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《傳 - Biography 》

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1 傳:
陳思王植字子建,每進見難問,應聲而對,特見寵愛,既以才見異,而丁儀,丁廙,楊修等,為之羽翼,太祖狐疑,幾為太子者數矣。黄初三年,立為鄄城王,太和元年,徙為壅壅作雍丘王,三年徙封東阿王,五年,上疏求存問親戚,舊無親戚二字。補之因致其意曰:臣聞天稱其高,以無不覆,地稱其廣,以無不載,日月稱其明,以無不照,江海稱其大,以無不容。故孔子曰:大哉堯之為君,唯天為大,唯堯則之,夫天德之於萬物,可謂弘廣矣。蓋堯之為教,先親後疏,自近及遠,周之文王,亦崇厥化,昔周公吊管,蔡之不咸,廣封懿親,以藩屏王室。傳曰:周之同盟,異姓為後,誠骨肉之恩,爽而不離,親親之義,實在敦固,未有義而後其君,仁而遺其親者也。
Chen Siwang Zhi, courtesy name Zijian, was often summoned for audiences and questioned on difficult matters. He would respond immediately, which earned him special favor. Since he was distinguished by his talent, Ding Yi, Ding Yi, Yang Xiu, and others served as his supporters. Tai Zu hesitated, and Cao Zhi had been considered as heir apparent several times. In Huangchu 3, he was made King of Juancheng. In Taihe 1, he was transferred and made King of Yong [Yong should be Youg] Qiu. In the third year (of Taihe), he was again moved to become King of Donga. In the fifth year (of Taihe), Cao Zhi submitted a memorial requesting permission to inquire after his relatives. {{The original text lacks the words "qinque." It has been added. He expressed his intent as follows: "Your servant hears that Heaven is called high because it covers everything; Earth is called vast because it bears all things; the sun and moon are called luminous because they illuminate everything; rivers and seas are called great because they contain nothing unworthy." Therefore, Confucius said: "How great was Yao as a ruler! Only Heaven is the greatest; only Yao followed its example." The virtue of Heaven toward all things can truly be called vast and extensive. Yao's teaching emphasized first the close and then the distant, starting from those near at hand and extending outward. King Wen of Zhou also revered this influence. In ancient times, the Duke of Zhou mourned the insubordination of Guan and Cai, widely enfeoffing his esteemed relatives to serve as a protective barrier for the royal house. The Classic says: "Among the allied states of Zhou, those of different surnames were made successors." Indeed, the affection between kin is firm and inseparable. The principle of showing favor to one's own relatives lies in strengthening this bond. There has never been a case where righteousness led to neglecting the ruler or benevolence caused abandoning one's family.

2 傳:
臣伏惟陛下資帝唐欽明之德,體文王翼翼之仁,惠洽椒房,恩昭九親,羣后百寮,番休遞上,執政不廢於公朝,下情得展於私室,親理之路通,慶吊之情展,誠可謂恕己治人,推惠施恩者矣。至於臣等,婚媾不通,兄弟乖絕,吉凶之問塞,慶吊之禮廢,恩紀之違,甚於路人,隔閡之異,殊於胡越,以一切之制,無朝覲之望,至於注心皇極,結情紫闥,神明知之矣。願陛下沛然垂詔,使諸國慶問得展,以叙骨肉之歡恩,全怡怡之篤義,妃妾之家,膏沐之遺,歲得再通,齊義於貴宗,等惠於百司,如此則風雅所咏,復存於聖世矣。
Your servant humbly considers that Your Majesty possesses the noble and wise virtue of Emperor Tang, embodies King Wen's earnest benevolence. Kindness extends to the imperial harem; grace shines upon all nine categories of relatives. The many consorts and officials take turns in their duties, ascending and descending in order. Governance does not neglect public affairs, while private feelings are expressed within one's home. Thus, the path for managing family relations is open, and sentiments of celebration and mourning can be freely conveyed. This truly deserves to be called a ruler who forgives others as he would himself and extends kindness and grace. As for your servants, our marriages and alliances are cut off; brothers have become estranged. Inquiries about good or ill fortune are blocked; rites of celebration and mourning have been abandoned. The violation of familial bonds is worse than that between strangers; the separation is greater than that between Hu and Yue. Bound by rigid regulations, we have no hope of court audiences. Thus, our hearts yearn for the imperial throne, and our feelings are tied to the Purple Gate—this the divine knows well. We humbly request that Your Majesty issue a gracious decree, allowing the various states to express their congratulations and inquiries so as to restore the joy of familial affection and preserve sincere bonds among relatives. Even the families of consorts and concubines may receive occasional gifts of oil and bath salts twice each year, thus treating them equally with noble clans and extending equal grace to all officials. If this is done, then what was sung by the poets of old will once again be preserved in Your Majesty's enlightened age.

3 傳:
臣伏自思惟,無錐刀之用,及觀陛下之所戒戒作拔授,若以臣為異姓,竊自料度,不後於朝士矣。若得辭遠游,戴武弁,解朱組,佩青紱,駙馬奉車,趣得一號,安宅京室,執鞭珥筆,出從華蓋,入侍輦轂,承答聖問,拾遺左右,乃臣丹誠之至願也。遠慕鹿鳴君臣之宴,中咏常棣匪他之戒,下思伐木友生之義,終懷蓼莪罔極之哀,每四節之會,塊然獨處,左右唯僕隸,所對唯妻子,高談無所與陳,發義無所與展,未嘗不聞樂而拊心,臨觴而嘆息也。臣伏以為,犬馬之誠,不能動人,譬人之誠,不能動天,崩城隕霜,臣初信之,以臣心况,徒虛語耳,若葵藿之傾葉,大陽不為之回光,亦終向者誠也。竊自比葵藿,若降天地之施,垂三光之明者,實在陛下,今之否隔,友於同憂,而臣獨倡言者,竊不願於聖世使有不蒙施之物,必有慘毒之懷,故柏舟有天只之怨,谷風有弃予之嘆,故伊尹耻其君不如堯舜,臣之愚蔽,欲使陛下崇光日月,被時雍之美者,是臣慺慺之誠也。
Your servant reflects humbly and considers himself of no use, not even as sharp as a awl or as valuable as a knife. Yet upon observing the appointments Your Majesty has made the original text says "拔" instead of "戒", if I am regarded as an outsider of different surname, then in my own estimation, I would still rank among the officials at court. If I may be allowed to resign from distant travel, don the military cap, remove my red sash of office, and instead wear a green silk ribbon as an official attendant; serve as a 驸马 (fuma) or carriage driver, obtain even a minor title, reside in a peaceful home within the capital, hold the reins and writing brush, accompany on grand processions outside, and attend to Your Majesty's chariot inside, answering questions from above and offering advice at your side—this would be my most earnest wish. Far above, I yearn for the banquet of "Lu Ming," where ruler and minister harmonize; in the middle, I recite the warning from "Chang Di" that one should not turn to others outside his family; below, I ponder the meaning of "Fa Mu," which speaks of friendship among fellow scholars. Ultimately, I carry with me the sorrow of "Liao E," lamenting boundless filial piety. At every seasonal gathering, I sit alone in gloom, surrounded only by servants and attendants, facing only my wife and children. There is no one to share lofty discourse or to discuss profound principles. Never have I failed to feel a pang at the sound of music or sigh into my cup when drinking. Your servant humbly believes that the loyalty of a dog or horse cannot move people, just as human sincerity cannot sway Heaven. The stories of collapsing walls and falling frost I once believed; but when measured by my own heart, they are merely empty words. Like the sunflower bending its leaves toward the sun, even though the great sun does not turn back its light, it still faces it with unwavering devotion—this is true sincerity. I secretly compare myself to the sunflower. If Heaven and Earth were to bestow their grace, or if the three lights (sun, moon, stars) were to shine their brightness, it would indeed be through Your Majesty. Now that we are separated by misfortune, my brothers share in this sorrow, yet I alone dare to speak out—this is because I do not wish for a sage age like ours to have things left ungraced or hearts filled with bitterness and cruelty. Thus, "Bai Zhou" laments the heavens as if they were deaf; "Gu Feng" sighs at being abandoned. Therefore, Yi Yin was ashamed that his ruler did not measure up to Yao and Shun. Though I am foolish and narrow-minded, my wish is for Your Majesty to elevate your virtue to match the sun and moon, and to be praised with the beauty of universal harmony—this is my earnest sincerity.

4 傳:
詔報曰:夫忠厚仁及草木,則行葦之詩作,恩澤衰薄,不親九屬,則角弓之章刺,今令諸國兄弟,情理簡怠,妃妾之家,膏沐疏略,縱不能敦而睦之,王援古喻義,備矣悉矣。何言精誠不足以感通哉。夫明貴賤,崇親親,禮賢良,順少長,國之綱紀,本無禁諸國通問之詔也。矯枉過正,下吏懼譴,以至於此耳,已敕有司,如王所訴。
The imperial edict replied: "When loyalty and kindness extend even to grasses and trees, the poem of 'Xing Wei' is composed. When grace wanes and affection grows thin, and one does not care for his nine categories of relatives, then the chapter 'Jiao Gong' serves as a censure. Now, among the various states, brothers have grown distant in sentiment; families of consorts receive only sparse gifts. Even if we cannot now strengthen these bonds and restore harmony, King Cao Zhi has sufficiently cited ancient precedents to illustrate his meaning." How can it be said that sincere devotion is insufficient to move hearts? Clarifying the distinctions between noble and humble, honoring close relatives, respecting virtuous men, and following the order of age—these are the fundamental principles governing a state. There has never been an imperial decree forbidding communication among the various states. The correction of a wrong has gone too far, and lower officials feared punishment, which led to this situation. I have already ordered the relevant authorities to act as you, King Cao Zhi, have petitioned.

5 傳:
植復上疏。陳審舉之義曰:臣聞,天地協氣而萬物生,君臣合德而庶政成,五帝之世非皆智,三季之末非皆愚,用與不用,知與不知也。書曰:有不世之君,必能用不世之臣,用不世之臣,必能立不世之功,昔樂毅奔趙,心不忘燕,廉頗在楚,思為趙將,臣生乎亂,長乎軍,又數承教於武皇帝,伏見行師用兵之要,不必取孫吳,而暗與之合,竊揆之於心,常願得一奉朝覲,排金門,蹈玉陛,列有職之臣,賜須臾之間,使臣得一散所懷,攄盡蕴積,死不恨矣。然天高聽遠,情不上通,徒獨望青雲而拊心,仰高天而嘆息耳。屈平曰:國有驥而不知乘焉。遑遑而更索,昔管蔡放誅,周邵作弼,叔魚陷刑,叔向匡國,三監之舋,臣自當之,二南之輔,求必不遠,華宗貴族,藩王之中,必有應斯舉者。故傳曰:無周公之親,不得行周公之事,唯陛下少留意焉。
Zhi submitted another memorial. Chen Shenju's principle of appointment was as follows: "Your servant has heard that when Heaven and Earth harmonize, all things come to life; when ruler and minister unite in virtue, the many policies succeed. The age of the Five Emperors did not consist entirely of wise men, nor were the last years of the Three Dynasties composed solely of fools. It is a matter of being used or not used, known or unknown." lø The Book says: "There is a ruler of extraordinary virtue, who can surely employ an extraordinary minister; and when such a minister is employed, he can accomplish extraordinary feats. In the past, Yue Yi fled to Zhao but never forgot Yan; Lian Po was in Chu yet longed to serve as general for Zhao. I was born amid chaos and raised among armies, and have often received instruction from Emperor Wu. I observe that the essentials of military strategy do not necessarily require Sun Tzu or Wu Qi, yet they unknowingly align with their principles. In my heart, I secretly hope to be granted a single audience at court, to pass through the golden gate, tread upon the jade steps, stand among officials in office, and receive even a brief moment of Your Majesty's grace, allowing me to express all that is on my mind, to pour out every thought I have accumulated. If this were possible, I would die without regret." Yet Heaven is high and distant in its hearing; my feelings cannot reach upward. I can only gaze at the blue sky with aching heart, look up to the lofty heavens, and sigh. Qu Ping said: "A state may have a steed like Ji but does not know how to ride it." How much more so to search anew! In the past, Guan and Cai were exiled or executed; Zhou Shao became a trusted assistant. Shuyu fell into punishment, while Shuxiang saved the state. The troubles of the Three Supervisors—this I am willing to bear. As for those who can assist as in "Nanyue" (the southern regions), they are not far away. Among the noble families and feudal kings, there must be someone ready to respond to this call. Therefore, it is said in the Classic: "Without the closeness of Duke of Zhou, one cannot perform the deeds of the Duke of Zhou." I pray Your Majesty will give this some thought.

6 傳:
近者漢氏,廣建藩王,豐則連城數十,約則饗食祖祭而已,未若姬周之樹國五等之品制也。若扶蘇之諫始皇,淳于越越下有之字難周青臣,可謂知時變矣。能使天下,傾耳注目者,當權者是矣。故謀能移主,威能慴下,豪右執政,不在親戚,權之所在,雖疏必重,勢之所去,雖親必輕,蓋取齊者田族,非呂宗也。分晉者趙魏,非姬姓也。唯陛下察之,苟吉專其位,凶離其患者,異姓之臣也。欲國之安,祈家之貴,存共其榮,没同其禍者,公族之臣也。今反公族疏,而異姓親,臣竊惑焉。今臣與陛下踐冰履炭,高下共之,豈得離陛下哉。不勝憤懣,拜表陳情,若有不合,乞且藏之書府,不便滅弃,臣死之後,事可思。
Recently, the Han dynasty widely established feudal kings. In times of abundance, they could control dozens of cities; in times of scarcity, their only privilege was to offer sacrifices and ancestral feasts. This is not comparable to the Ji Zhou system, which established five ranks for enfeoffed states. Fusu's remonstration to Emperor Qin Shi Huang, and Chunyu Yue the original text has a "zhi" after Yue's challenge against Zhou Qingchen can truly be said to understand the changes of their time. Those who are able to capture the attention and ears of all under heaven are those in power. Therefore, those who can devise strategies may sway the ruler; those with authority may intimidate subordinates. The powerful and wealthy families hold power, not necessarily relatives. Where power lies, even a distant person becomes influential; where influence departs, even close kin become light in importance. Indeed, it was the Tian clan that seized Qi, not the Lu family. Those who divided Jin were Zhao and Wei—not of the Ji surname. Your Majesty should take this into account: if one exclusively holds a position in times of good fortune and is removed from office during misfortune, such a person must be an outsider. Those who desire the state's peace and the family's honor, share in its glory when it exists, and suffer together with its misfortunes after death—these are ministers of noble lineage. Now, however, the royal clan is treated as distant while outsiders are considered close—I secretly find this perplexing. Now I and Your Majesty tread on ice and walk over coals, sharing both high and low fortunes—how could I possibly be separated from Your Majesty? Overwhelmed with indignation and sorrow, I bow in submission of this memorial to express my feelings. If anything is inappropriate, I humbly request that it be stored among the records rather than destroyed or discarded. After my death, these words may yet provoke reflection.

