "It is you, my gentleman, who have committed a fault; I have treated you with courtesy."
|
| | 傳: |
遇之有禮，故羣臣自熹，嬰以廉耻，故人矜以節行，上設廉耻禮義以遇其臣，而臣不以節行報其上者，則非人類也。故為人臣者，利不苟就，害不苟去，唯義所在，上之化也。故父兄之臣誠死宗廟，法度之臣誠死社稷，輔翼之臣誠死君上，守圄捍敵之臣誠死城郭封疆，故曰聖人有金城者，比物此志也。彼且為我死，故吾得與之俱生，彼且為我亡，故吾得與之俱存，為我危，故吾得與之皆安，顧行而忘利，守節而仗義，故可以托不御之權，可以寄六尺之孤，此厲廉耻，行禮誼之所致也。主上何喪焉。此之不為，而顧彼之久行，彼，亡國也。故曰：可為長太息者此也。 |
| | When treated with courtesy, ministers naturally feel ashamed of their faults; bound by integrity and shame, they strive to uphold virtue. When a ruler establishes rites, righteousness, and a sense of honor for his officials, yet an official fails to repay this with virtuous conduct — such a person is no longer human. Therefore, as officials, they do not recklessly pursue profit or hastily avoid harm; their only concern is where righteousness lies — this is the influence of a virtuous ruler. Therefore, ministers who are like fathers and elder brothers truly die for the ancestral temple; those bound by law and order truly die for state and country; those entrusted with guidance truly die for their sovereign; and those guarding borders and resisting enemies truly die to defend cities and frontiers. Hence it is said that a sage possesses an impregnable fortress — this refers to aligning one's will with such steadfast devotion. They are willing to die for me, so I may live alongside them; they are ready to perish for my sake, so I too can survive. They place themselves in danger for me, thus ensuring our shared safety. Walking uprightly and forgetting personal gain, upholding virtue and standing by righteousness — such individuals can be entrusted with unchecked authority or the care of a young heir. This is precisely what cultivating integrity, shame, rites, and righteousness brings about. What then has the sovereign lost? If one fails to do this, yet clings instead to long-standing practices of the other — that "other" is a fallen kingdom. Hence it is said: This is what causes one to sigh deeply and lament for a long time.
|
| | 傳: |
爰盎字絲，楚人也。孝文時為中郞將，從霸陵，上欲西馳下峻阪，盎攬轡。上曰：將軍怯邪。盎曰：臣聞千金子不垂堂，百金子不騎衡，聖主不乘危，不徼幸，今陛下騁六飛，馳不測山，有如馬驚車敗，陛下縱自輕，柰高廟太后何，上乃止。 |
| | Yuan Ang, courtesy name Si, was a native of Chu. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowen, Yuan Ang served as Zhonglangjiang and accompanied the emperor to Balin. When the emperor wished to gallop westward down a steep slope, Yuan Ang seized the reins. The emperor said: "Is General afraid?" Yuan Ang replied: "I have heard that a son worth a thousand gold pieces does not sit near the eaves, and one worth a hundred gold pieces will not lean on the crossbar of a carriage." A sage ruler does not take risks, nor rely on luck. Now Your Majesty is urging the six swift steeds — to race down an unpredictable mountain — if the horse were to startle and the carriage break, although Your Majesty may regard your own life lightly, what would become of Grand Empress Dowager Gaodiao? The emperor then stopped.
|
| | 傳: |
上幸上林，皇后慎夫人從，其在禁中常同坐，及坐郞署，盎却慎夫人坐，慎夫人怒，不肯坐，上亦怒起。盎因前說曰：臣聞尊卑有序，則上下和，今陛下既已立后，慎夫人迺妾，妾主豈可以同坐哉。且陛下幸之，則厚賜之，陛下所以為慎夫人，適所以禍之，獨不見人豕乎。於是上迺悅，入語慎夫人，夫人賜盎金五十斤，然盎亦以數直諫不得久居中，調為隴西都尉，仁愛士卒，皆争為死。 |
| | Once, the emperor visited Shanglin Park and Empress Dowager Shen followed. In the palace, she often sat beside him; but when they were seated in the Langshu (an official hall), Yuan Ang moved Shen's seat away. Enraged, Lady Shen refused to sit down, and the emperor also became angry and rose. Yuan Ang then stepped forward to advise: "I have heard that when ranks and status are properly ordered, harmony prevails between superiors and inferiors. Now that Your Majesty has already appointed an empress, Lady Shen is merely a concubine — how can a concubine sit on equal terms with her mistress?" Moreover, if Your Majesty favors her, you should bestow generous gifts upon her. But what you are doing for Lady Shen is precisely what will bring her misfortune — have you not seen the case of "renshi" (a woman who was castrated and humiliated)? The emperor was then pleased and went in to explain the matter to Lady Shen. She rewarded Yuan Ang with fifty catties of gold. However, because Yuan had repeatedly given blunt advice, he could not remain long at court and was transferred to serve as Duwei (military commissioner) of Longxi. He treated his soldiers with kindness and compassion, so they all vied to die for him.