7 傳:
魏略曰:植以近前諸國士息已見發,其遺孤稚弱,在者無幾,而復被取。乃上書曰:臣聞古之聖君,與日月齊其明,四時等其信,恩不中絕,教無二可,以此臨朝,則臣下知所死矣。受任在萬里之外,審主之所以授官,必己之可以投命,雖有構會之徒,泊然不以為懼者,蓋君臣相信之明效也。臣初受封。策書曰:植受茲青社,為魏藩輔,而所得兵百五十人,皆年在耳順,或不逾矩,虎賁官騎及親事,凡二百餘人,皆使年壯,備有不虞,檢校乘城,顧不足以自救,况皆復耄耋罷曳乎。而名為魏東藩,使屏翰王室,臣竊自羞矣。就之諸國,國有士子,合不過五百人,伏以為三軍益損,不復賴此,方外定否,必當須辦者,臣願將部曲,倍道奔赴,夫妻負襁,子弟懷糧,蹈鋒履刃,以徇國難,何但習業小兒哉。愚誠以揮涕增河,鼷鼠飲海,於朝萬無損益,於臣家計,甚有廢損,又臣士息前後三送,兼人已竭,唯尚有小兒七八歲已上,十六七已還,三十餘人,今部曲皆年耆,臥在床席,非糜不食,眼不能視,氣息裁屬者,凡三十七人,疲瘵風靡,疣盲聾瞶者,二十三人,唯正須此小兒,大者可備宿衞,雖不足以禦寇,粗可以警小盗,小者未堪大使,為可使耘鋤穢草,驅護鳥雀,休候人,則一事廢,一日獵,則衆業散,不親自經營,則功不攝,常自躬親,不委下吏而已,陛下聖仁,恩詔三至,士子給國,長不復發,明詔之下,有若皦日,保金石之恩,必明神之信,定習業者,并復見送,晻若晝晦,悵然失圖,伏以為陛下既爵臣百僚之右,居藩國之任,為置卿士,屋名為宮,冢名為陵,不使其危居獨立,無異於凡庶,若陛下聽臣,悉還部曲,罷官屬,省監官,使解璽釋紱,追柏成子仲之業,營顏淵原憲之事,居子臧之廬,宅延陵之室,如此,雖進無成功,退有可守節,身死之日,猶松喬也。然伏度國朝,終未肯聽臣之若是,固當羈絆於世繩,維繫于禄位,懷屑屑之小憂,執無已之百念,安得蕩然肆志,逍遥於宇宙之外哉。此願未從,陛下必欲崇親親,篤骨肉,潤白骨,而榮枯木者,唯遂仁德以副前恩,有詔皆遂還之也。
The Wei Lue says: Zhi believed that among the sons and descendants of scholars from nearby feudal states, many had already been conscripted. The remaining orphans were young and weak, with few left, yet they were being taken again. He then submitted a memorial, saying: "Your servant has heard that the sage rulers of old matched Heaven and Earth in their brightness, equaled the four seasons in their reliability. Their grace did not suddenly cease; their teachings were consistent and unchanging. With such rule over court affairs, ministers would know where to lay down their lives." Even when entrusted with duties in distant lands, a minister knows that the ruler's reason for granting office is because he himself can be trusted to lay down his life. Even if there are scheming individuals, he remains calm and unafraid—this is clear proof of mutual trust between ruler and subject. I was first granted my fief. The decree stated: "Zhi has received this green altar, serving as a guardian of Wei's frontier. The soldiers he was given number 150, all of whom are in their sixties or beyond the age of seventy, some barely within the bounds of old age. As for the tiger 贲 (bì) guards, official cavalrymen, and personal attendants—over two hundred in total—they are all young and strong, prepared to deal with unforeseen events. Even so, inspecting city walls and guarding them is insufficient for self-defense; how much less can they protect against those who are old, infirm, or dragging themselves along?" Yet I am named the eastern vassal of Wei, supposed to serve as a shield and support for the royal house—I secretly feel ashamed. Among the various states, each has no more than 500 scholar-offspring. I humbly believe that gains or losses in military forces can no longer depend on these few. If a crisis arises beyond our borders and must be dealt with urgently, I am willing to lead my subordinates at full speed toward the danger. My wife and I will carry infants; sons and younger brothers will bring provisions. We shall tread upon sharp weapons and face blades to serve the state in its hour of need—how could this be left to mere young students? My sincere devotion is like tears adding to the river, or a mouse drinking from the sea—of no real benefit to the court. Yet for my family's sake, it causes great loss and hardship. Moreover, I have already sent away my scholar-offspring in three batches; both people and resources are exhausted. Only seven or eight children aged over seven years and those returning to sixteen or seventeen remain, totaling more than thirty individuals. Now, all of my subordinates are elderly, lying on their beds, eating only soft food, unable to see clearly, barely breathing—there are 37 such cases. Another 23 suffer from chronic illness, blindness, deafness, and other ailments. Only these children remain; the older ones can serve as guards, though they cannot repel enemies, at least they may deter petty thieves. The younger ones are not yet capable of great tasks but could still help clear weeds, drive away birds and sparrows, or assist in waiting on guests. If one task is neglected for a day, all duties fall apart; if I do not personally manage them, nothing will be accomplished. Thus, I must always attend to these matters myself rather than entrusting them to subordinates. Your Majesty's holy benevolence has been shown through three imperial decrees: scholar-offspring are granted to the state and will no longer be conscripted. This clear decree shines like a bright sun; your golden and stone-like grace is surely known by heaven and earth, and your trust in divine truth is certain. Yet now, even those who have already been allowed to study must still be sent away—this feels as if the day has turned into night, leaving me lost and without plan. Your servant humbly thinks that since Your Majesty has granted me a title higher than all officials, appointed me to govern a vassal state, provided me with ministers, named my house a palace, and called my tomb a mausoleum—ensuring I do not live in danger or isolation but instead enjoy the same dignity as commoners—then if Your Majesty were to listen to my plea, return all my subordinates, dismiss officials, reduce overseers, allow me to lay down my seals and sashes, follow the example of Bo Chengzi Zhong, pursue the path of Yan Yuan and Yuan Xian, live in Zi Zang's hut or at Yanning's residence—then even if I achieve no great success, I will still have a position to retreat to. When I die, I shall be like the cypress and qiao trees, enduring and noble. Yet I humbly estimate that the court will never ultimately agree to my request. Thus, I remain bound by worldly constraints and tethered to official rank. Burdened with petty worries and clinging to countless thoughts without end, how can I ever be free-spirited and unrestrained, roaming carelessly beyond the universe? If this wish is not granted, and if Your Majesty truly wishes to honor close relatives, strengthen family bonds, moisten the bones of the dead, and bring glory even to withered trees, then only by fulfilling benevolence and virtue can you repay past grace. Therefore, all decrees should be issued to return these people.

8 傳:
六年,封植為陳王,時法制待藩國,既自峻迫,寮屬皆賈竪下才,兵人給其殘老,大數不過二百人,十一年而三徙都,常汲汲無歡,遂發疾薨。孫盛曰:異哉。魏氏之封建也。不度先王之典,不思藩屏之術,違敦穆之風,背維城之義,漢初之封,或權侔人主,雖云不度,時勢然也。魏氏諸侯,陋同匹夫,雖懲七國,矯枉過也。且魏之代漢,非積德之由,風澤既微,六合未一,而彫翦枝幹,委權異族,勢同瘣木,危若巢幕,不嗣忽諸,非天喪也。五等之制,萬世不易之典。六代興亡,曹囧論之詳矣。
In the sixth year, Zhi was made King of Chen. At that time, the laws and regulations imposed on vassal states were already severe and oppressive; his officials were all mediocre men or lowly attendants. The soldiers assigned to him were old and infirm, numbering no more than two hundred in total. Over eleven years, he moved capitals three times, constantly anxious and unhappy, which eventually led to illness and his death. Sun Sheng said: How strange it is. The system of enfeoffment in the Wei dynasty. They did not consider the precedents of ancient kings, nor reflect on the strategies for protecting the realm. They violated the customs of kinship and abandoned the principle of building a protective wall around the capital. The enfeoffments at the beginning of the Han dynasty sometimes held power equal to that of the emperor himself; although this was excessive, it was dictated by circumstances of the time. The vassal lords of Wei were treated no better than commoners; although this was meant as a lesson from the Seven States, it went too far in correcting past mistakes. Moreover, Wei's succession to Han was not due to accumulated virtue. When its influence had already waned and the world remained divided, it cut down both branches and trunk of the royal family, entrusting power to outsiders. Its position resembled a withered tree or a nest on a curtain—dangerous and unstable. The sudden collapse of Wei was not a punishment from Heaven but a result of its own actions. The system of five ranks is an eternal and unchangeable institution for all generations to come. The rise and fall of the six dynasties has been thoroughly discussed by Cao Jiong.

9 傳:
中山恭王袞,每兄弟游娛,袞獨譚思經典,文學防輔,遂共表稱陳袞美,袞聞之大驚懼。責讓文學曰:修身自守,常人之行耳,而諸君乃以上聞,是適所以增其負累也。且如有善,何患不聞,而遽共如是,是非益我,其誡慎如此,袞尚約儉,教敕妃妾,紡績織絍,習為家人之事,袞病困。令世子曰:汝幼少,未聞義方,早為人君,伹知樂不知苦,必將以驕奢為失也。接大臣,務以禮,雖非大臣,老者猶宜答拜,事兄以敬,恤弟以慈,兄弟有不良之行,當造膝諫之,諫之不從,流涕喻之,喻之不改,乃白其母,若猶不改,當以奏聞,并辭國土,與其守寵罹禍,不若貧賤全身也。此亦謂大罪惡耳,其微過細愆,故當奄覆之,嗟乎小子,慎修乃身,奉聖朝以忠貞,事太妃以孝敬,閨闈之內,奉令於太妃,閫閾之外,受教於沛王,無怠乃心,以慰余靈,薨,詔使大鴻臚,持節典護喪事,贈賵甚厚。
Zhongshan Gongwang Gun. Whenever his brothers played and enjoyed themselves, Gun alone engaged in discussions of the classics and studied literature and history. His literary attendants and assistants then jointly submitted a memorial praising King Gun's virtues. Upon hearing this, Gun was greatly alarmed and fearful. He rebuked his literary attendants, saying: "To cultivate one's character and maintain self-discipline is merely the conduct of an ordinary person. Yet you have reported this to the throne—this only adds to my burdens." Moreover, if there is any virtue in me, why should I fear it not being known? Why then have you all acted so hastily and united to do this? This does not benefit me at all. He gave such warnings with great caution. Gun remained frugal and modest, instructing his consorts and concubines to spin thread, weave cloth, and learn the duties of a household. Gun fell ill and grew weak. He instructed his crown prince, saying: "You are still young and have not yet learned the principles of righteousness. Becoming a ruler at an early age, you know only pleasure but not hardship. You will surely fall into failure through arrogance and extravagance." When receiving ministers, always treat them with courtesy. Even if they are not high-ranking officials, you should still bow in return to the elderly. Treat your elder brothers with respect and show kindness to your younger ones. If any of your brothers behave improperly, you must advise them earnestly by sitting close and speaking face-to-face. If they do not listen, weep and try to persuade them further. If they remain unchanged after persuasion, then report their behavior to your mother. Should they still refuse to reform, you should report the matter to the throne and even resign from your fief—better to give up wealth and honor in order to preserve one's life than to cling to favor and invite disaster. This is what I call a great crime. As for minor faults and small transgressions, they should be concealed and forgiven. Alas, my son! Be cautious in cultivating your character; serve the holy court with loyalty and integrity, honor Grand Dowager Tai Fei with filial devotion. Within the household, obey her commands; beyond its gates, accept instruction from Prince Pei. Let not your heart grow idle so as to comfort my spirit after death. Upon his passing, an imperial edict was issued appointing a senior official of great rank to oversee funeral arrangements with full ceremonial honors and generous gifts for mourning.

10 傳:
評曰:魏氏王公,徒有國土之名,而無社稷之實,又禁防擁擁作壅隔,同於囹圄,位號靡定,大小歲易,骨肉之恩乖,棠棣之義廢,為法之弊,一至於此乎。魏氏春秋載宗室曹囧上書曰:臣聞古之王者,必建同姓,以明親親,必樹異姓,以明賢賢。故傳曰:庸勛親親,昵近尊賢。書曰:克明俊德,以親九族,詩云,懷德惟寧,宗子維城,由斯觀之,非賢無與興功,非親無與輔治也。夫親親之道,專用則其漸也微弱,賢賢之道,偏任則其獘也刧奪,先聖知其然也。故博兼親疏,而并用之,近則有宗盟藩衞之固,遠則有仁賢輔佐之助,興則有與共其治,衰則有與守其土,安則有與享其福,危則有與同其禍,夫然,故能有其國家,本枝百世也。今魏尊尊之法雖明,親親之道未備,詩不云乎。鶺鴒在原,兄弟急難,以斯言之,明兄弟相救於喪亂之際,同心於憂禍之間,雖有鬩墻之忿,不忘禦侮之事,何則憂患同也。今則不然,或任而不重,舊無或任而不重五字,補之或釋而不任,一旦疆場稱警,關門反拒,股肱不扶,胸心無衞,臣竊惟此,寢不安席。
Commentary: The kings and princes of Wei had only the name of fiefs, but no real power over state affairs. Moreover, they were confined and isolated like prisoners in a jail. Their titles changed frequently from year to year with no stability. Bonds between relatives grew distant; the principles of brotherly affection were abandoned. Could the flaws of this system have deteriorated to such an extent? The Wei Shi Chunqiu records that a member of the imperial clan, Cao Jiong, submitted a memorial saying: "Your servant has heard that ancient kings always established fiefs for their kinsmen to emphasize familial bonds, and also enfeoffed outsiders to honor virtue. Therefore, the Classic says: "Rewarding meritorious service and honoring relatives, drawing close to those nearby while respecting the virtuous." The Book says: "To illuminate noble virtue and thus bring harmony to the nine clans." The Odes say, "Only those with virtue can find peace; the sons of the clan are the city's defense." From this we see that without virtue there is no one capable of achieving great feats, and without close relatives, there is none who can assist in governance. The principle of honoring relatives, if used exclusively, gradually weakens; the principle of valuing virtue, if relied upon entirely, leads to sudden collapse and usurpation. The sage rulers understood this well. Therefore, they combined both close and distant relatives with virtuous men for use together. Nearby, there was the strength of clan alliances and vassal defenses; from afar came assistance through benevolence and wisdom. In times of prosperity, others shared in governance; during decline, others defended the land. In peace, others enjoyed its blessings; in crisis, they bore its burdens together. Only by doing so could one truly possess a state and ensure the continuation of family rule for generations to come. Now, although Wei's laws on respecting hierarchy are clear, its principles of honoring relatives remain incomplete. Is it not said in the Odes? "The sandpiper on the plain, brothers in time of distress." By this saying, it is clear that during times of disaster and chaos, brothers must come to each other's aid; they must stand united amid shared sorrow and calamity. Even if there was anger or quarrels between walls, one should never forget the duty to resist insult—why? Because their hardships are shared. Now, however, it is not so. Some are appointed but not trusted {{The original text lacked the five words "or entrusted without being valued." They have been added here, or released from office and never reappointed. When suddenly an alarm sounds on the frontier, gates close in refusal; no one supports the ruler's side, nor defends his core. Your servant secretly considers this matter and cannot rest even in sleep.

11 傳:
謹撰合所聞,叙論成敗。論曰:昔夏殷周,歷世數十,而秦二世而亡,何則三代之君,與天下共其民,故天下同其憂也。秦王獨制其民,故傾危莫救也。夫與人共其樂者,人必憂其憂,與人同其安者,人必拯其危,先王知獨治之不能久也。故與人共治之,知獨守之不能固也。故與人共守之,兼親疏而兩用,參同異而并建,是以輕重足以相鎮,親疏足以相衞,并兼路塞,逆節不生,及其衰也。桓文帥禮,王綱弛而復張,諸侯傲而復肅,二霸之後,浸以陵遲,吳楚憑江漢,負固方城,雖心希九鼎,而畏迫宗姬,奸情散於匈懷,逆謀消於唇吻,斯豈非信重親戚,任用賢能,枝葉碩茂,本根賴之與,自此之後,轉相攻伐,暨于戰國,諸姬微矣。至於王赧,降為庶人,猶枝葉相持,得居虛位,海內無主,四十餘年,秦據形勝之地,騁譎詐之術,至於始皇,乃定天位,曠日若彼,用力若此,豈非深固根蒂,不拔之道乎。秦觀周之獘,以為小弱見奪,於是廢五等之爵,立郡縣之官,子弟無尺寸之封,功臣無立錐之土,內無宗子以自毘輔,外無諸侯以為藩衞,仁心不加於親戚,惠澤不流於枝葉,譬猶芟刈股肱,獨任胸腹,浮舟江海,弃捐楫櫂,觀者為之寒心,而始皇晏然,自以為關中之固,金舊無捐楫至固金二十二字,補之城千里,子孫帝王,萬世之業也。豈不悖哉。至於身死之日,無所寄付,委天下之重於凡人之手,托廢立之命於奸臣之口,至令趙高之徒,誅鋤宗室,胡亥少習刻薄之教,長遭凶父之業,不能改制易法,寵任兄弟,而乃師譚申商,諮謀趙高,自幽深宮,委政讒賊,身殘望夷,求為黔首,豈可得哉。遂乃郡國離心,衆庶潰叛,勝廣倡之於前,劉項獘之於後,向使始皇納淳于之策,抑李斯之論,割裂州國,分王子弟,封三代之後,報功臣之勞,士有常君,人有定主,枝葉相扶,首尾為用,雖使子孫有失道之行,時人無湯武之賢,奸謀未發,而身已屠戮,何區區之陳項,而得措其手足哉。故漢祖奮三尺之劍,驅鳥集之衆,五年之中,而成帝業,自開闢已來,其興立功勛,未有若漢祖之易者也。夫伐深根者,難為功,摧枯杇者,易為力,理勢然也。漢監秦之失,封殖子弟,及諸呂擅權,圖危劉氏,而天下所以不傾動者,百姓所以不易心者,徒以諸侯强大,盤石膠固,東牟朱虛受命於內,齊代吳楚,作衞于外也。向使高祖踵亡秦之法,忽先王之制,則天下已傳,非劉氏有也。然高祖封建,地過古制,大者跨州兼郡,小者連城數十,上下無别,權侔京室,故有吳楚七國之患。賈誼曰:諸侯强盛,長亂起奸,莫若衆建諸侯,而少其力,則下無背叛之心,上無誅伐之事,文帝不從,至於孝景,猥用晁錯之計,削黜諸侯,親者怨恨,疏者震恐,吳越倡謀,五國從風,兆發高帝,舋鐘文景,由寬之過制,急之不漸故也。所謂末大必折,尾大難掉,尾同於體,猶或不從,况乎非體之尾,其可掉哉。武帝從主父之策,下推恩之令,自是之後,齊分為七,趙分為六,淮南三割,梁代五分,遂以陵遲,子孫微弱,衣食租税,不預政事,或以酎金免削,或以無後國除,至於成帝,王氏擅朝。劉向諫曰:臣聞公族者國之枝葉,枝葉落則本根無所庇蔭,其言深切,多所稱引,成帝雖悲傷嘆息,而不能用,至于哀平,異姓秉權,假周公之事,而為田常之亂,高拱而竊天位,一朝而臣四海,漢宗室王侯,解印釋綬,貢奉社稷,猶懼不得為臣妾,或乃為之符命,頌莽恩德,豈不哀哉。由斯言之,非宗子獨忠孝於惠文之間,而叛逆於哀平之際也。徒權輕勢弱,不能有定耳,賴光武皇帝挺不世之姿,禽王莽於已成,紹漢嗣於既絕,斯豈非宗子之力邪,而曾不監秦之失策,襲周之舊制,踵亡國之法,而徼幸無疆之期,至於桓靈,閹竪執衡,朝無死難之臣,外無同憂之國,君孤立於上,臣弄權於下,本末不能相御,身首不能相使,由是天下鼎沸,奸凶并争,宗廟焚為灰燼,宮室變為榛藪,居九州之地,而身無所安處,悲夫,漢氏奉天,禪位於大魏,大魏之興,于今二十四年矣。觀五代之存亡而不用其長策,睹前車之傾覆而不改其轍迹,子弟王空虛之地,君不使之民,宗室竄於閭閻,不聞邦國之政,權均匹夫,勢齊凡庶,內無深根不拔之固,外無盤石宗盟之助,非所以保安社稷,為萬世之策,且今之州牧郡守,古之方伯諸侯,皆跨有千里之土,兼軍武之任,或比國數人,或兄弟并據,而宗室子弟,曾無一人間廁其間,非所以强幹弱枝,備萬一之虞也。今之用賢,或超為名都之主,或為偏師之帥,而宗室有文者,必限小縣之宰,有武者,必置於百人之上,使夫廉高之士,畢志於衡軛之內,才能之人,耻與非類為伍,非所以勸進賢能,褒異宗室之禮,夫泉涸則流竭,根朽則葉枯,枝繁者蔭根,條落者本孤。故語曰:百足之蟲,至死不僵,扶之者衆也。此言雖小,可以譬大,且墉基不可倉卒而成,威名不可一朝而立,皆為之有漸,建之有素,譬之種樹,久則深固其根本,茂盛其枝葉,若造次徙於山林之中,植於宮闕之下,雖壅之以黑墳,暖之以春日,猶不救於枯槁,何暇蕃育哉。夫樹猶親戚,土猶士民,建置不久,則輕下慢上,平居猶懼其離叛,危急將如之何,是以聖王安而不逸,以慮危也。存而設備,以懼亡也。故疾風卒至,而無摧拔之憂,天下有變,而無傾危之患矣。
Carefully compiling what I have heard, I now discuss the causes of success and failure. Commentary: In the past, Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties lasted for dozens of generations, while Qin perished after only two. Why? Because the rulers of the three ancient dynasties shared their people with all under heaven; thus, all under heaven shared in their concerns. The King of Qin ruled his people alone, so when danger came, no one could save him. He who shares joy with the people will find them share in his sorrows; he who enjoys peace together with others will see them rescue him from peril. The ancient kings knew that ruling alone could not last long. Therefore, they shared governance with the people; knowing that guarding alone could never be secure. Therefore, they shared defense with the people. They combined close and distant relations for mutual use; they established both similar and different elements side by side. Thus, balance was sufficient to maintain stability, and closeness or distance could serve as protection. With this comprehensive system in place, paths of rebellion were blocked, and rebellious acts did not arise—until the dynasty declined. After the decline, Huan and Wen led by upholding propriety; when royal authority slackened, it was restored. When feudal lords grew arrogant, they were once again made respectful. After these two great rulers, things gradually declined. Wu and Chu relied on the Yangtze and Han rivers, fortified behind Fangcheng Pass. Though their ambitions reached for the Nine Tripods of imperial power, they still feared the authority of the Zhou royal family. Treacherous thoughts dissolved in their hearts; rebellious plots vanished from their lips—was this not because trust was placed in relatives and virtuous men were employed? Thus, branches flourished and roots remained strong. After this period, however, states began to turn on one another in war until the Warring States era, when the Zhou clan had become weak indeed. By the time of King Nan, he was reduced to a commoner. Yet even then, like branches supporting one another, he retained an empty throne for many years until there was no ruler in all the land—over forty years passed. Qin occupied strategically advantageous territory and employed deceitful tactics. By the time of Emperor Qin Shi Huang, he finally established imperial authority. The long period before his rise and the great effort it took—was this not due to deeply rooted foundations that could not be uprooted? Qin observed the decline of Zhou and believed that its weakness had led to its loss. Thus, he abolished the five ranks of enfeoffment and established county officials instead. His sons and brothers received no fiefs, not even a square inch; meritorious ministers were given no land on which to plant a cone. Internally, there were no close relatives to assist him; externally, no feudal lords to serve as defenses. Beneath his rule, kindness was not extended to family members, nor did grace flow to distant branches of the clan. This is like cutting off one's limbs and relying only on the torso, or abandoning oars while sailing across rivers and seas—onlookers would shudder at such recklessness. Yet Emperor Qin Shi Huang remained complacent, believing that the strong fortifications of Guanzhong, with its thousand-mile-long walls of gold {{The original text was missing 22 characters from "discard oar" to "gold city," which have been added here, ensured his descendants would rule as emperors for generations—this he considered an eternal legacy. Was this not absurd? When the time came for his death, he had no one to entrust with power. He placed the weight of the empire in the hands of ordinary men and entrusted the fate of succession to the mouths of treacherous ministers. This allowed villains like Zhao Gao to massacre members of the royal family. Hu Hai, raised from childhood on harsh teachings and later burdened by his father's cruel legacy, did not reform laws or promote brothers; instead, he followed the doctrines of Shang Yang and Shen Buhai, sought counsel from Zhao Gao, secluded himself in a deep palace, entrusted governance to sycophants and villains. In the end, he was maimed at Wangyi Palace, begging for the life of an ordinary commoner—was this even possible? Thus, the commanderies and states lost their loyalty; the common people rebelled. Chen Sheng and Wu Guang led uprisings in the front, while Liu Bang and Xiang Yu completed the downfall from behind. Had Emperor Qin Shi Huang accepted Chunyu Yue's strategy and rejected Li Si's arguments, dividing the empire into fiefs to enfeoff his sons and grandsons, rewarding descendants of the Three Sage Kings, and honoring meritorious ministers—had he ensured that officials had fixed lords and people had stable rulers, with branches supporting each other and head and tail working in unison—then even if his descendants committed wrongdoings or there were no virtuous figures like Tang or Wu to rise up, treacherous plots would not have time to form before the villains themselves were already destroyed. How could mere rebels like Chen Sheng and Xiang Yu have found an opportunity to act? Therefore, Emperor Gaozu of Han raised a three-foot sword and led an army like flocks of birds gathering. Within five years, he established imperial rule. Since the beginning of time, no ruler has achieved such great success with so little difficulty as Emperor Gaozu did. To cut down a deeply rooted tree is hard to accomplish; to break brittle branches is easy with little effort—this is the natural order of things. The Han dynasty learned from Qin's mistakes and enfeoffed its sons and brothers. When the Lu clan seized power and plotted to endanger the Liu family, it was precisely because of these vassal lords that the realm did not collapse and the people did not change their allegiance. The reason? Because the feudal states were strong and stable as unbreakable stone. Dongmu Zhuxu received orders from within the court; Qi, Dai, Wu, and Chu formed a defense on the outside. Had Emperor Gaozu followed Qin's failed system, neglecting the institutions of ancient kings, then the empire would have already passed into other hands and not remained with the Liu clan. Yet the enfeoffments of Emperor Gaozu exceeded ancient standards in territory. The larger fiefs spanned multiple states and commanderies; even smaller ones controlled dozens of cities. There was no distinction between high and low, and their power equaled that of the capital itself—thus arose the troubles of Wu, Chu, and the Seven States. Jia Yi said: "When feudal lords grow too powerful, disorder and treachery arise. The best solution is to create many more vassals but reduce their strength. Then there will be no rebellious thoughts below, nor need for punishment or war above." Emperor Wen did not follow this advice. By the time of Emperor Jing, he recklessly adopted Chao Cuo's plan and began stripping away fiefs from feudal lords. Close relatives resented him; distant ones were terrified. Wu and Yue plotted rebellion first, followed by five other states like the wind. The seeds of trouble had been sown during Gaozu's reign, matured in Wen and Jing—this was due to excessive leniency at first, then sudden severity without gradual adjustment. This is what is meant by "when the end becomes too large, it must break; when the tail grows too heavy, it cannot be moved." If a tail were as thick as the body itself, it might still resist control—how much more so if it is not even part of the same body? How can such a tail possibly be controlled? Emperor Wu followed the strategy of Zou Ji and issued an edict to distribute grace downward. From then on, Qi was divided into seven parts; Zhao into six; Huainan split three times; Liang replaced by five divisions. Thus began their gradual decline. The descendants became weak, living only off rents and taxes, no longer involved in politics. Some were stripped of fiefs for failing to offer tribute wine; others lost them due to having no heirs. By the time of Emperor Cheng, the Wang clan seized control of court affairs. Liu Xiang advised: "I have heard that the royal clan is like a tree's branches and leaves. When they fall, the roots are left exposed with no shelter." His words were profound and supported by many references. Though Emperor Cheng was moved to sorrow and sighed deeply, he did not act on them. By the time of Emperors Ai and Ping, outsiders held power, pretending to follow the example of Duke of Zhou while committing the treachery of Tian Chang. They sat idly in high office, secretly seizing imperial authority, and within a single day became subjects to all under heaven. Han royal princes and marquises removed their seals and sashes, offering tribute to the new regime, still fearing they would not even be allowed as servants or concubines. Some even fabricated prophecies praising Wang Mang's virtue—how tragic! From this we see, it was not that the royal descendants were uniquely loyal and filial during the reigns of Hui and Wen, yet turned to rebellion in the time of Ai and Ping. It was merely because their power and influence had become too weak to maintain stability. Fortunately, Emperor Guangwu, with his extraordinary talent, captured Wang Mang after he had already consolidated power and revived the Han dynasty when it seemed doomed. Was this not due in part to the efforts of the royal descendants? Yet they never learned from Qin's failed policies or followed Zhou's old system; instead, they repeated the laws that led to national collapse, hoping for an endless reign by chance. By the time of Huan and Ling emperors, eunuchs held power. There were no loyal ministers willing to die for justice in court, nor any allied states sharing their worries outside. The ruler was isolated above; ministers manipulated authority below. Root and branch could not protect each other; head and body could not command one another. Thus the realm boiled with unrest as villains and rebels vied for power. Temples were burned to ashes; palaces became thickets of weeds. Though they ruled over all nine provinces, there was no place where their lives felt secure—how sad! The Han dynasty, having received Heaven's mandate, passed it on to the great Wei. Now that Wei has risen, twenty-four years have already passed. Observing the rise and fall of five dynasties, yet failing to adopt their effective strategies; seeing the downfall of past rulers but not changing course—this is a grave mistake. Now, sons and brothers are made kings over empty lands where they cannot govern people or command loyalty from subjects. Members of the royal family hide among commoners, unaware of state affairs, holding no more power than ordinary men, standing on equal footing with the masses. Internally, there is no deep-rooted stability; externally, no solid alliances to support them. This is not a way to secure the nation or ensure lasting peace for future generations. Moreover, today's provincial governors and commandery administrators are like the ancient feudal lords of old, each controlling vast territories and military forces. Some rival states have multiple rulers; others see brothers holding power together. Yet among these positions, there is not even one member of the royal family—this cannot be a way to strengthen central authority while weakening local fiefs or prepare for unforeseen dangers. Now, when employing virtuous men, some are promoted to govern famous cities or lead minor military forces. Yet for members of the royal family with literary talent, they are restricted to small county magistrates; those skilled in martial arts are placed only over a hundred soldiers. Thus, upright and noble individuals must confine their ambitions within narrow limits, while talented men feel ashamed to associate with those unworthy of them. This is not how one encourages virtue or honors the royal clan through proper rites. When a spring dries up, its flow ceases; when roots rot, leaves wither. Thick branches provide shade for roots; fallen twigs leave the trunk alone and vulnerable. Therefore it is said: "A centipede, though dead, does not collapse—many support its body." Though this saying refers to a small creature, it can be used as an analogy for great matters. Moreover, the foundation of a wall cannot be built in haste; a reputation of strength is not established overnight. Both require gradual effort and long-term preparation. It is like planting trees: over time their roots grow deep and strong, and branches flourish. If one were to hastily transplant them into mountains or forests, or plant them beneath palace gates, even if they are covered with rich soil and warmed by spring sunshine, it would still not prevent them from withering—how then could they possibly thrive? A tree is like a relative; the soil is like its people. If enfeoffment or governance does not last long, then subordinates will be light-hearted and superiors neglected. Even in times of peace, one fears rebellion; what can be done when danger strikes? Therefore, sage rulers remain at ease but never idle, always prepared for crisis. They preserve and prepare in advance, fearing the day of loss. Thus, when a sudden storm arrives, there is no fear of being uprooted; if the world changes, there will be no danger of collapse.}}