|
| | 傳: |
晁錯，潁川人也。以文學為太子家令，是時，匈奴强，數寇邊，上發兵以禦之。錯上言兵事曰：臣聞兵法有必勝之將，由此觀之，安邊境，立功名，在於良將，不可不擇也。臣又聞用兵臨戰合刃之急者三，一曰得地形，二曰卒服習，三曰器用利。兵法曰：丈五之溝，漸車之水，山林積石，經川丘阜，草木所在，此步兵之地也。車騎二不當一，土山丘陵，曼衍相屬，平原廣野，此車騎之地也。步兵十不當一，平陵相遠，川谷居間，仰高臨下，此弓弩之地也。短兵百不當一，兩陣相近，平地淺草，可前可後，此長戟之地也。劍楯三不當一。 |
| | Chao Cuo was a native of Yingchuan. He served as Jia Ling (a household official) for the crown prince through his literary talents. At that time, the Xiongnu were powerful and frequently raided the borders; the emperor raised troops to resist them. Chao Cuo submitted a proposal on military affairs, saying: "I have heard that in the art of war there are generals who guarantee victory. From this we see that securing the borders and achieving glory depend upon capable commanders — they cannot be chosen carelessly." I have also heard that in warfare, there are three urgent matters when the two sides meet on the battlefield: first, to possess favorable terrain; second, for soldiers to be well-trained and experienced; third, for weapons and equipment to be sharp and effective. The art of war says: A trench one zhang and five chi deep, a stream capable of stopping chariots, mountain forests with accumulated rocks, winding rivers through hills and mounds — wherever grass and trees grow — these are the terrains suited for infantry. Chariots and cavalry, however, are only half as effective in such terrain. Rolling hills and gentle slopes connected together, or vast open plains — these are the terrains suitable for chariots and horsemen. Infantry is only one-tenth as effective in such places. When hills and valleys are separated by rivers, with high ground overlooking the low — this terrain favors archers and crossbowmen. Close-combat troops are only one-hundredth as effective in such situations. When two armies face each other closely on flat ground with shallow grass, where they can advance or retreat freely — this is the terrain for long spears and halberds. Swordsmen and shield-bearers are only one-third as effective in such conditions.
|
| | 傳: |
萑葦竹蕭，草木蒙蘢，支葉茂接，此矛鋌之地也。長戟二不當一，曲道相伏，險厄相薄，此劍楯之地也。弓弩三不當一，士不選練，卒不服習，起居不精，動静不集，趨利弗及，避難不畢，前擊後解，與金鼓之音相失，此不習勒卒之過也。百不當十，兵不完利，與空手同，甲不堅密，與袒裼同，弩不可以及遠，與短兵同，射不能中，與無矢同，中不能入，與無鏃同，此將不省兵之禍也。五不當一。故兵法曰：器械不利，以其卒予敵也。卒不可用，以其將與敵也。君不擇將，以其國與敵也。四者兵之至要也。 |
| | Reeds, bamboo thickets, dense vegetation with intertwined branches and leaves — this is the terrain suited for spears and thrusting weapons. Long spears are only half as effective here. Winding paths where forces can hide, narrow and perilous terrain — this is the domain of swordsmen and shield-bearers. Crossbows and bows are only one-third as effective under such circumstances. When soldiers are not carefully selected or trained, when troops lack discipline and experience, when their movements are uncoordinated — advancing to seize advantage is too slow, retreating from danger is incomplete; attacks proceed while the rear disbands, and commands given by drums and gongs go unheard — this is the fault of poor training and leadership. A hundred such soldiers are no match for ten well-prepared ones. When weapons are incomplete or dull, they are as useless as bare hands; when armor is not strong and tight-fitting, it is the same as being naked. Crossbows that cannot reach distant targets are as ineffective as short weapons; arrows that miss the mark are like having no arrows at all; and those that hit but fail to penetrate are equivalent to having no arrowheads — this is the disaster of a commander who neglects his troops' equipment. Five such soldiers cannot match one well-equipped warrior. Therefore, the art of war says: "When weapons and equipment are not effective, it is as if you hand your troops over to the enemy." If soldiers cannot be used effectively, it is because their commander has become an ally of the enemy. A ruler who does not choose his generals carefully is as good as handing his country to the enemy. These four factors are of utmost importance in warfare.
|
| | 傳: |
臣又聞小大異形，强弱異勢，險易異備，夫卑身以事强，小國之形也。合小以攻大，敵國之形也。以蠻夷攻蠻夷，中國之形也。今匈奴地形伎藝，與中國異，上下山阪，出入谿澗，中國之馬弗與也。險道傾側，且馳且射，中國之騎弗與也。風雨罷勞，飢渴不困，中國之人弗與也。此匈奴之長技也。 |
| | I have also heard that small and large states differ in form, strong and weak powers vary in position, and difficult and easy terrains require different preparations. To humble oneself before the powerful is the strategy of a small state. Uniting smaller states to attack a larger one is the posture of an opposing nation. lington Using barbarian tribes against other barbarians is the strategy of the Chinese civilization. Now, the terrain and skills of the Xiongnu differ from those of China; they ascend and descend mountain slopes, enter and exit ravines — Chinese horses cannot match them in this. On perilous paths that slope steeply, they ride swiftly while shooting — Chinese cavalry cannot rival them in this. They endure wind and rain without tiring, hunger and thirst do not weaken them — the people of China cannot match them in this regard. These are the Xiongnu's strengths.
|
| | 傳: |
若夫平原易地，輕車突騎，則匈奴之衆易撓亂也。勁弩長戟，射疏及遠，則匈奴之弓弗能格也。堅甲利刃，長短相雜，游弩往來，什伍俱前，則匈奴之兵弗能當也。材官騶發，矢道同的，則匈奴之革笥木薦，弗能支也。下馬地鬥，劍戟相接，去就相薄，則匈奴之足弗能給也。此中國之長技也。以此觀之，匈奴之長技三，中國之長技五，陛下又興數十萬之衆，以誅數萬之匈奴，衆寡之計，以一擊十之術也。 |
| | However, on level plains and open terrain, with light chariots and swift cavalry, the Xiongnu forces can be easily disrupted. Strong crossbows and long halberds that shoot accurately over great distances — these are weapons the Xiongnu bows cannot match. Strong armor and sharp blades, with long and short weapons used in combination; mobile crossbow units moving back and forth, and formations of ten and five advancing together — then the Xiongnu troops cannot withstand such forces. When skilled officers lead mounted archers, arrows fly in unison toward a single target — then the Xiongnu's leather armor and wooden shields, cannot withstand such attacks. In close combat on foot, where swords and halberds clash and the two sides press against each other — then the Xiongnu's legs cannot keep up. These are China's strengths. Judging from this, the Xiongnu have three strengths while China has five. Your Majesty is now raising hundreds of thousands of troops to attack tens of thousands of Xiongnu — in terms of numbers and strategy, it is a case of one striking ten.