12 傳:
王粲,字仲宣,山陽人也。拜侍中,始文帝為五官將,及平原侯植,皆好文學,粲與徐幹,陳琳,阮瑀,應瑒,舊無應瑒二字,補之劉禎,并見友善,琳字孔璋,避難冀州,袁紹使典文章。魏氏春秋。載紹使琳作檄文曰:司空曹操祖父騰,故中常侍,與左悺徐璜,并作妖孽,饕餮故横,傷化虐民,父嵩乞丐攜養,因贓假位,輿金輦璧,輸貨權門,竊盗鼎司,傾覆重器,操贅閹遺醜,本無令德,僄狡鋒俠,好亂樂禍,幕府昔遇董卓侵官暴國,方羅英雄,弃瑕録用,謂其鷹犬之才,爪牙可任,遂乘資跋扈,肆行酷裂,割剥元元,殘賢害善,放志專行,威劫省禁,卑侮王宮,敗法亂紀,坐召三臺,專制朝政,爵賞由心,刑罰由口,所愛光五宗,所惡滅三族,羣談者蒙顯誅,腹議者蒙隱戮,道路以目,百寮鉗口,梁孝王,先帝母弟,墳陵尊顯,操率將士,親臨發掘,破棺裸尸,略取金寶,又署發丘中郎將,模金校尉,所過墮突,無骸不露,身處三公之官,而行桀虜之態,殄國虐民,毒流人鬼,加其細政苛慘,科防互設,繒繳充蹊,坑阱塞路,歷觀古今書籍所載,貪殘虐烈,無道之臣,於操為甚。
Wang Can, courtesy name Zhongxuan, was a native of Shanyang. He was appointed as a Shizhong (attendant in the imperial court). When Emperor Wen was still the Wu Guan Jiang and Pingyuan Hou Cao Zhi, both were fond of literature. Wang Can became close friends with Xu Gan, Chen Lin, Ruan Yu, Ying Yang The original text lacked "Ying Yang." They have been added here, and Liu Zhen. Chen Lin, courtesy name Kongzhang, fled to Ji Zhou during a time of hardship; Yuan Shao appointed him as chief literary official. Wei Shi Chun Qiu. The Wei Shi Chun Qiu records that Yuan Shao had Chen Lin compose a manifesto, which stated: "Sikong Cao Cao's grandfather, Teng, was formerly Zhongchangshi (attendant of the palace), and together with Zuo Kuan and Xu Huang, they were demons who created chaos. They devoured wealth and acted tyrannically, harming customs and oppressing the people. His father, Song, was a beggar taken in for raising, yet he obtained office through bribery, carrying gold and jade to powerful doors, stealing official positions, overturning state institutions. Cao is a shameless descendant of eunuchs; by nature, he lacks virtue, cunning and violent, loving chaos and disaster. In the past, when the Office of the General-in-Chief encountered Dong Zhuo's infringement on government and violence against the nation, it gathered heroes, overlooked their faults, and employed them, believing they had the talent of hawks and dogs, capable as enforcers. Thus Cao took advantage to become arrogant and tyrannical, carrying out cruel policies, exploiting the people, harming the virtuous and injuring the good, indulging in his will, using force against imperial officials, belittling royal palaces, breaking laws and disrupting order. He summoned three Tai officials at will, monopolized court affairs; appointments and rewards were decided by him alone, punishments issued from his mouth. Those he loved received honors to five generations of their families; those he hated had entire clans exterminated. Those who openly criticized faced clear execution; those who whispered dissent met secret death. People on the roads dared only glance at each other in fear, while officials kept silent. Prince Liang Xiao Wang was the maternal younger brother of the late emperor and held a revered tomb. Cao led his troops to personally excavate it, broke open coffins, exposed corpses, and looted gold and treasures. He also appointed Faqiu Zhonglangjiang (General in Charge of Tombs) and Moujin Jiao Wei (Treasure-seeking Officer), who wherever they passed destroyed tombs and left no bones unexposed. Though holding the position of San Gong (Three Dukes), he acted like a tyrant, destroying the state and oppressing its people, spreading poison to both living and dead. Moreover, his petty policies were harsh and cruel; regulations and prohibitions overlapped, roads blocked by taxes, traps set along paths. Looking through all historical records, no corrupt and cruel minister has ever been as wicked as Cao."

13 傳:
袁氏敗,琳歸太祖。太祖謂曰:卿昔為本初移書,但可罪狀孤而已,惡惡止其身,何乃上及父祖邪,琳謝罪。文士傳稱琳謝曰:楚漢未分,蒯通進策於韓信,乾時之戰,管仲肆力於子糾,唯欲效計其主,取禍一時,故跖之客可使刺由,桀之犬可使吠堯也。令明公必能進賢於忿後,弃愚於愛前,四方革命,而英豪托心矣。唯明公裁之。太祖愛才而不咎也。太祖以琳為軍謀祭酒,管記室。
After Yuan Shu's defeat, Chen Lin returned to Tai Zu (Cao Cao). Tai Zu said to him, "In the past you wrote a letter for Yuan Benchu (Yuan Shao), but it only needed to accuse me. To hate evil is to stop at the person himself; why did you bring up his father and grandfather?" Chen Lin apologized for his offense. The Wen Shi Zhuan records that Chen Lin replied: "Before the division of Chu and Han, Kuaitong offered strategies to Han Xin. At the Battle of Qianshi, Guan Zhong exerted his strength for Duke Jiu. They only wished to serve their lords with plans, bringing disaster in a moment. Thus, the follower of Zhi could be sent to assassinate You, and the dog of Jie could be made to bark at Yao." "If Your Brightness is indeed able to promote the virtuous after anger and abandon the foolish before affection, then when revolutions arise in all directions, heroes will place their trust in you." Only You, my Lord, can decide. Tai Zu valued talent and did not hold it against him. Tai Zu appointed Chen Lin as Junmou Jiu (Head of Military Strategy) in charge of the Secretariat.

14 傳:
衞覬,字伯儒,河東人也。為尚書,明帝即位,百姓凋匱,而役務方殷。覬上疏曰:夫變情厲性,强所不能,人臣言之既不易,人主受之又艱難,且人之所樂者,富貴榮顯也。所惡者,貧賤死亡也。然此四者,君上之所制,君愛之則富貴顯榮,君惡之,則貧賤死亡,順指者,愛所由來也。逆意者,惡所從至也。故人臣皆争順指而避逆意,非破家為國,殺身成君者,誰能犯顏色,觸忌諱,建一言,開一說哉。陛下留意察之,則臣下之情可見矣。今議者多好悅耳,其言治,治上有政字,則比陛下於堯舜,其言征伐則比二虜於狸鼠,臣以為不然,漢文之時,諸侯强大,賈誼累息,以為至危,况今四海之內,分而為三,羣士陳力,各為其主,是與六國分治,無以為異也。當今千里無煙,遺民困苦,陛下不善留意,將遂凋獘,難可復振,禮,天子之器,必有金玉之飾,飲食之肴,必有八珍之味,至於凶荒,則徹膳降服,然則奢儉之節,必視世之豐約也。武帝之時,後宮食不過一肉,衣不用錦繡,茵蓐不緣飾,器物無丹漆,用能平定天下,遺福子孫,此皆陛下之所親覽也。當今之務,宜君臣上下,量入為出,深思句踐滋民之術,由恐不及,而尚方所造金銀之物,漸更增廣,侈靡日崇,帑藏日竭,昔漢武信神仙之道,謂當得雲表之露,以飡玉屑,故立仙掌,以承高露,陛下至通,至通作通明每所非笑,漢武有求於露,而由尚見非,陛下無求於露,而空設之,不益於好,而糜費功夫,誠皆聖慮所宜裁制也。
Wei Ji, courtesy name Beru, was a native of Hedong. He served as Shangshu (Minister). When Emperor Ming ascended the throne, the people were impoverished and resources scarce, yet corvée labor and official duties remained heavy. Ji submitted a memorial stating: "To change one's nature and strengthen what one cannot do is difficult. For ministers, it is already hard to speak out; for the sovereign, accepting such advice is even more challenging. Moreover, what people enjoy most is wealth, honor, and distinction." What they fear most is poverty, low status, and death. Yet these four things—wealth, honor, poverty, and death—are all determined by the sovereign. If the ruler favors someone, they gain wealth and distinction; if he dislikes them, they fall into poverty or even face death. Those who follow his will are loved precisely for that reason. Those who oppose him bring about the very hatred and consequences. Therefore, all ministers strive to follow the ruler's will and avoid opposing it. Unless one is willing to sacrifice family for the state or give up life for the sovereign, who would dare to confront authority, challenge taboos, offer a single word of advice, or propose even one argument? If Your Majesty pays close attention and examines this carefully, the true feelings of your ministers will become clear. Now, many advisors enjoy saying what pleases the ear. When they speak of governance, they add a word for "government" and compare Your Majesty to Yao and Shun; when they mention military campaigns, they liken our enemies to weasels or rats. I believe this is not accurate. In Emperor Wen's time, feudal lords were powerful, and Jia Yi was deeply anxious, considering the situation extremely dangerous. How much more so now, with all under heaven divided into three states, where scholars offer their strength for their respective rulers—this is no different from the division among the Six States. Now, for a thousand li there is no smoke from cooking fires; the remaining people suffer greatly. If Your Majesty does not pay careful attention, this will continue to decline and become difficult to recover. According to rites, the emperor's utensils must be adorned with gold and jade, his food must include delicacies of eight treasures. But in times of disaster or famine, he should reduce meals and wear simpler clothes. Thus, whether one is extravagant or frugal depends on the prosperity or hardship of the age. In the time of Emperor Wu, his concubines ate no more than one dish of meat, wore no brocade or embroidery; their bedding was unadorned, and utensils were not painted with cinnabar. It was precisely this frugality that enabled him to pacify the world and leave blessings for future generations—this is something Your Majesty has personally witnessed. The urgent matter now is for the sovereign and ministers, at all levels, to measure expenditures according to income. They should deeply consider strategies like those of Goujian (the ancient king who rebuilt his state after defeat) to nurture the people—fearing they may not be sufficient. Yet the Shangfang Office continues to produce more gold and silver items, increasing luxury day by day, while the treasury grows increasingly exhausted. In former times, Emperor Wu of Han believed in the Dao of immortals, thinking that drinking dew from above the clouds and eating jade dust would grant longevity; thus he erected a bronze figure with upraised hands (the "Xianzhang") to collect high-altitude dew. Your Majesty is most enlightened The original says "Zhitong," which has been corrected to "Tongming", often criticizing such practices. Emperor Wu sought the dew and was still criticized; now, since Your Majesty seeks nothing from it, yet you still have it made in vain—this brings no benefit but only wastes effort. These matters are indeed within the wise judgment of Your Majesty for regulation.

15 傳:
劉廙,字恭嗣,南陽人也。為五官將文學,魏諷反,廙弟偉為諷所引,當相坐誅。太祖令曰:叔向不坐弟虎,古之制也。特原不問。廙别傳載廙表論治道。曰:昔周有亂臣十人,有婦人焉。孔子稱才難不其然乎。明賢者難得也。况亂獘之後,百姓彫盡,士之存者,蓋亦無幾,其股肱大職,及至州郡督司,邊方重任,雖備其官,亦未得其人也。此非選者之不用意,蓋才匱使之然耳,况長吏已下,羣職小任,能皆簡練備得其人乎。其計莫如督之以法也。不爾而數轉易,往來不已,送迎之煩,不可勝計,轉易之間,輒有奸巧,既於事不省,而為政者亦以其不得久安之故,知惠益不得成於已,而苟且之可免於患,皆將不念盡心於卹民,而夢想於聲譽,此非所以為政之本意也。今之所以為黜陟者,近頗以州郡之毁譽,聽往來之浮言耳,非皆得其事實,而課其能否也。長吏之所以為佳者,奉法也。憂公也。卹民也。此三事者,或州郡有所不便,往來者有所不安,而長吏執之不已,於治雖得計,其聲譽未為美,屈而從人,於治雖失計,其聲譽必集也。長吏皆知黜陟之在於此也。亦何能不去本而就末哉。以為長吏皆宜使少久,足使自展歲課之能,三年總計,乃加黜陟,課之皆當以事,不得依名也。事者皆以其户口,率其墾田之多少,及盗賊發興,民之亡叛者,為得負之計,如此行之,則無能之吏修名無益,有能之人無名無損,法之一行,雖無部司之監,奸譽妄毁,可得而盡也。事上,太祖甚善之。
Liu Yi, courtesy name Gongsi, was a native of Nanyang. He served as a literary official under the Wu Guan Jiang (Minister of Five Officials). When Wei Feng rebelled, Liu Yi's younger brother, Liu Wei, was implicated by Feng and faced capital punishment for complicity. Tai Zu issued an order: "Shu Xiang (an ancient official) was not punished because of his brother Hu—this is the practice of old." He was especially pardoned and not questioned. The Biographical Records of Liu Yi record a memorial submitted by Liu Yi on the principles of governance. It said: "In ancient times, King Zhou had ten corrupt ministers, among whom were women." Confucius said that talent is rare—was he not right? This shows how difficult it is to find a truly virtuous person. After a time of chaos and decline, the people have been greatly reduced; among scholars who remain, there are few indeed. Even for key positions such as those in the central government or local commanderies and states, or for important posts on the frontier, though these offices may be filled, they still lack suitable men. This is not because selectors are careless, but rather due to the scarcity of talent. How then can we expect that even for lower-level officials and minor posts, all appointments will be made with care and precision? The best course is to enforce discipline through law. If not, and if officials are frequently replaced without end, the burden of sending off and receiving new appointments becomes immeasurable. During these transitions, deceit and trickery often arise. Since affairs remain unaddressed, those in power also know that they cannot achieve lasting stability or benefits through their own efforts; thus, they merely seek to avoid trouble by being perfunctory. As a result, officials will no longer strive wholeheartedly for the people's welfare but instead dream only of reputation and acclaim—this is not the true purpose of governance. Now, those who are promoted or demoted are often judged based on the praise or criticism from state and commandery officials, as well as hearsay passed along by travelers. This is not always grounded in factual evidence nor does it truly assess their competence or ability. The reason a local official is considered excellent lies in his adherence to the law. In his concern for public affairs. In his care for the people. These three matters—adherence to law, concern for the public good, and care for the people—if a local official insists on them despite inconvenience from state or commandery authorities or discomfort among those who travel between posts, then although his governance may be effective, his reputation will not necessarily be praised. If he yields and follows others' wishes, even though it may harm governance, his reputation is sure to accumulate praise. All local officials know that promotion or demotion depends on this. How then could they not abandon the essential for the trivial? Therefore, it is believed that local officials should be allowed to serve for a sufficient length of time so they may demonstrate their abilities through annual assessments. After three years, an overall evaluation should take place before promotion or demotion is decided. Assessments must be based on actual deeds and not merely on names or reputations. These assessments should be based on their population, the amount of cultivated land they have brought under cultivation, and the incidence of banditry or rebellion among the people. This will determine whether a local official has fulfilled his duties or failed them. If this method is implemented, then officials without ability who seek only reputation will find it useless; those with real capability will not suffer from lack of fame. With such laws in place, even without direct supervision by higher authorities, false praise and groundless criticism can be completely eliminated. When this was presented to Tai Zu, he greatly approved of it.