|
| | 傳: |
雖然，兵，凶器，戰，危事也。以大為小，以强為弱，在俯仰之間耳，夫以人死争勝，跌而不振，則悔之無及也。帝王之道，出於萬全，今降胡義渠蠻夷之屬，來歸誼者，其衆數千，飲食長技，與匈奴同，可賜之堅甲絮衣，勁弓利矢，益以邊郡之良騎，令明將能知者習俗，和輯其心者，將之，即有險阻，以此當之，平地通道，則以輕車材官制之，兩軍相表裏，各用其長技，衡加之以衆，此萬全之術也。 |
| | Nevertheless, weapons are instruments of violence, and war is a perilous undertaking. To turn the mighty into the small, and strength into weakness — this can happen in the blink of an eye. To risk lives to gain victory, only to stumble and fail to recover — then it will be too late to regret it. The way of emperors and kings is to ensure complete safety. Now, among the surrendered Hu people such as the Yiqu and other barbarian groups who have come to submit in accordance with righteousness, there are several thousand individuals whose food habits and skills resemble those of the Xiongnu. We may bestow on them strong armor, warm clothing, powerful bows, and sharp arrows; further, we can add fine cavalry from the border commanderies. Let capable generals who understand their customs and can unite their hearts lead these forces. When facing difficult terrain, use them to meet it head-on; when traveling through level land and open roads, employ light chariots and skilled officers to control the situation. With two armies supporting each other inside and out, using their respective strengths, and overwhelming with numbers — this is a strategy of complete safety.
|
| | 傳: |
文帝嘉之，乃賜錯璽書寵荅焉。錯復言守邊備塞，勸農力本，當世急務二事。曰：臣竊聞秦時北攻胡貉，築塞河上，南攻揚粵，置戍卒焉。其起兵而攻胡粵者，非以衞邊地而救民死也。貪戾而欲廣大也。故功未立而天下亂，且夫起兵而不知其勢，戰則為人禽，屯則卒積死，夫胡貉之地，積陰之處也。其性能寒，揚粵之地，少陰多陽，其性能暑，秦之戍卒，不能其水土，戍者死於邊，輸者僨於道，秦民見行，如往弃市，因以謫發之，名曰謫戍，發之不順，行者深怨，有背叛之心。 |
| | Emperor Wen praised him for these words and thus bestowed an imperial edict sealed with the emperor's personal seal to honor and respond to him. Cuo further stated that defending the borders, fortifying frontier passes, encouraging agriculture, and strengthening the foundation were two urgent matters for the present age. He said: "I have secretly heard that during the Qin dynasty, they attacked the Hu Mo to the north and built frontier walls along the Yellow River; they launched campaigns against Yang Yue in the south, and stationed garrisons there. Those who raised armies to attack the Hu and Yue were not doing so in order to defend borderlands or save people from death. Rather, they did it out of greed and ambition for expansion. Therefore, before any achievements were made, the whole realm fell into chaos. Moreover, to raise an army without understanding its situation — if you fight, you will be captured; if you station troops, your soldiers will die from accumulation of hardship. The lands of Hu and Mo are places of accumulated yin energy. Their nature is cold. The land of Yang Yue, on the other hand, has little yin and much yang; its nature is hot. Qin dynasty garrison troops could not adapt to the local climate — those stationed there died at the frontier, while those sent as replacements perished along the way When Qin civilians saw the conscription orders, they regarded it as being sent to a place of execution. Thus, those who were punished and drafted were called "zheshu" (punished garrison soldiers). The mobilization was not carried out properly, and those sent off harbored deep resentment, with thoughts of rebellion in their hearts.
|
| | 傳: |
凡民守戰至死而不降北者，以計為之也。故戰勝守固，則有拜爵之賞，攻城屠邑，則得其財鹵以富家室，故能使其衆蒙矢石，赴湯火，視死如生，今秦之發卒也。有萬死之害，而無銖兩之報，死事之後，不得一算之復，天下明知其禍烈及己也。陳勝行戍至於大澤，為天下先唱，天下從之如流水者，秦以威劫而行之敝也。 |
| | Generally speaking, common people fight to the death without surrendering or retreating because they have a plan and purpose for doing so. Therefore, when battles are won and defenses hold firm, there is the reward of noble titles; when cities are captured and towns razed, one gains their wealth to enrich one's family. Thus they can drive their troops to face arrows and stones, rush into boiling water and fire, regarding death as if it were life itself. Now, this was how Qin mobilized its soldiers. Yet for the Xiongnu campaigns, there were dangers of ten thousand deaths with no slight reward in return. After dying on campaign, their families received not even a single measure of tax relief. The people across the land clearly knew that such calamity would befall them personally. Chen Sheng, while on garrison duty, reached Daze and became the first to raise a rebellion — the whole realm followed him like flowing water. This was the consequence of Qin's coercive rule and its resulting decline.
|
| | 傳: |
胡人衣食之業，不著於地，其勢易擾亂邊境，如飛鳥走獸，放於廣野，美草甘水則止，草盡水竭則移，以是觀之，往來轉徙，時至時去，此胡人生業，而中國之所以離南畝也。今使胡人數處轉牧行獵於塞下，或當燕，代，或當上郡，北地，隴西，以候備塞之卒，卒少則入，陛下不救，則邊民絕望而有降敵之心，少發則不足，多發，遠縣纔至，胡又已去，聚不罷，為費甚大，罷之，則胡復入，如此連年，則中國貧苦而民不安矣。 |
| | The livelihood of the Hu people, in terms of clothing and food, is not tied to a fixed land. Their nature makes it easy for them to disturb the frontier — like flying birds or running beasts, they roam open plains, stopping where there are lush grasses and sweet water, moving on when these run out. From this we see that their way of life involves constant migration, coming at times and going at others. This is how the Hu live, while it is precisely why the Chinese people must leave their southern fields to defend against them. Now, if the Hu people move in several groups to patrol and hunt near the frontier walls — sometimes approaching Yan and Dai, or Shangjun, Beidi, Longxi — they will await opportunities against our garrison troops. If these troops are few, the Hu will attack; if Your Majesty does not come to their aid, border civilians will lose hope and develop thoughts of surrendering to the enemy. Sending a small force is insufficient; sending many means distant counties must mobilize, but by then the Hu have already left. To keep such forces constantly stationed without relief would incur great expense. If we withdraw them, the Hu will return again. In this way, year after year, China becomes impoverished and its people restless.
|
| | 傳: |
陛下幸憂邊境，遣將吏發卒以治塞，甚大惠也。然令遠方之卒守塞，一歲而更，不知胡人之能，不如選常居者，家室田作，且以備之，以便為之高城深塹，先為室屋，具田器，迺募罪人令居之，不足，募以丁奴婢贖罪，及輸奴婢欲以拜爵者，不足，迺募民之欲往者，皆賜高爵，復其家，與冬夏衣，禀食，能自給而止，其無夫若妻者縣官買與之，人情非有匹敵不能久安其處，塞下之民，禄利不厚，不可使久居危難之地，胡人入驅而能止其所驅者，以其半與之，縣官為贖，其民如是，則邑里相救助，赴胡不避死，非以德上也。欲全親戚而利其財也。此與東方之戍卒，不習地勢而心畏胡者，功相萬也。以陛下之時，徙民實邊，使遠方無屯戍之事，塞下之民，父子相保，無繫虜之患，利施後世，名稱聖明，其與秦之行怨民，相去遠矣。 |
| | Your Majesty is kindly concerned about the frontier; sending generals and officials to raise troops for wall construction is a great act of grace. Yet ordering distant troops to garrison the frontier and rotating them annually, without understanding the Hu people's capabilities — this is not as effective as selecting permanent residents. These should be families with land and homes who can also serve in defense. It would be convenient to build high walls and deep ditches first, prepare houses, provide farming tools, then recruit criminals to settle there. If that proves insufficient, we may further recruit those willing to pay for their crimes by offering slaves or servants, as well as those wishing to buy noble titles through the same means. Still lacking, we should then invite civilians who wish to go and offer them high ranks, exempt their families from taxes, provide winter and summer clothing, and supply food until they can support themselves. For those without spouses, the county officials should purchase partners for them — human nature dictates that people cannot remain in a place long unless they have companions. The frontier population receives little reward or benefit; thus, we cannot expect them to stay permanently in dangerous places. When the Hu drive livestock and goods into our territory, if Chinese forces can recover these, half of what is taken should be given as reward to those who seize it the county officials will redeem them. With such a system in place, the local population would support one another and rush to fight against the Hu without fearing death — not out of virtue toward their ruler. Rather, it is for the sake of protecting family members and profiting from the spoils. This differs from the garrison troops of the eastern regions, who are unfamiliar with the terrain and fear the Hu — their effectiveness is a thousand times less. In Your Majesty's time, relocating people to settle the frontier would eliminate the need for distant garrisons. The border population could then have fathers and sons protecting one another, free from the threat of capture or enslavement. This benefit would extend to future generations, earning a reputation for wisdom and virtue — vastly different from Qin's policy that drove resentment among its people.