16 傳:
陳羣,字長文,潁川人也。為司空録尚書事,青龍中,營治宮室,百姓失農時。羣上疏曰:禹承唐虞之盛,猶卑宮室而惡衣服,况今喪亂之後,人民至少,吳蜀未滅,社稷不安,今舍此急,而先宮室,臣懼百姓遂困,將何以應敵,此安危之機也。唯陛下慮之。帝答曰:王者宮室,亦宜并立,滅賊之後,但當罷守耳,豈可復興役耶,是故君之職,蕭何之大略也。羣又曰:昔漢祖唯與項羽争天下,羽已滅,宮室燒焚,是以蕭何起武庫太倉,皆是要急,然猶非其壯麗,今二虜未平,誠不宜與古同也。夫人之所欲,莫不有辭,况乃天下莫之敢違,前欲壞武庫,謂不可不壞也。後欲置之,謂不可不置也。若必作之,固非臣下辭言所屈,若少留神,卓然回意,亦非臣下之所及也。漢明帝欲起德陽殿,鍾離意諫,即用其言,後乃復作之,殿成。謂羣臣曰:鍾離尚書在,不得成此殿也。夫王者豈憚一臣,蓋為百姓也。今臣曾不能少凝聖聽,不及意遠矣。帝於是有所减省。
Chen Qun, courtesy name Changwen, was a native of Yingchuan. He served as Sikong (Minister of Works) and recorded affairs for the Shangshu Department. During Qinglong, when palace buildings were being constructed, the people lost their farming season. Chen Qun submitted a memorial saying: "Yu, inheriting the prosperity of Tang and Yu, still built lowly palaces and wore plain clothes. How much more so in our time, after years of war and chaos, when the population is greatly reduced and Wu and Shu have not yet been subdued, leaving the state unstable? Now we abandon these urgent matters to build palaces first. I fear that the people will become increasingly burdened—how can they then face enemies? This is a matter of life or death for our nation." I beg Your Majesty to consider this carefully. The emperor replied: "A ruler's palace must also be established. After the rebels are crushed, we will merely cease its defense—how could we possibly stop construction? This is precisely what a wise ruler should do; it was the grand strategy of Xiao He." Chen Qun further said: "In the past, Emperor Gaozu of Han was only contending with Xiang Yu for the empire. After Yu's defeat and his palaces burned to ashes, Xiao He built the Wu Ku (military storehouse) and Tai Cang (great granary), which were urgent necessities—but even then they were not extravagant or luxurious. Now, since our two enemies remain undefeated, we truly should not follow ancient examples in this matter." Human desires always come with justifications; how much more so when the whole world dares not oppose it. Previously, there was a desire to destroy the Wu Ku, and it was said that one could not help but do so. Later, when wishing to build something new, it was also claimed that one could not avoid doing so. If the emperor insists on proceeding, no words from his ministers can dissuade him. But if he pays a little attention and clearly changes his mind, that is not something subjects can achieve themselves. Emperor Ming of Han once wished to build the Deyang Hall, and Zhongli Yi advised against it. The emperor heeded his advice at first but later resumed construction anyway; eventually, the hall was completed. He said to his ministers: "If Zhongli Shangshu were still alive, I could not have built this hall." A ruler is certainly not afraid of one minister; it is for the sake of the people. Now, I am unable even to slightly capture Your Majesty's attention—how much less do I compare with Zhongli Yi! The emperor thus reduced and curtailed the project.

17 傳:
陳矯,字季弼,廣陵人也。遷尚書令,明帝嘗卒至尚書門。矯跪問帝曰:陛下欲何之。曰:欲案行文書耳。矯曰:此自臣職分,非陛下所宜臨也。若臣不稱其職,則請就黜退,陛下宜還,帝慚,回車而反,其亮直如此。
Chen Jiao, courtesy name Jibi, was a native of Guangling. He was later promoted to Shangshu Ling (Minister in Charge of the Secretariat). Emperor Ming once suddenly arrived at the entrance of the Shangshu Office. Jiao knelt and asked His Majesty: "Where is Your Majesty going?" The emperor said, "I only wish to inspect the documents." Jiao replied: "This is my duty and responsibility; it is not something Your Majesty should personally attend to." "If I am unworthy of my post, then please dismiss me. Your Majesty should return." The emperor felt ashamed and turned his carriage back. Such was Jiao's integrity and forthrightness.

18 傳:
盧毓,字子家,涿郡人也。青龍中,入為侍中,侍中高堂隆數以宮室事切諫,帝不悅。毓進曰:臣聞君明則臣直,古之聖王,恐不聞其過,故有敢諫之鼓,近臣盡規,此乃臣等所以不及隆,隆諸生,名為狂直,陛下宜容之,為吏部尚書,前此,諸葛誕等馳名譽,有四窗八達之誚,帝深疾之,時舉中書郎。詔曰:得其人與否,在盧生耳,選舉莫取有名,名如畫地作餅,不可啖。毓對曰:名不足以致異人,而可以得常士,常士畏教慕善,然後有名,非所當疾也。愚臣既不足以識異人,又主者正以循名案常為職,但當有以驗其後,故古者敷奏以言,明試以功,帝納其言。
Lu Yu, courtesy name Zijia, was a native of Zhuo Jun (Zhuo Commandery). During the Qinglong period, he was appointed as Shizhong (Attendant in the Imperial Court). The Shizhong Gaotang Long repeatedly gave urgent advice about palace construction matters, which made the emperor unhappy. Yu stepped forward and said: "I have heard that when a ruler is wise, his ministers are upright. Ancient sage kings feared they would not hear of their faults; thus they had drums for those who dared to advise. It is precisely because we, your subjects, do not measure up to Long's integrity that he speaks out so boldly. Long, though merely a scholar, has earned the reputation of being 'wildly upright.' Your Majesty should tolerate him." At this time, Yu was appointed as Shangshu Bu (Minister of Personnel). Previously, Zhuge Dan and others had gained fame for their reputations but were criticized for having "four windows and eight doors" (a metaphor implying superficiality or insincerity), which the emperor deeply resented. Now he was recommending a candidate for Zhongshu Lang (Clerk in the Secretariat). The emperor issued an edict: "Whether or not we get the right person depends entirely on Lu Sheng. In selecting officials, do not pursue those with reputations; a reputation is like drawing a pancake on the ground—it cannot be eaten." Yu replied: "A reputation is not sufficient to attract extraordinary people, but it can help us find ordinary capable men. These ordinary men fear discipline and admire virtue; only then do they earn a name. They are not worth resenting." "As a foolish minister, I am already insufficient to recognize extraordinary people. Moreover, those in charge are only expected to follow names and standards as their duty. We should simply find ways to test them later. In ancient times, officials were recommended based on their words, then tested by their achievements." The emperor accepted his advice.

19 傳:
和洽,字陽士,汝南人也。為丞相掾屬,時毛玠,崔琰,并以忠清幹事,其選用,先尚儉節。洽言曰:天下大器,在位與人,不可以一節儉也。儉素過中,自以處身則可,以此格物,所失或多,今朝廷之議,吏著新衣,乘好車者,謂之不清,形容不飾,衣裘獘壞者,謂之廉潔,至令士大夫,故污辱其衣,藏其輿服,朝府大吏,或自挈壺餐,以入官寺,夫立教觀俗,貴處中庸,為可繼也。今崇一槪難堪之行,以檢殊塗,勉而為之,必有疲瘁,古之大教,務在通人情,而凡激詭之行,則容隱僞矣。孫盛曰:夫矯枉過正,則巧僞滋生,以克訓下,則民志險隘,非聖王所以陶化萬物,閑邪存誠之道,和洽之言於是允矣。魏國既建,舊無魏國既建四字,補之為侍中,後有白毛玠謗毁太祖,太祖見近臣怒甚,洽陳玠素行有本,求案實其事,罷朝。太祖令曰:今言事者白玠,不但謗吾也。乃復為崔琰觖望,此損君臣恩義,妄為死友怨嘆,殆不可忍也。和侍中比求實之,所以不聽,欲重參之耳。洽對曰:如言玠罪過深重,非天地所覆載,臣非敢曲理玠以枉大倫也。以玠出羣吏之中,特見拔擢,顯在首職,歷年荷寵,剛直忠公,為衆所憚,不宜有此,然人情難保,要宜考覈,兩驗其實,今聖恩垂含垢之仁,不忍致之於理,更使曲直之分不明,疑自近始。太祖曰:所以不考,欲兩全玠及言事者耳。洽對曰:玠信有謗上之言,當肆之市朝,若玠無此,言事者,加誣大臣,以誤主聽,二者不加檢覈,臣竊不安。太祖曰:方有軍事,安可受人言便考之耶,轉為太常,清貧守約,至賣田宅以自給,明帝聞之,加賜穀帛。
He Qia, courtesy name Yangshi, was a native of Runan. He served as an official in the Chancellor's Office. At that time, Mao Jie and Cui Yan were both known for their loyalty, integrity, and competence; they selected officials by first valuing frugality and virtue. Qia said: "The great affairs of the world involve appointments to office and the use of people; they cannot be based solely on one virtue, such as frugality." "If frugality is taken to an extreme, it may be suitable for one's own conduct, but using this as a standard for judging others will lead to many mistakes. Now in court discussions, officials who wear new clothes or ride fine carriages are called corrupt; those whose appearance is unkempt and their clothing worn are considered upright. This has even led some scholars and officials to deliberately soil their garments and hide their carriages and ceremonial robes. Even high-ranking ministers bring their own food in flasks when entering the government office. Establishing moral standards and observing customs should emphasize moderation, for only then can such practices be sustained." Now, by promoting an extreme standard of behavior that is difficult to endure as a way to regulate diverse paths and encourage people to follow it, they will inevitably become exhausted. In ancient times, the great moral teachings focused on understanding human nature; thus, any excessive or bizarre conduct would only lead to concealment and falsehood. Sun Sheng said: "If one corrects a crookedness by going too far in the opposite direction, then cunning and deceit will flourish. If strict discipline is used to govern subordinates, people's hearts become narrow and dangerous. This is not the way sage kings cultivate virtue among all things or guard against evil while preserving sincerity. Therefore, He Qia's words were indeed correct." After the state of Wei was established, The original text lacked these four characters. They have been added here he served as Shizhong (Imperial Attendant). Later, someone reported that Mao Jie had slandered Tai Zu. When Tai Zu saw this accusation and became very angry with his close ministers, Qia explained that Jie's conduct had always been upright and grounded in principle, requesting an investigation to verify the facts. The court session was then adjourned. Tai Zu issued a command: "Now those who speak of Jie are not only slandering me." They have also caused Cui Yan to feel resentment and disappointment. This harms the bond of ruler and minister, falsely creating grievances for a loyal friend—this is almost unbearable. "Shizhong He has already investigated the matter to seek the truth, which is why I did not listen—this was done in order to conduct a more thorough review." Qia replied: "If Mao Jie's crimes are indeed grave and beyond the heavens' or earth's tolerance, I dare not unjustly defend him at the expense of great moral principles." "Jie was selected from among the common officials and specially promoted to a prominent position. For many years, he has enjoyed favor for his firmness, uprightness, and loyalty—qualities that have made him feared by others. It is unlikely he would commit such an act. Yet human nature can be unpredictable; it is essential to investigate thoroughly and verify the facts from two sources. Now Your Majesty's grace shows tolerance and mercy, unwilling to subject Jie to legal judgment. However, this may prevent us from distinguishing right from wrong, and doubt will begin with those closest to you." Tai Zu said: "The reason I did not investigate is that I wished to protect both Jie and the one who made the accusation." Qia replied: "If Jie indeed spoke ill of the ruler, he should be executed in public. If Jie is innocent and the accuser falsely accused a minister to mislead Your Majesty's judgment, then without investigation into both cases, I cannot help but feel uneasy." Tai Zu said: "With military affairs at hand, how can we investigate every accusation? That would be impractical." He was later transferred to Tai Chang (Ministry of Rites). Despite his position, he remained poor and lived simply, even selling land and houses to support himself. Emperor Ming heard about this and bestowed additional grain and silk as a gift.

20 傳:
杜襲,字子緒,潁川人也。為侍中,將軍許攸擁部曲,不附太祖,而有慢言,太祖大怒,先欲討之,羣臣多諫,可招懷攸,共討强敵,太祖横刀於膝,作色不聽,襲入欲諫。太祖逆謂之曰:吾計已定,卿勿復言之。襲曰:若殿下計是耶,臣方助殿下成之,若殿下之計非耶,雖成宜改之,殿下逆臣,令勿言,何待下之不闡乎。太祖曰:許攸慢吾,如何可置乎。襲曰:殿下謂許攸何如人耶。太祖曰:凡人也。襲曰:夫唯賢知賢,唯聖知聖,凡人安能知非凡人邪,方今豺狼當路,而狐狸是先,人將謂殿下避强攻弱,進不為勇,退不為仁,臣聞千石之弩,不為鼷鼠發機,萬鈞之鐘,不以莛撞起音,今區區之許攸,何足以勞神武哉。太祖曰:善,遂厚撫攸,攸即歸服。
Du Xi, courtesy name Zixu, was a native of Yingchun. He served as Shizhong. General Xu You controlled his private army and refused to submit to Tai Zu, making disrespectful remarks. Tai Zu became furious and first wanted to attack him. Many ministers advised that they should instead try to win over Xu You together against the stronger enemy. Tai Zu placed a sword across his knee, showing anger and refusing to listen. Du Xi entered to offer advice. Tai Zu turned to him and said: "My plan is already decided; you need not speak further." Xi said: "If Your Highness's plan is correct, I will help you complete it. If your plan is wrong, even if partially successful, it should be changed. Now that you refuse to hear my words and order me not to speak, how can this be the way a ruler treats his subordinates?" Tai Zu said: "Xu You has been disrespectful toward me. How could I possibly let it go?" Xi asked: "Your Highness, what kind of man do you think Xu You is?" Tai Zu replied: "He is an ordinary man." Xi said: "Only the wise can recognize wisdom, and only the sage can know a sage. How could an ordinary man possibly understand someone extraordinary? At this moment, when wolves block the road, yet we first attack foxes; people will say Your Highness avoids strength to strike weakness—advancing is not bravery, retreating is not benevolence. I have heard that a bow capable of shooting arrows weighing one thousand dan does not waste its trigger on a tiny mouse, and a bell weighing ten thousand dan would not produce sound from the light touch of a reed. Now this insignificant Xu You, how could he possibly be worth Your Highness's attention?" Tai Zu said: "Well spoken." He then treated Xu You kindly. Xu You immediately submitted and became loyal.

21 傳:
高柔,字文慧,陳留人,拜丞相理曹掾,時置校事盧洪,趙達等,使察羣下。柔諫曰:設官分職,各有所司,今置校事,既非居上信下之旨,又達等,數以憎愛擅作威福,宜檢治之。太祖曰:卿知達等,恐不如吾也。要能刺舉,而辨衆事,使賢人君子為之,則不能也。昔叔孫通用羣盗,良有以也。達等後奸利發,太祖殺之,以謝於柔,文帝踐祚,轉治書執法,時民間數有誹謗妖言,帝疾之,有妖言,輒殺而賞告者。柔上疏曰:今妖言者必戮,告之者輒賞,即使過誤無反善之路,又將開凶狡之羣,相誣罔之漸,誠非所以息奸省訟,緝熙治道也。昔周公作誥,稱殷之祖宗,咸不顧小人之怨,在漢太宗,亦除妖言誹謗之令,臣愚以為宜除妖謗賞告之法,以隆天父養物之仁,帝不即從,而相誣告者滋甚,帝乃下詔,敢以誹謗相告,以所告罪罪之,於是遂絕,遷為廷尉,明帝即位,舊無明帝即位四字,補之時獵法甚峻,而典農劉龜,竊於禁內射兔,其功曹張京,詣校事言之,帝匿京名,收龜付獄,柔表請告者名。大怒曰:劉龜當死,乃敢獵吾禁地,送龜廷尉,廷尉便當考掠,何復請告者主名,吾豈妄收龜邪。柔曰:廷尉,天下之平也。安得以至尊喜怒而毁法乎。重複為奏,辭指深切,帝意寤,乃下京名,即還訊,各當其罪。
Gao Rou, courtesy name Wenhui, was a native of Chenliu. He was appointed as Li Cao Yuan (a clerk in the Chancellor's office). At that time, officials such as Lu Hong and Zhao Da were placed in charge of monitoring subordinates. Rou advised: "Officials are appointed with defined duties, each responsible for their own affairs. Now the establishment of these investigators is not in accordance with the principle of trust and order from above to below. Moreover, people like Zhao Da have repeatedly used personal likes and dislikes to arbitrarily exercise power and favor. They should be investigated and punished." Tai Zu said: "You do not know people like Zhao Da as well as I do." It is essential to have the ability to investigate and report, and to distinguish among various matters. If such tasks were left to virtuous men and gentlemen, they would not be able to do so effectively. In the past, Shusun Tong employed a group of bandits; there was good reason for that. Later, when Zhao Da and others were found guilty of corruption and malfeasance, Tai Zu executed them as a way to apologize to Gao Rou. When Emperor Wen took the throne, he transferred Gao Rou to serve as Zhi Shu Zhifa (an official responsible for legal affairs). At that time, there were frequent cases of slander and superstitious rumors among the people. The emperor was very concerned about this, and whenever such rumors appeared, those who spread them were executed while informants received rewards. Rou submitted a memorial stating: "Now, those who spread superstitious rumors are certainly executed, while informants always receive rewards. This policy not only leaves no way for people to correct their mistakes or do good deeds, but it also encourages groups of wicked and cunning individuals to falsely accuse each other gradually. This is truly not the right approach to suppress evil, reduce lawsuits, and promote sound governance." "In the past, when Duke of Zhou composed the Gao (a type of classical text), he praised the ancestors of Yin and emphasized that they did not concern themselves with resentment from common people. During Emperor Tai Zu's reign in Han dynasty, the decree against superstitious rumors and slander was also abolished. In my humble opinion, we should abolish the law rewarding informants for reporting superstitious or defamatory speech to demonstrate Heaven's benevolence toward nurturing all things." The emperor did not immediately follow this advice, but as a result, false accusations increased significantly. Eventually, the emperor issued an edict: "Anyone who dares to report others on grounds of defamation shall be punished with the same crime they accused their target of committing." As a result, such reports ceased entirely. Gao Rou was then transferred to serve as Tingwei (Minister of Justice). After Emperor Ming ascended the throne, the four characters 'Mingdi Jiwu' were missing in the original text and have been added here at that time, hunting regulations were very strict. Dian Nong Liu Gui secretly hunted rabbits within a prohibited area. His Gong Cao officer Zhang Jing reported this to the imperial investigators. The emperor concealed Zhang Jing's name and arrested Liu Gui for trial. Gao Rou submitted a report requesting the name of the accuser be revealed. The emperor became very angry and said: "Liu Gui deserves to die for daring to hunt in my prohibited area. Send Liu Gui to the Tingwei, who should immediately interrogate him. Why do you request the name of the accuser? Do I arbitrarily arrest Liu Gui?" Rou said: "The Tingwei is the impartial arbiter for all under heaven." "How can one destroy the law based on the ruler's personal emotions of joy or anger?" Rou resubmitted his petition, and with strong and sincere arguments, the emperor was moved. He then ordered Zhang Jing's name to be revealed, returned Liu Gui for further investigation, and each party received a sentence appropriate to their crime.

22 傳:
辛毘,字佐治,潁川人也。文帝踐祚,遷侍中,帝欲徙冀州士家十萬户實河南,時連蝗民饑,羣司以為不可,而帝意甚盛,毘與朝臣俱求見,帝知其欲諫,作色以見,皆莫敢言。毘曰:陛下欲徙士家,其計安出。帝曰:卿謂我徙之非邪。毘曰:誠以為非。帝曰:吾不與卿共議。毘曰:陛下不以臣不肖,置之左右,廁之謀議之官,安得不與臣議也。臣所云非私也。乃社稷之慮,安得怒臣,帝不答,起入內。
Xin Pi, courtesy name Zuozhi, was a native of Yingchuan. When Emperor Wen ascended the throne, Xin Pi was promoted to Shizhong (Attendant-in-Ordinary). The emperor wanted to relocate 100,000 households of military families from Ji Zhou to Henan. At that time, locusts were causing widespread famine among the people, and various government officials believed this plan was infeasible. However, the emperor remained determined. Xin Pi and other court ministers requested an audience together. Knowing their intention to advise against it, the emperor received them with a stern expression, and none of them dared to speak. Pi said: "Your Majesty wishes to relocate these military families—what is the basis for this plan?" The emperor asked: "Do you think it wrong of me to move them?" Pi replied: "I truly believe it is not right." The emperor said: "I will not discuss this with you." Pi replied: "Your Majesty has not considered me unworthy and placed me at your side, assigning me to a position of counsel. How can you possibly exclude me from this discussion?" "I speak not out of personal interest." "It is for the sake of the state. How can Your Majesty be angry with me?" The emperor did not reply and rose to go inside.

23 傳:
毘隨而引其裾,帝遂奮衣不還,良久乃出。曰:佐治,卿持我何太急邪。毘曰:今徙既失人心,又無以食也。帝遂徙其半,嘗從帝射雉。帝曰:射雉樂哉。毘曰:於陛下甚樂,於羣下甚苦,帝默然,後遂為之希出,明帝即位,時中書監劉放,令孫資見信於主,制斷時政,大臣莫不交好,而毘不與往來。毘子敞諫曰:今劉,孫用事,衆皆影附,大人宜小降意,和光同塵,不然,必有謗言。毘正色曰:主上雖未稱聰明,不為暗劣,吾之立身,自有本末,就劉,孫不平,不過令吾不作三公而已,何危害之有,焉有大丈夫欲為公,而毁其高節者耶,宂從僕射畢軌表言,尚書僕射王思,精勤舊吏,忠亮計略,不如辛毘,毘宜代思,帝以訪放資。放資對曰:陛下用思者,誠欲取其效力,不貴虛名也。毘實亮直,然性剛而專,聖慮所當深察也。遂不用,出為衞尉。
Pi followed him, holding onto the hem of his robe. The emperor then angrily pulled away his clothes and did not return for a long time before finally emerging. He said: "Zuozhi, why are you holding me so urgently?" Pi replied: "Moving these people will not only lose the hearts of the people but also leave them without food." The emperor then decided to relocate half of them. He once accompanied the emperor on a pheasant hunt. The emperor said: "Hunting pheasants is enjoyable, isn't it?" Pi replied: "It is very enjoyable for Your Majesty, but it is a great burden for the common people." The emperor fell silent. Later, he rarely went out to hunt. When Emperor Ming ascended the throne at that time, Zhongshu Jian Liu Fang and Ling Sun Zi were trusted by the ruler and controlled decision-making in current affairs; no high-ranking official failed to cultivate good relations with them, yet Pi did not associate or interact with them. Pi's son, Chang, advised: "Now Liu Fang and Sun Zi are in power; everyone else flatters them. You should slightly lower your standards and blend with the crowd to avoid standing out. Otherwise, there will certainly be malicious rumors." Pi replied with a serious expression: "Although the emperor is not particularly wise, he is by no means ignorant. My conduct and principles have their own foundation. Even if Liu Fang and Sun Zi bear ill will toward me, at worst they might prevent me from becoming a San Gong (Three Dukes), but what harm could that possibly be? How can a true man of virtue desire to become an official while compromising his noble integrity?" Redundant attendants and the Shangshu Puye Bi Gui submitted a memorial stating: "The current Shangshu Puyue Wang Si is diligent among old officials, yet in terms of loyalty, sincerity, strategy, and planning, he cannot compare with Xin Pi. Xin Pi should replace Wang Si." The emperor consulted Liu Fang and Sun Zi about this matter. Liu Fang and Sun Zi replied: "Your Majesty's appointment of Wang Si is indeed intended to gain his practical contributions, not for the sake of empty reputation." "Although Xin Pi is upright and honest, he has a strong and stubborn personality. This is something Your Majesty should carefully consider." The emperor thus did not appoint him and instead sent him out to serve as Weiyue (Minister of the Imperial Guards).

24 傳:
楊阜,字義山,天水人也。為將作大匠,時初治宮室,發美女充後庭,數出入弋獵。阜上疏曰:陛下奉武皇帝開拓之大業,守文皇帝克終之元緒,誠宜思齊往古聖賢之善治,總觀季世放蕩之惡政,所謂善治者,務儉約,重民力也。所謂惡政者,從心恣欲,觸情而發也。惟陛下稽古,世代之初,所以明赫,及季世所以衰弱,至於泯滅,近覽漢末之變,足以動心誡懼矣。曩使桓靈,不廢高祖之法,文景之恭儉,太祖雖有神武,於何所施其能耶,而陛下何由處斯尊哉。今吳蜀未定,軍旅在外,願陛下動則三思,慮而後行,重慎出入,以往鑒來,言之若輕,成敗甚重。詔報曰:間得密表,先陳往古明王聖主,以諷暗政,切至之辭,款誠篤實,將順匡救備悉矣。覽思苦言,吾甚嘉之,遷少府。
Yang Fu, courtesy name Yishan, was a native of Tianshui. He served as Jiangzuo Dajiang (Minister in charge of construction). At that time, the palace was being newly built and many beautiful women were selected to fill the imperial harem. The emperor frequently went out for hunting excursions. Fu submitted a memorial saying: "Your Majesty inherits the great cause of opening up new territories from Emperor Wu and preserves the fundamental legacy established by Emperor Wen. You should indeed reflect on the good governance of ancient sages, as well as examine the corrupt policies of later generations. What is meant by good governance is to emphasize frugality and value the labor of the people." "What is meant by bad governance is acting on impulse, indulging desires, and making decisions based solely on emotion." May Your Majesty examine the past: at the beginning of dynasties, rulers were bright and illustrious; in later generations, they declined into weakness until their dynasties perished. Reflecting on recent events at the end of the Han dynasty is enough to stir one's heart with warning and caution. "If the emperors Huan and Ling had not abandoned the laws of Emperor Gaozu or the humility and frugality of Emperors Wen and Jing, even though Tai Zu possessed divine martial prowess, where would he have applied his abilities? And how could Your Majesty have attained such a lofty position?" "Now that Wu and Shu have not yet been subdued, and military campaigns are ongoing outside the capital, I hope Your Majesty will think thrice before taking action, deliberate carefully before proceeding, be cautious about going out or returning to court, and learn from past events as a guide for the future. These words may seem light, but their consequences in success or failure are great." An imperial edict replied: "Recently, I received a secret memorial. You first cited ancient wise kings and virtuous rulers to subtly advise against current misgovernance. Your earnest and sincere words are heartfelt and substantial; your suggestions for guidance and correction have been fully understood." "I have reflected on your difficult words, and I greatly appreciate them," the emperor said. Fu was then promoted to Shaofu (Minister of Works).

25 傳:
後詔大議政治之不便於民者,阜議以為致治在於任賢,興國在於務農,若捨賢而任所私,此忘治之甚者也。廣開宮館,高為臺榭,以妨民務,此害農之甚者也。百工不敦其器,而競作奇巧,以合上欲,此傷本之甚者也。孔子曰:苛政甚於猛虎,今守功文俗之吏,為政不通治體,苟好煩苛,此亂民之甚者也。當今之急,宜去四甚。
Later, an imperial edict summoned a grand discussion on policies that were inconvenient for the people. Fu argued: "The key to good governance lies in appointing virtuous officials; the foundation of building a strong state lies in focusing on agriculture. If one abandons virtue and instead favors personal connections, this is the gravest neglect of proper governance." "Extensively building palaces and halls, constructing high terraces and pavilions—these actions hinder the people's duties. This is the most serious harm to agriculture." "Artisans do not focus on producing useful tools, but instead compete in making strange and elaborate objects to satisfy the ruler's desires. This is a severe injury to the fundamentals of statecraft." Confucius said: "Excessive governance is more harmful than tigers." Now, officials who uphold the literary customs of past achievements govern without understanding proper administration and instead indulge in unnecessary complexity and severity. This is one of the gravest ways to disturb the people. The most urgent matter today is to eliminate these four great harms.

26 傳:
帝既新作許昌宮,又營洛陽宮殿觀閣。阜上疏曰:古之聖帝明王,未有極宮室之高麗,以彫獘百姓之財力者也。桀作璇室象廊,紂為傾宮鹿臺,以喪其社稷,楚靈以築章華,而身受其禍,秦始皇作阿房而殃及其子,二世而滅,夫不度萬人之力,以從耳目之欲,未有不亡者,陛下當以堯,舜,禹,湯,文,武為法則,夏桀,殷紂,楚靈,秦皇為深誡,巍巍大業,猶恐失之,不夙夜敬止,允恭恤民,而自逸,唯宮室是侈是飾,必有顛覆危亡之禍,方今二虜合從,謀危宗廟,十萬之軍,東西奔赴,邊境無一日之娛,農夫廢業,民有饑色,陛下不是為憂,而營作宮室,無有已時,君作元首,臣為股肱,存亡一體,得失同之,臣雖駑怯,敢忘争臣之義,言不切至,不足以感寤陛下,陛下不察臣言,恐皇祖烈考之祚,將墜於地,使臣身死有補萬一,則死之日,猶生之年也。奏御,天子感其忠言,手筆詔答。
At that time, the emperor had just built the Xuchang Palace and was also constructing palaces, pavilions, and towers in Luoyang. Fu submitted a memorial saying: "Ancient sage emperors and wise kings never exhausted the wealth and strength of their people to build palaces as luxurious and magnificent as these." Fu submitted a memorial saying: "Ancient sage emperors and virtuous kings never exhausted the strength of ten thousand people to satisfy their own desires for sight and sound. None failed to perish as a result. Your Majesty should take Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang, Wen, and Wu as your model, while regarding Jie of Xia, Zhou of Yin, King Ling of Chu, and Qin Shi Huang as profound warnings. Such a great legacy is still in danger of being lost. If you do not diligently govern with reverence day and night, show sincerity to the people, and instead indulge yourself by building luxurious palaces without end, there will surely be disaster and collapse. At present, the two enemies Wu and Shu are united against us, plotting to endanger our ancestral temple. Tens of thousands of troops are constantly moving between east and west; the borders know no day of peace, while farmers abandon their fields and people show signs of hunger. Your Majesty does not consider this a concern but continues building palaces without pause. As ruler you are the head, and as ministers we are your limbs—our survival or downfall is one body, our gains and losses shared. Though I am weak and timid, how can I forget my duty to speak out? If my words do not reach Your Majesty's heart, they will be insufficient for their purpose. Should Your Majesty fail to heed my advice, I fear the legacy of our ancestors may fall to ruin. Even if my death could help in some small way, then on that day of death, it would still feel like a year of life." After the memorial was submitted, the emperor was deeply moved by his loyal words and personally wrote an imperial edict in response.

27 傳:
高堂隆,字升平,泰山人也。為散騎常侍,青龍中,大治殿舍,西取長安大鐘。隆上疏曰:昔周景王,不儀刑文武之明德,忽公旦之聖制,既鑄大錢,又作大鐘,單穆公諫而不聽,泠州鳩對而不從,遂迷不反,周德以衰,良史記焉。以為永鑒,然今之小人,好說秦,漢之奢靡,以蕩聖心,求取亡國不度之器,勞役費損,以傷德政,非所以興禮樂之和,保神明之休也。是日,帝幸上方,隆與卞蘭從,帝以隆表授蘭。使難隆曰:興衰在政,樂何為也。化之不明,豈鐘之罪。隆對曰:夫禮樂者,為治之大本也。故簫韶九成,鳳皇來儀,雷鼓六變,天神以降,政是以平,刑是以錯,和之至也。新聲發響,商辛以殞,大鐘既鑄,周景以獘,存亡之機,恒由此作,安在廢興之不階也。君舉必書,古之道也。作而不法,何以示後,帝稱善,遷侍中,猶領太史令。
Gaotang Long, courtesy name Shengping, was a native of Taishan. He served as Sanqi Changshi (Attendant in the Imperial Riding Office). During the Qinglong period, large-scale construction of palaces and halls was undertaken, with massive bells being transported from Chang'an to the west. Long submitted a memorial saying: "In the past, King Jing of Zhou failed to emulate the bright virtue of Wen and Wu kings or heed the sacred regulations established by Gongdan. After casting large coins, he also made massive bells. Dan Mu Gong advised against it but was not listened to; Ling Zhou Jiu responded with warnings but was ignored. As a result, the king became lost in his folly without return, and thus the virtue of the Zhou dynasty declined, recorded by conscientious historians." This was taken as a lasting warning. Yet today's petty men like to speak of the extravagance of Qin and Han dynasties, using these examples to sway Your Majesty's mind, seeking to acquire those instruments of excess from fallen states. This leads to laborious work and wasteful spending, harming virtuous governance. It is not how one should promote harmony in rites and music or preserve divine blessings." On that day, the emperor visited Shangfang. Long and Bian Lan accompanied him. The emperor gave Long's memorial to Lan. He asked Lan to challenge Long: "The rise or decline of a dynasty depends on governance—what does music have to do with it?" "If the moral transformation is unclear, how can it be blamed on bells?" Long replied: "Rites and music are the fundamental basis of good governance." "Therefore, when the music Xiao Shao was played in nine variations, phoenixes came to pay homage; when the drum of thunder was struck six times, heavenly deities descended. Governance thus became harmonious and orderly, punishments were properly applied—this is the highest level of harmony." "New and improper music was played, and Shang King Xin perished; after the great bells were cast, King Jing of Zhou declined. The turning point between survival and destruction always arises from this—how can the rise or fall of a dynasty not be connected to such matters?" "The actions of rulers are always recorded; this is an ancient principle." "If one acts without setting a precedent, how can it serve as an example for future generations?" The emperor praised this and promoted Long to Shizhong, while he still held the position of Taishi Ling (Head Astronomer).