|
| | 傳: |
上從其言，募民徙塞下，錯復言陛下幸募民相徙，以實塞下，使屯戍之事益省，甚大惠也。使先至者安樂而不思故鄕，則貧民相募而勸往矣。臣聞古之徙遠方，以實廣虛也。相其陰陽之和，嘗其水泉之味，審其上地之宜，觀其草木之饒，然後營邑立城，制里割宅，通田作之道，正阡陌之界，先為築室，家置器物焉。民至有所居，作有所用，此民所以輕去故鄕而勸之新邑也。為置醫巫以救疾病，生死相卹，墳墓相從，此所以使民樂其處而有長居之心也。 |
| | The emperor followed his advice and recruited civilians to relocate to the frontier. Cuo again stated that Your Majesty's generous recruitment of people willing to move in order to populate the frontier would reduce the need for garrison duties, which was a great act of kindness. Those who arrive first will find peace and happiness there without longing for their old hometowns — then poor people will encourage one another to go. I have heard that in ancient times, people were relocated from distant regions to populate empty and vast lands. They would examine the harmony of yin and yang, taste the water's flavor, assess the suitability of the land for farming, observe the abundance of grasses and trees — only then would they establish towns and build cities, divide neighborhoods and assign homes, open roads for agriculture, set boundaries between fields, first construct houses, and provide each household with necessary tools. When people arrive and have a place to live, and when they find the tools needed for farming — this is why people are willing to leave their old hometowns and be encouraged to settle in new towns. They also provided doctors and shamans to treat illness, ensured care for the living and mourning of the dead, and allowed graves to be close together — this is how people come to enjoy their new homes and develop a desire to settle there permanently.
|
| | 傳: |
擇其邑之賢材習地形，知民心者，居則習民於射法，出則教民於應敵，故卒伍成於內，則軍正定於外，服習以成，勿令遷徙，幼則同游，長則共事，夜戰聲相知，則足以相救，晝戰目相見，則足以相識，歡愛之心，足以相死，如此而勸以厚賞，威以重罰，則前死不還踵矣。 |
| | Select among the townspeople those who are virtuous, capable, and familiar with the terrain as well as the local people's hearts. In times of peace, they should train civilians in archery; when going out, teach them how to respond to enemies. Thus, within the town, soldiers will be organized into units, while outside, military discipline is established. Through long familiarity and without frequent relocations, young men grow up together playing as children, later working side by side. In night battles, they recognize each other by voice — enough to come to one another's aid; in daylight combat, they see each other clearly — sufficient for mutual identification. With such bonds of affection, they are willing to die for one another. If further encouraged with generous rewards and disciplined through severe punishments, then soldiers will advance fearlessly toward death without retreating a single step.
|
| | 傳: |
文帝詔舉賢良文學之士，錯在選中。上親策詔之曰：昔者，大禹勤求賢士，施及方外，近者獻其明，遠者通厥聰，比善戮力，以翼天子，是以大禹能無失德，故詔有司，選賢良明於國家之大體，通於人事之終始，及能直言極諫者，將以匡朕之不逮，永惟朕之不德，吏之不平，政之不宣，民之不寧，四者之闕，悉陳其志，無有所隱。 |
| | Emperor Wen issued an edict to recommend virtuous and learned scholars of literature, and Cuo was selected among them. The emperor personally issued an imperial decree, saying: "In the past, Emperor Yu diligently sought virtuous men, and his influence reached even distant lands. Those nearby contributed their wisdom; those far away conveyed their insights. By uniting goodness and effort to assist the Son of Heaven, this is why Emperor Yu was able to remain free from moral failure. Therefore, I have ordered officials to select virtuous individuals who understand the great principles of state affairs, comprehend human matters from beginning to end, and are capable of speaking truthfully with bold remonstrance — these will be used to correct my shortcomings. I now deeply reflect on my own lack of virtue, the injustice among officials, the failure in governance, and the unrest among the people. These four deficiencies must all be addressed; you must fully express your views without concealment."
|
| | 傳: |
錯對。詔策曰：通於人事終始，愚臣竊以古之三王，臣主俱賢，故合謀相輔，計安天下，莫不本於人情，人情莫不欲壽，三王生而不傷也。人情莫不欲富，三王厚而不困也。人情莫不欲安，三王扶而不危也。人情莫不欲逸，三王節其力不盡也。其為法令也。合於人情而後行之，其動衆使民也。本於人事然後為之，取人以己，內恕及人，情之所惡，不以强人，情之所欲，不以禁民，是以天下樂其政而歸其德，望之若父母，從之若流水，百姓和親，國家安寧，名位不失，施及後世，此明於人情終始之功也。 |
| | Cuo responded. The imperial decree asked: "Those who understand human affairs from beginning to end — I, a foolish minister, humbly believe that in the time of the Three Kings, both rulers and ministers were virtuous. Thus they could plan together and assist one another in securing peace for the realm. All such strategies are rooted in human nature; and human nature desires longevity above all else. The Three Kings promoted life without causing harm." Human nature also desires wealth, yet the Three Kings enriched people without burdening them with hardship. Human nature seeks peace and stability; the Three Kings supported their people so they would not fall into danger. Human nature desires ease and comfort, yet the Three Kings regulated labor so that people's strength was never exhausted. Their laws and decrees were thus. They acted in accordance with human nature before proceeding, and when mobilizing the people or commanding the populace — Rooted in human affairs, they acted only after careful consideration. They treated others as they would themselves — extending inner tolerance to all people. What the people found distasteful was not imposed upon them; what they desired was not forbidden. Thus, the realm rejoiced at their governance and returned their virtue, regarding them like parents, following them like flowing water. The common people lived in harmony and affection, while the state remained peaceful and secure — its reputation unshaken, its influence lasting for generations to come. This is the achievement of one who truly understands human nature from beginning to end.
|
| | 傳: |
詔策曰：吏之不平，政之不宣，民之不寧，愚臣竊以秦事明之，臣聞秦始并天下之時，其主不及三王而臣不及其佐，然功力不遲者何也。地形便，財用足，民利戰，其所與并者六國，六國者，臣主皆不肖，謀不輯，民不用，故當此之時，秦最富强，夫國富强而鄰國亂者，帝王之資也。故秦能兼六國，立為天子，當此之時，三王之功，不能進焉。 |
| | The imperial decree asked: "Regarding the injustice of officials, failure in governance, and unrest among the people — I, a foolish subject, humbly use the example of Qin to clarify this. I have heard that when Qin first unified the realm, its ruler was no match for the Three Kings, nor were its ministers comparable to their advisors. Yet why did its achievements proceed so swiftly?" It was because of convenient terrain, sufficient resources, and a populace eager for war. The six states it conquered were all weak — their rulers and ministers alike unworthy; their strategies disunited, their people unwilling to serve. Thus at that time, Qin was the richest and strongest state. When one's own country is wealthy and powerful while neighboring lands are in chaos — this is precisely what enables a Son of Heaven to rise. Therefore, Qin was able to conquer the six states and establish itself as emperor — at that time, even the achievements of the Three Kings could not surpass it.
|
| | 傳: |
及其末塗之衰也。任不肖而信讒賊，宮室過度，耆欲無極，民力疲盡，賦斂不節，矜奮自賢，羣臣恐諛，驕溢縱恣，不顧患禍，妄賞以隨喜意，妄誅以快怒心，法令煩憯，刑罰暴酷，輕絕人命，天下寒心，莫安其處，奸邪之吏，乘其亂法以成其威，獄官主斷，生殺自恣，上下瓦解，各自為制，秦始亂之時，吏之所先侵者，貧人賤民也。至其中節，所侵者，富人吏家也。及其末塗，所侵者，宗室大臣也。是故親疏皆危，外內咸怨，離散逋逃，人有走心，陳勝先倡，天下大潰，絕祀亡世，為異姓福，此吏不平，政不宣，民不寧之禍也。 |
| | But when its decline began in later years — it entrusted power to unworthy men and believed in slanderers. Palaces were built beyond measure, desires for luxury knew no bounds; the people's strength was exhausted, taxes and levies imposed without restraint. The ruler boasted of his own virtue while ministers feared punishment — flattering him just to save themselves The ruler grew arrogant and indulgent, ignoring dangers and misfortunes. Rewards were given capriciously to satisfy his whims; punishments were inflicted recklessly to vent anger. Laws became complex and harsh, while penalties turned brutal — lives were taken lightly. The realm was chilled with fear, no one feeling safe in their place. Corrupt officials took advantage of the chaotic legal system to consolidate power. Judicial officers wielded unchecked authority over life and death. The hierarchy collapsed as everyone acted according to their own will. When Qin first fell into disorder, the first victims of official oppression were poor people and lowly commoners. By the middle stage, those being oppressed were the wealthy and families of officials. By its final decline, those being oppressed were even the imperial clan and high-ranking ministers. Thus, both close relatives and distant kin were in danger; resentment spread among the people inside and outside the court. People scattered and fled, with hearts full of fear. Chen Sheng raised the first rebellion — the realm collapsed entirely. The dynasty was extinguished, its lineage lost to history, and power passed into the hands of another family. This is precisely the calamity caused by unjust officials, poor governance, and an unsettled populace.