28 傳:
崇華殿灾,詔問隆此何咎,於禮寧有祈禳之義乎。對曰:夫灾變之發,皆所以明教戒也。惟率禮修德,可以勝之。易傳曰:上不儉,下不節,孽火燒其室。又曰:君高其臺,天火為灾,此人君苟飾宮室,不知百姓空竭,故天應之以旱,火從高殿起也。上天降鑒,故譴告陛下,陛下宜增崇人道,以答天意,陵霄闕始構,有鵲巢其上,帝以問隆。對曰:詩云,惟鵲有巢,惟鳩居之,今興宮室而鵲巢之,此宮室未成,身不得居之象也。夫天道無親,唯與善人,不可不深慮,夏商之季,皆繼體也。不欽承上天之明命,惟讒諂是從,廢德適欲,故其亡也忽焉。臣備腹心,苟可以繁祉聖躬,安存社稷,雖灰身破族,猶生之年也。豈憚忤逆之灾,而令陛下不聞至言乎。於是帝改容動色。
When a fire broke out in Chonghua Palace, an imperial decree was issued asking Long: "What is the cause of this disaster? According to rites, are there any rituals or prayers that can be performed for atonement?" Long replied: "The occurrence of disasters and calamities is meant to serve as a clear warning and instruction." "Only by strictly following rites and cultivating virtue can one overcome such events." The Yizhuan says: "If those above are not frugal, and those below do not practice restraint, calamitous fires will burn their homes." It also says: "If a ruler builds high terraces, heavenly fire will bring disaster. This is because the ruler indulges in adorning palaces without knowing that the people are exhausted and impoverished; thus Heaven responds with drought, and fires arise from the lofty halls." "Heaven is watching and thus sends warnings to Your Majesty. You should now elevate the way of humanity to respond to Heaven's will." When construction began on Lingxiao Que (a high pavilion), a magpie built its nest atop it, and the emperor asked Long about this omen. Long replied: "The Shijing says, 'Only the magpie has a nest; only the jiu bird occupies it.' Now that we are building palaces and yet a magpie builds its nest there, this symbolizes that these buildings will not be completed in time for Your Majesty to reside within them." "Heaven's way is impartial; it favors only the virtuous. This cannot be taken lightly. In the later years of Xia and Shang dynasties, their rulers were all successors to the throne." "They did not revere Heaven's clear mandate, but instead followed flatterers and sycophants. They abandoned virtue to satisfy their desires, so their downfall was sudden." "As a trusted minister at your side, if I can in any way bring blessings to Your Majesty and preserve the state, even if it costs me my life or destroys my family, it will still feel like living another year." "How could I fear disaster from defiance and allow Your Majesty to remain unaware of the most important truths?" At this, the emperor changed his expression and showed emotion.

29 傳:
帝愈增崇宮殿,雕飾觀閣,鑿太行行作山,之石英,采穀城之文石,起景陽山於芳林之園,建昭陽殿於太極之北,鑄作黄龍鳳烏奇偉之獸,飾陵雲臺,陵霄闕,百役繁興,作者萬數,公卿以下,至於學生,莫不展力,帝乃躬自掘土以率之,而遼東不朝,悼皇后崩,天作淫雨,冀州水出,漂没民物。
The emperor, however, continued to expand and embellish the palaces. He carved and decorated pavilions and towers; he excavated quartz from Taihang Mountain and ornamental stone from Gu Cheng. In Fanglin Garden, he built Jingyang Mountain; north of Taichi Hall, he constructed Zhaoyang Palace. He cast magnificent beasts such as yellow dragons and phoenixes to decorate Lingyun Tai (Pavilion) and Lingxiao Que (Gate). Hundreds of construction projects were launched simultaneously, with tens of thousands involved in the labor. From high-ranking officials down to students, all contributed their strength. The emperor even personally dug soil to set an example. Yet at this time, Liaodong did not pay homage; Empress Dowager Dou passed away; Heaven sent torrential rains, and floods in Ji Zhou overflowed, drowning people and property.

30 傳:
隆上疏切諫曰:昔在伊唐,洪水滔天,灾眚之甚,莫過於彼,力役之興,莫久於此,堯,舜君臣,南面而已,禹敷九州,庶士庸勛,各有等差,君子小人,物有服章,今無若時之急,而使公卿大夫,并與厮徒共供事役,聞之四夷,非嘉聲也。垂之竹帛,非令名也。是以古先哲王,畏上天之明命,矜矜業業,惟恐有違,灾異既發,懼而修政,未有不延期流祚者也。爰及末葉,暗君荒主,不崇先王之令軌,不納正士之直言,以遂其情志,恬忽變戒,未有不至於顛覆者也。秦始皇不築道德之基,而築阿房之宮,不憂蕭墻之變,而修長城之役,當其君臣為此計也。亦欲立萬世之業,使子孫長有天下,豈意一朝匹夫大呼,而天下傾覆哉。故臣以為使先代之君,知其所行必將至於敗,則弗為之矣。是以亡國之主,自謂不亡,然後至於亡,賢聖之君,自謂將亡,然後至於不亡,昔漢文帝稱為賢主,躬行約儉,惠下養民,而賈誼方之,以為天下倒縣,可為痛哭者一,可為流涕者二,可為長嘆息者三,况今天下彫獘,民無儋石之儲,國無終年之畜,外有强敵,六軍暴邊,內興土功,州郡騷動,若有寇警,則臣懼板築之士,不能投命虜庭矣。又將吏奉禄,稍見折减,方之於昔,五分居一,夫禄賜穀帛,人主之所以惠養吏民而為之司命者也。若今有廢,是奪其命,既得之而又失之,此生怨之府也。今陛下所與共坐廊廟,治天下者,非三司九列,則臺閣近臣,皆腹心造膝,宜在無諱,若見豐省,而不敢以告,從命奔走,唯恐不勝,是則具臣,非鯁輔也。昔李斯教秦二世曰:為人主而不恣睢,命之曰天下桎梏,二世用之,秦國以覆,斯亦滅族,是以史遷議其不正諫而為世誡。
Long submitted a memorial with urgent advice: "In the past, during the time of Yi and Tang, floods reached the heavens; no disaster was greater than that. No labor mobilization lasted longer than this. Emperors Yao and Shun merely sat facing south as their ministers governed. Yu pacified the Nine Provinces, and commoners and officials alike contributed to his achievements, each according to their rank. Among gentlemen and petty men, there were distinctions in dress and status. Now, with no such urgent crisis, you are making high-ranking officials and scholars work alongside laborers on construction projects. If this is heard by the surrounding barbarian tribes, it will not bring a good reputation." "To be recorded in bamboo slips and silk scrolls as such would not leave a commendable name." "Therefore, ancient sage kings revered Heaven's clear mandate and acted with humility and caution, fearing any violation. When disasters or strange omens occurred, they feared them and improved governance; none failed to extend their dynasty's fortune as a result." "Even in later generations, ignorant and corrupt rulers did not uphold the noble principles of their ancestors or accept the straightforward advice of upright officials. Instead, they indulged their desires and emotions, carelessly ignoring warnings from Heaven. None failed to end up in downfall as a result." "Qin Shi Huang did not build the foundation of virtue and morality, but instead constructed the Afang Palace. He did not worry about internal dangers behind his walls, yet he mobilized labor for the Great Wall. When his ministers and officials devised these plans," "they also wished to establish a legacy for ten thousand generations, ensuring that their descendants would rule the world forever. How could they have foreseen that in one day, a single commoner's cry would bring about the collapse of their entire empire?" "Therefore, I believe that if rulers from previous dynasties had known that their actions would inevitably lead to failure, they never would have done them." "This is why rulers of fallen states believed they would not fall, and so they did. Virtuous and sage kings, however, believed they might perish, and thus avoided downfall. In the past, Emperor Wen of Han was considered a virtuous ruler; he personally practiced frugality, showed kindness to his subjects, and nurtured the people. Yet Jia Yi compared this situation with dire warnings: one reason for weeping in agony, two reasons for shedding tears, three reasons for deep sighs. Now, how much more so when the world is worn out, the people have no grain stored even by the dan or shi (units of measure), and the state has no reserves to last a single year? Externally, there are powerful enemies; our six armies are stationed at the borders. Internally, we mobilize labor for construction projects, causing unrest in states and commanderies. If an enemy suddenly attacks, I fear that those currently building walls will not be able to fight on the battlefield." "Moreover, the salaries and stipends of officials have been gradually reduced. Compared to previous times, they are now only one-fifth of what they were. Grain and silk given as salary or reward—these are how a ruler shows kindness and sustains his officials and people, ensuring their livelihoods." "If these benefits are now reduced or abolished, it is as if we take away their lives. To gain something and then lose it again—this becomes a source of resentment." "Now, those who sit with Your Majesty in the palace halls and govern the empire are either high-ranking officials of the Three Boards or Nine Ranks, or close ministers within the court. They should be trusted confidants to whom nothing is hidden. If they see abundance or scarcity but dare not report it, if they obey orders and run about only fearing that they may fail—such individuals are merely compliant subjects, not upright advisors." "In the past, Li Si advised Qin Er Shi: 'To be a ruler and yet not indulge in self-will is to be bound by the world's shackles.' Following this advice, Qin Er Shi led to the downfall of the Qin state, and Li Si himself was exterminated. Therefore, Sima Qian criticized him for failing to offer upright remonstrance, making his actions a warning for future generations."

31 傳:
書奏,帝覽焉。謂中書監令曰:觀隆此奏,使朕懼哉。隆疾篤。口占上疏曰:臣常疾世主莫不思紹堯,舜,湯,武之治,而蹈踵桀,紂,幽,厲之迹,莫不蚩笑季世惑亂亡國之主,而不登踐虞夏殷周之軌,悲夫,尋觀三代之有天下,聖賢相承,歷載數百,尺土莫非其有,一民莫非其臣,癸,辛之徒,恃其旅力,知足以拒諫,才足以飾非,諂諛是尚,臺觀是崇,淫樂是好,倡優是悅,上天不蠲,眷然迴顧,宗國為墟,天子之尊,湯武有之,豈伊異人,皆明王之胄也。且當六國之時,天下殷熾,秦既兼之,不修聖道,乃構阿房之宮,築長城之守,矜夸中國,威服百蠻,天下震竦,道路以目,自謂本枝百世,永垂洪暉,豈悟二世而滅,社稷崩圮哉。臣觀黄初之際,異類之鳥,育長燕巢,口爪胸赤,此魏室之大異也。宜防鷹揚之臣於蕭墻之內,可選諸王,使君國典兵,往往棊跱,鎮撫皇畿,翼亮帝室,昔周之東遷,晉鄭是依,漢呂之亂,實賴朱虛,蓋前代之明鑒也。夫皇天無親,唯德是輔,民咏德政,則延期過歷,下有怨嘆,則掇録授能,由此觀之,則天下之天下也。非獨陛下之天下也。舊無非獨至下也八字,補之臣百疾所鍾,氣力稍微,輒自輿出還舍,若遂沉淪,魂而有知,結草以報。
The memorial was submitted; the emperor read it. He said to the Zhongshu Jian and Ling: "Reading this memorial from Long has made me fearful indeed." Long's illness worsened. While seriously ill, Long dictated a memorial: "I often lament that rulers of our time all wish to emulate the governance of Yao, Shun, Tang, and Wu, yet follow in the footsteps of Jie, Zhou, You, and Li. They mock those foolish and corrupt kings who lost their states in later ages, but they do not tread upon the path of Yu, Xia, Yin, or Zhou. How sad! Observing how the Three Dynasties held dominion over the world, sages and virtuous men succeeded one another for hundreds of years; every inch of land was theirs, and every commoner was their subject. Kings Ji Gui and Xin relied on their military might, were wise enough to reject remonstrances, capable enough to cover up their faults, favored flattery, built grand palaces, enjoyed licentious pleasures, and delighted in musicians and actors. Heaven did not remain indifferent; it turned its gaze away, and the ancestral state became a wasteland. The Son of Heaven's dignity—Tang and Wu possessed it. Was this any different from others? They were all descendants of enlightened kings." "Moreover, during the time of the Six States, the world was prosperous and flourishing. After Qin conquered them all, instead of cultivating virtue, it built the Afang Palace and constructed the Great Wall for defense. It boasted about its power in Central China and subdued a hundred barbarian tribes; the whole world trembled and people dared not speak openly. They believed their dynasty would last for generations, leaving behind great glory. How could they foresee that within two reigns it would perish, with state and ancestral temple collapsing?" "I observe that during the Huangchu era, a strange kind of bird was raised in the long swallows' nests; it had sharp beak and claws, with red on its chest. This is an extraordinary omen for the Wei dynasty." "It is advisable to guard against ambitious ministers within the palace walls. We should select among the princes, appointing them as rulers of their fiefs and commanders of troops, placing them in strategic positions like pieces on a chessboard, so they may stabilize the imperial heartland and support the royal family. In ancient times, when the Zhou dynasty moved eastward, it relied upon Jin and Zheng; during the Han dynasty's Lu faction rebellion, it was truly due to Zhu Xu that order was restored. These are clear lessons from past dynasties." "Heaven does not favor any one person; it supports only virtue. When the people sing praises of virtuous governance, the dynasty's fortune is prolonged beyond its due time. But when there are grievances and complaints from below, Heaven will remove the unworthy and grant power to those who can govern well. From this we see that the world belongs not to one ruler alone, but to all under heaven." "It is not merely Your Majesty's empire." The original text was missing the eight characters "fei du zhi xia ye," which have been added. I am afflicted with many illnesses, and my strength is gradually failing; whenever I leave in a palanquin to return home, if I should finally succumb, and if my spirit has any awareness, I will repay your kindness by binding grasses as an offering.

32 傳:
田豫,字國讓,漁陽人也。為護烏丸校尉。魏略曰:鮮卑素利等數來客見,多以牛馬遺豫,豫轉送官。胡乃密懷金三十斤謂豫曰:我見公貧,故前後遺公牛馬,公輒送官,今密以此上,公可以為家資,豫張袖受之,答其厚意,胡去之後,皆悉付外。於是詔褒之曰:昔魏絳開懷以納戎,今卿舉袖以受狄金,朕甚嘉焉。乃賜青縑五百匹也。
Tian Yu, courtesy name Guorang, was a native of Yuyang. He served as Hu Wuhuan Jiao Wei (Protector General of the Wuhuan). The Wei Lue states: "Xianbei Suli and others frequently came as guests to visit, often giving cattle and horses as gifts to Yu. Yu then transferred these to the government." The Hu people secretly carried thirty catties of gold and said to Yu: "I see that you are poor, so I have given you cattle and horses before. Yet each time you sent them to the government. Now I am secretly giving this to you; please accept it as a family asset." Yu spread out his sleeves to receive the gift in response to their kindness. After they left, he gave all of it away externally. The emperor then issued an edict to commend him, saying: "In the past, Wei Jiang opened his heart to accept the Rong. Now you spread your sleeves to receive gold from the Di people; I greatly commend this." He was then granted five hundred bolts of green silk."