|
| | 傳: |
對奏，天子善之，遷大中大夫，錯以諸侯强大，請削之，後吳，楚反，會竇嬰言爰盎，詔召入見。上問曰：計安山。盎對曰：吳，楚相遺書，言高皇帝王子弟，各有分地，今賊臣晁錯擅謫諸侯，削奪之地，以故反，名為西共誅錯，復故地而罷，方今計獨有斬錯，發使赦吳，楚七國，復其故地，則兵可無血刃而俱罷，於是上默然，良久。曰：顧誠何如，吾不愛一人謝天下也。 |
| | Cuo's response was submitted, and the emperor praised it. He was promoted to Grand Master of the Central Court (Dazhongdafa). Cuo, concerned about the growing power of the feudal lords, requested their territories be reduced. Later, when Wu and Chu rebelled, coinciding with Dou Ying recommending Yuan Ang, an imperial decree summoned him for an audience. The emperor asked: "What is your plan?" Yuan Ang replied: "Wu and Chu have exchanged letters, stating that Emperor Gaozu's sons and brothers were each granted their own fiefs. Now the traitorous minister Chao Cuo has arbitrarily punished the feudal lords and stripped them of their lands — this is why they rebelled. They claim to be marching westward together to execute Chao Cuo, restore their former territories, and then disband. At present, there is only one solution: to execute Chao Cuo and send envoys to pardon Wu, Chu, and the seven states, restoring their original fiefs — this would allow all hostilities to cease without further bloodshed." The emperor fell silent for a long time. He said: "But is it truly just? I am not unwilling to sacrifice one man to appease the realm."
|
| | 傳: |
後十餘日，迺使中尉召錯，紿載行市，錯衣朝衣斬東市，錯已死，謁者僕射鄧公為校尉擊吳，楚，還上書言軍事。上問曰：聞晁錯死，吳楚罷不也。鄧公曰：吳為反數十歲矣。發怒削地，以誅錯為名，其意不在錯也。且臣恐天下之士，拑口不敢復言矣。上曰：何哉。鄧公曰：夫晁錯患諸侯强大不可制，故請削之以尊京師，萬世之利也。計畫始行，卒被大戮，內杜忠臣之口，外為諸侯報仇，臣竊為陛下不取也。於是景帝喟然長息曰：公言善，吾亦恨之。 |
| | After more than ten days, the emperor ordered the Minister of Justice to summon Cuo. He was deceived into being taken out under false pretenses and executed in the eastern market while still wearing his official court robes. After Cuo's death, Ye Zha Puye Deng Gong, who had served as a military officer against Wu and Chu, returned and submitted a report on military affairs to the emperor. The emperor asked: "Have I heard that after Chao Cuo's death, Wu and Chu have ceased their rebellion?" Deng Gong replied: "Wu had been planning a rebellion for decades." They were already angry over the reduction of their fiefs, and now they use Chao Cuo's execution as an excuse. Their true intent is not about Chao Cuo at all. Moreover, I fear that officials throughout the realm will now hold their tongues and dare never speak again. The emperor asked: "Why is this so?" Deng Gong said: "Minister Chao Cuo was concerned that the feudal lords had grown too powerful to control, so he requested their territories be reduced in order to strengthen the capital — this would have been a benefit for all generations." His plan had just begun to be implemented, yet he was suddenly executed. This silences loyal ministers within the court and gives the feudal lords a reason for revenge — I secretly believe this is not in Your Majesty's interest." At this, Emperor Jing sighed deeply and said: "Your words are well spoken. I too regret it."
|