33 傳:
徐邈,字景山,燕國人也。為凉州刺史,西域流通,荒戎入貢,皆邈勛也。賞賜皆散與將士,無入家者,妻子衣食不充,天子聞而嘉之,隨時供給其家,彈邪繩枉,州界肅清,嘉平六年,朝廷追思清節之士。詔曰:夫顯賢表德,聖王所重,舉善而教,仲尼所美,故司空徐邈,征東將軍胡質,衞尉田豫,皆服職前朝,歷事四世,出統戎馬,入贊庶政,忠清在公,憂國忘私,不營産業,身没之後,家無餘財,朕甚嘉之,其賜邈等家,穀二千斛,錢三十萬,布告天下。
Xu Miao, courtesy name Jingshan, was a native of Yan Guo. He served as the governor of Liangzhou. Trade with the Western Regions flourished, and remote Hu tribes came to pay tribute—these were all achievements attributable to Miao. All rewards and gifts he received were distributed to his soldiers; none went into his own household. His wife and children lacked sufficient clothing and food. The Son of Heaven heard about this and commended him, providing for his family at the proper times. He enforced justice against evildoers and corrected wrongs, bringing order and clarity throughout the state. In Jia Ping sixth year, the court recalled and honored those with upright integrity. The edict stated: "To honor the virtuous and commend virtue is what sage kings value. To promote goodness for instruction is praised by Confucius. Therefore, former Sikong Xu Miao, Zhongdong Jiangjun Hu Zhi, and Weiwei Tian Yu—all served in previous dynasties and held office through four generations. They commanded troops outside the capital and advised on state affairs within. Their loyalty and integrity were devoted to public service; they worried for the country and forgot their own interests. They did not seek wealth or property, and after their deaths, their families had no remaining assets. I greatly commend them. Therefore, grant two thousand hu of grain and thirty thousand coins to the families of Miao et al., and announce this throughout the land."

34 傳:
王昶,字文舒,太原人也。遷兖州刺史,為兄子及子作名字,皆依謙實,以見其意,故兄子默字處静,沈字處道,其子渾字玄衝,深字道衝。遂書戒之曰:夫人為子之道,莫大於寶身全行,以顯父母,此三者,人知其善,而或危身破家,陷於滅亡之禍者,何也。由所祖習非其道也。夫孝敬仁義,百行之首,而立身之本也。孝敬則宗族安之,仁義則鄉黨重之,此行成於內,名著於外者矣。若不篤於至行,而背本逐末,以陷浮華焉。以成朋黨焉。浮華則有虛僞之累,朋黨則有彼此之患,此二者之戒,照然著明,而循覆車滋衆,逐末彌甚,皆由惑當時之譽,昧目前之利故也。夫富貴聲名,人情所樂,而君子或得而不處,何也。惡不由其道耳,患人知進而不知退,知欲而不知足,故有困辱之累,悔吝之咎。語曰:不知足則失所欲,故知足之足,常足矣。覽往事之成敗,察將來之吉凶,未有干名要利,欲而不厭,而能保世持家,永全福禄者也。欲使汝曹立身行己,遵儒者之教,履道家之言,故以玄默衝虛為名,欲使汝曹顧名思義,不敢違越也。古者盤杅有銘,几杖有誡,俯仰察焉。用無過行,况在己名,可不戒之哉。夫物速成則疾亡,晚就則善終,朝華之草,夕而零落,松栢之茂,隆寒不衰,是以大雅君子,惡速成,戒闕黨也。
Wang Chang, courtesy name Wenshu, was a native of Taiyuan. He was transferred to serve as the governor of Yanzhou. For his nephew and son, he chose names and courtesy names based on humility and sincerity, expressing his intentions clearly. Thus, his nephew Mo received the courtesy name Chujing, Shen received the courtesy name Chudao; his son Hun received the courtesy name Xuanchong, Shen received the courtesy name Daochong. He then wrote a warning to them, saying: "The greatest duty of being a son is to cherish one's body and preserve one's conduct in order to honor one's parents. These three things are known by people as good, yet why do some still risk their lives, destroy their families, and fall into the calamity of ruin?" "It is because they follow a path that is not right." Filial piety, reverence, benevolence, and righteousness are the foremost among all virtues and the foundation of personal conduct. Filial piety and reverence bring peace to one's clan, while benevolence and righteousness earn respect from the local community. These inner virtues lead to a reputation that is honored externally. If one does not adhere to the highest virtues, but instead abandons the essential for trivial pursuits and falls into superficiality and extravagance— —one will end up forming factions. Superficiality and extravagance lead to the burden of falsehood; factionalism brings mutual suspicion and danger. These two warnings are clearly evident, yet many still follow in the footsteps of past failures, pursuing trivial matters even more fervently. This is all due to being deceived by momentary praise and blinded by immediate gains. Wealth, honor, fame, and reputation are what human nature desires; yet sages sometimes attain them but do not dwell in comfort. Why is this so? "It is because they do not obtain them through the proper path. The problem lies in people knowing how to advance but not how to retreat, knowing desire but not contentment; thus, they suffer disgrace and regret." The saying goes: "He who does not know contentment will lose what he desires. Therefore, the one who knows that enough is enough will always have enough." Reflecting on the successes and failures of past events, examining future fortune or misfortune: there has never been a case where one who seeks fame and profit without satisfaction could preserve his family's legacy, maintain his household, and forever retain blessings and rank. I wish for you all to establish your character and conduct yourselves in accordance with the teachings of Confucianism, following Daoist principles. Therefore, I have given names such as Xuanchong and Chongfu, which mean quietness and humility. My hope is that by reflecting on these names, you will always remember their meaning and dare not deviate from them. In ancient times, bronze vessels had inscriptions, and tables and canes bore warnings—so that one could reflect upon them in every glance. How much more so for one's own name! Can we not take this as a warning? Things that mature quickly tend to perish swiftly; those that develop slowly often achieve a good end. The flowers of the morning wither by evening, while pines and cypresses remain lush even in severe cold. Therefore, noble gentlemen despise rapid success and caution against factionalism.

35 傳:
若范丐對秦客,至武子擊之,折其委筓,惡其掩人也。夫人有善,鮮不自伐,有能者,寡不自矜,伐則掩人,矜則陵人,掩人者,人亦掩之,陵人者,人亦陵之,故三郤為戮於晉,王叔負罪於周,不唯矜善自伐,好争之咎乎。故君子不自稱,非以讓人,惡其蓋人也。夫能屈以為伸,讓以為得,弱以為强,鮮不遂矣。夫毁譽,愛惡之原,而禍福之機也。是以聖人慎之。孔子曰:吾之於人,誰毁誰譽,如有所譽,必有所試,以聖人之德,猶尚如此,况庸庸之徒,而輕毁譽哉。昔伏波將軍馬援戒其兄子,言聞人之惡,當如聞父母之名,耳可得聞,口不可得道也。斯戒至矣。人或毁己,當退而求之於身,若己有可毁之行,則彼言當矣。若己無可毁之行,則彼言妄矣。當則無怨於彼,妄則無害於身,又何反報焉。且聞人毁己而忿者,惡醜聲之加人也。人報者滋甚,不如默而自修也。諺曰:救寒莫如重裘,止謗莫如自修,斯言信矣。
For example, Fan Gai, when confronted by a guest of the state of Qin, was struck down by Wu Zi, who broke his hairpin—this was because he despised those who concealed their true nature. When people have virtue, few do not boast of it; when they are capable, few do not pride themselves. To boast is to cover others' merits; to be proud is to look down on others. He who covers others will himself be covered; he who looks down upon others will himself be looked down upon. Hence the Three Xi were executed in Jin, and Wang Shu bore guilt in Zhou—was this not due to their arrogance, self-praise, and love of contention? Therefore, a gentleman does not boast—not out of yielding to others, but because he abhors overshadowing them. He who can bend in order to stretch, yield in order to gain, and appear weak in order to become strong—few fail to succeed. Praise and blame are the roots of love and hatred, and also the turning points of misfortune and fortune. Therefore, sages treat them with caution. Confucius said: "Regarding others, I do not know whom to criticize or praise. If there is someone I praise, it must be after testing them." With the virtue of a sage, he still acted in this way; how much more so for ordinary people who lightly criticize and praise? In the past, Fu Bo Jiangjun Ma Yuan warned his nephew: "When you hear of someone's faults, treat it as if you were hearing your parents' names—your ears may have heard it, but your mouth must not repeat it." This is a most profound warning. If someone criticizes you, you should step back and examine yourself. If indeed there are actions in you that deserve criticism, then their words are justified. But if your conduct is beyond reproach, then their remarks are groundless. If they speak truly, there will be no resentment toward them; if they lie, it does not harm you—why then should you retaliate? Moreover, one who becomes angry upon hearing criticism is resentful of the disgrace being imposed on him. Yet retaliation only makes things worse; it is better to remain silent and cultivate oneself. The proverb says: "To ward off cold, nothing beats a thick fur coat; to stop slander, nothing surpasses self-cultivation." This saying is indeed true.

36 傳:
若與是非之士,凶險之人,近猶不可,况與對校乎。其害深矣。可不慎與,吾與時人從事,雖出處不同,然各有所取,潁川郭伯益,好尚通達,敏而有知,其為人弘曠不足,輕貴有餘,得其人,重之如山,不得其人,忽之如草,吾以所知親之昵之,不願兒子為之,北海徐偉長,不治名高,不求苟得,澹然自守,唯道是務,其有所是非,則托古人以見其意,當時無所褒貶,吾敬之重之,願兒子師之,樂安任昭先,淳粹履道,內敏外恕,處不避洿,怯而義勇,吾友之善之,願兒子遵之,若引而申之,觸類而長之,汝其庶幾舉一隅耳,及其用財,先九族,其施捨務周急,其出入存故老,其議論貴無貶,其進仕尚忠節,其取人務道實,其處世戒驕淫,其貧賤慎無戚,其進退念合宜,其行事加九思,如此而已,吾復何憂哉。
If associating with those who stir up disputes and dangerous people is already undesirable, how much worse is it to confront them directly? The harm they bring is profound. One must be cautious indeed. When I associate with people of my time, though our paths may differ, each has something to offer. Guo Boyi from Yingchuan values openness and understanding; he is quick-witted and knowledgeable, but his character lacks breadth and generosity while being overly concerned with status. If one finds a person like him, they value them as highly as mountains; if not, they treat them as weeds. I have known such people well and treated them closely, yet I do not wish my sons to emulate them. Xu Weichang from Beihai did not seek fame or fortune, nor did he pursue gain at any cost. He lived simply, adhering to the Way, and when expressing his views, he would cite ancient sages to convey his meaning without directly praising or criticizing anyone in his time. I respect him deeply and wish my sons to take him as a teacher. Ren Zhaoxian from Le'an was pure and upright, sensitive within yet forgiving outwardly; he did not avoid hardship, and though timid, he acted with righteousness. I valued such friends highly and hope my sons will follow their example. If you extend these principles, apply them broadly to similar situations, then you may grasp the essence of even a small part of this wisdom. In managing wealth, prioritize your relatives; in giving alms, focus on those most in need; when coming or going, visit elders who have known you long; in speech and debate, value impartiality above all; in official service, honor loyalty and integrity; in choosing people to associate with, seek virtue and substance; in dealing with the world, avoid arrogance and indulgence; even in poverty or low status, remain calm and untroubled; when advancing or retreating from positions, always consider what is appropriate; in all actions, apply the Nine Reflections. If you do this, then I have no further worries.

37 傳:
鍾會,字士季,潁川人也。司馬文王欲圖蜀,以會為鎮西將軍,從駱谷入,姜維等悉降會,詔以會為司徒,會內有異志,因鄧艾承制專事,密白艾有反狀。世語曰:會善效人書,於劍閣,要艾章表白事,皆易其言,令辭指悖傲,多自矜伐也。於是檻車徵艾,艾既禽而會獨統大衆,威震西土,自謂功名蓋世,不可復為人下,遂謀反,諸軍兵殺會。漢晉春秋曰:文王聞鍾會功曹向雄之收葬會也。召而責之曰:往王經之死,卿哭於東市而我不問也。今鍾會躬為叛逆,而又輒收葬,若復相容,其如王法何。雄曰:昔先王掩骸埋胔,仁流朽骨,當時豈先卜其功罪而後收葬哉。今王誅既加,於法已備,雄感義收葬,教亦無闕,法立於上,教弘於下,以此訓物,雄曰可矣。何必使雄背死違生以立於時,殿下雠對枯骨,損損作捐之中野,百歲之後,為臧獲所笑,豈仁賢所掩哉。王悅之,與宴談而遣之。習鑿齒曰:向伯茂可謂勇於蹈義也。哭王經而哀感市人,葬鍾會而義動明主,彼皆忠烈奮勁,知死而往,非存生也。尋其奉死之心,可以見事生之情,覽其忠貞之節,足以愧背義之士矣。王加禮而遣,可謂明達矣。
Zhong Hui, courtesy name Shiji, was a native of Yingchuan. Sima Wenwang wished to attack Shu and appointed Hui as Zhongxi Jiangjun (General of the Western Expedition). Following the Lao Gu route, Jiang Wei and others surrendered to him. An edict was issued appointing Hui as Sikou. However, Hui harbored secret ambitions; taking advantage of Deng Ai's assumption of authority under imperial decree, he secretly reported that Deng Ai showed signs of rebellion. The Shi Yu states: "Hui was skilled at imitating others' handwriting. At Jian Ge, he intercepted Deng Ai's official documents and statements of loyalty, altering their words to make the tone defiant and arrogant, filled with self-praise." Thus, a prison cart was sent to arrest Deng Ai. After Deng Ai was captured, Hui alone commanded the entire army and gained great influence in western lands. He believed his achievements and reputation surpassed all others, and could no longer remain beneath anyone else. Consequently, he plotted rebellion; however, the troops killed him. The Han Jin Chunqiu states: "Sima Wenwang heard of Gongcao Xiang Xiong's act of burying Zhong Hui." He summoned him and rebuked him, saying: "In the past, when Wang Jing died, you wept at the eastern market, yet I did not question it." "Now Zhong Hui personally committed treason, and you dare to bury him. If I were to tolerate this again, how would it uphold the law?" Xiong replied: "In ancient times, our ancestors covered the bones and buried the rotting flesh of the dead; their benevolence extended even to decayed remains. At that time, did they first predict a person's merits or crimes before deciding whether to bury them?" "Now that the king has executed punishment, and justice has been fulfilled according to law, Xiong acted out of a sense of righteousness in burying him. His conduct was not lacking in moral instruction. Laws are established above; education is promoted below. To use this as an example for others—Xiong did well." "Why must Xiong forsake the dead and defy life to conform to this age? Your Highness, by opposing a decaying corpse in the wilderness, you would be mocked by servants after a hundred years. Is this something that benevolence or virtue should cover?" The prince was pleased and invited him to a banquet, conversed with him, and then sent him away. Xi Zuochi said: "Xiang Bomao can truly be called brave in upholding righteousness." "He wept for Wang Jing, moving the people of the market with his sorrow; he buried Zhong Hui and thus stirred a just ruler with righteousness. These were all acts of loyal and valiant men who acted courageously, knowing death was ahead but going forward regardless—not out of concern for their own lives." To examine the sincerity with which they honored death is to understand how they served life. To witness their loyalty and steadfastness is enough to shame those who betray righteousness. The prince treated him with courtesy and sent him away—this can truly be called wise and enlightened."

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