| | 陳羣傳子... : |
陳羣字長文，潁川許昌人也。祖父寔，父紀，叔父諶，皆有盛名。 |
| | Chen Qun, courtesy name Changwen, was a native of Xuchang, Yingchuan. His grandfather Shi, his father Ji, and his uncle Chen were all men of great renown.
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
羣為兒時，寔常奇異之，謂宗人父老曰：「此兒必興吾宗。」魯國孔融高才倨傲，年在紀、羣之間，先與紀友，後與羣交，更為紀拜，由是顯名。劉備臨豫州，辟羣為別駕。時陶謙病死，徐州迎備，備欲往，羣說備曰：「袁術尚彊，今東，必與之爭。呂布若襲將軍之後，將軍雖得徐州，事必無成。」備遂東，與袁術戰。布果襲下邳，遣兵助術，大破備軍，備恨不用羣言。舉茂才，除柘令，不行，隨紀避難徐州。屬呂布破，太祖辟羣為司空西曹掾屬。時有薦樂安王模、下邳周逵者，太祖辟之。羣封還教，以為模、逵穢德，終必敗，太祖不聽。後模、逵皆坐姦宄誅，太祖以謝羣。羣薦廣陵陳矯、丹楊戴乾，太祖皆用之。後吳人叛，乾忠義死難，矯遂為名臣，世以羣為知人。除蕭、贊、長平令，父卒去官。後以司徒掾舉高第，為治書侍御史，轉參丞相軍事。魏國旣建，遷為御史中丞。 |
| | Shi's courtesy name was Zhonggong; Ji's courtesy name was Yuanfang; and Chen's courtesy name was Jifang. The Weishu states: "Shi's virtue surpassed that of his contemporaries, and Ji and Chen were both renowned in the world." Shi served as Taiqiu zhang [a local official], but encountered the suppression of the Party Affair, and retreated to live in seclusion on Jing Mountain. People near and far revered him as a teacher and model. After Emperor Ling died, He Jin served as regent and appointed officials from among the famous men of the realm. He summoned Shi to serve as a military advisor, but because he was old and ill, Shi refused to compromise his principles. Chen served as an official under the Ministry of Works (Sikong) but died at an early age. Ji held successive posts as governor of Pingyuan, Shizhong [attendant-in-ordinary], and Da Honglu [Minister of Rites]. He authored dozens of essays, which were known in the world as "Chenzi." When Shi died, Sikong Xun Shuang and Taifu Ling Han Rong both donned the mourning attire of si ma [a type of coarse hemp cloth], observing the rites for sons and grandsons. Thousands of carriages arrived from all directions, and none among them—such as Guo Tai of Taifan—failed to visit his door. Fu Zi said: "When Shi died, people from all over the realm came to mourn him. Thirty thousand attended his funeral, and hundreds donned mourning attire." Xianxian Xingzhuang states: The great general He Jin sent subordinates to mourn and offer sacrifices, bestowing on him the posthumous title Wenfan Shengxian. At that time, Shi and Ji were both renowned for their lofty reputations, while Chen matched them as well. The world called the three of them collectively "The Three Sages." Whenever officials from the imperial court summoned them for appointments, they were usually called at the same time. Goats and geese [symbols of tribute] arrived in flocks, and clerks and assistants came in succession. The common people of Yu Zhou all painted images of Shi, Ji, and Chen. When Qun was a child, Shi often found him extraordinary. He told the elders and relatives of his clan: "This boy will surely bring glory to our family." Luo Guo Kong Rong was a man of great talent but haughty and arrogant. His age fell between Ji's and Qun's. He first became friends with Ji, then formed a relationship with Qun, and later paid respects to Ji again. Because of this, he gained prominence. When Liu Bei was in charge of Yu Zhou, he appointed Qun as his Biejia [a high-ranking subordinate official]. At that time, Tao Qian had died of illness, and Xuzhou welcomed Liu Bei. Liu Bei wanted to go there, but Qun advised him: "Yuan Shu is still strong. If you move east now, you will inevitably come into conflict with him." "If Lu Bu attacks from behind your forces, even if you gain Xuzhou, the matter will surely end in failure." Liu Bei then moved east and engaged Yuan Shu in battle. As expected, Lu Bu indeed attacked Xuzhou and sent troops to assist Yuan Shu, who heavily defeated Liu Bei's army. Liu Bei regretted not following Qun's advice. Qun was recommended as a "Maocai" [a category of official selection for outstanding talent], and appointed as magistrate of Zhe, but he did not take office. Instead, he followed Ji to seek refuge in Xuzhou. At the time Lu Bu was defeated, Tai Zu [Cao Cao] appointed Qun as an official of the Sikong's Xicao Yuanshu. At that time, there were those who recommended Yue'an Wang Mo and Xiapi Zhou Kui, and Tai Zu summoned them for appointment. Qun sealed the recommendation back with a letter of advice, stating that Wang Mo and Zhou Kui were men of corrupt virtue who would inevitably fail. Tai Zu did not listen. Later, both Wang Mo and Zhou Kui perished for their crimes of corruption and were executed, and Tai Zu apologized to Qun. Qun recommended Guangling Chen Jiao and Danyang Dai Qian, and Tai Zu appointed them both. Later, when the Wu people rebelled, Dai Qian died a loyal and righteous death, while Chen Jiao became a famous minister. The world thus regarded Qun as a man who could discern talent in others. Qun was appointed magistrate of Xiao, Zan, and Changping, but resigned from office after his father's death. Later, as a Sikou yuanshu and recommended for high achievement in the official examination system, he became Zhi Shu Shiyushi [an imperial censor], then transferred to serve as an assistant military advisor to the Prime Minister. After the state of Wei was established, he was promoted to Zhongcheng of the Yushi [Imperial Censorate].
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
時太祖議復肉刑，令曰：「安得通理君子達於古今者，使平斯事乎！昔陳鴻臚以為死刑有可加於仁恩者，正謂此也。御史中丞能申其父之論乎？」羣對曰：「臣父紀以為漢除肉刑而增加笞，本興仁惻而死者更衆，所謂名輕而實重者也。名輕則易犯，實重則傷民。書曰：『惟敬五刑，以成三德。』易著劓、刖、滅趾之法，所以輔政助教，懲惡息殺也。且殺人償死，合於古制；至於傷人，或殘毀其體而裁翦毛髮，非其理也。若用古刑，使淫者下蠶室，盜者刖其足，則永無淫放穿窬之姦矣。夫三千之屬，雖未可悉復，若斯數者，時之所患，宜先施用。漢律所殺殊死之罪，仁所不及也，其餘逮死者，可以刑殺。如此，則所刑之與所生足以相貿矣。今以笞死之法易不殺之刑，是重人支體而輕人軀命也。」時鍾繇與羣議同，王朗及議者多以為未可行。太祖深善繇、羣言，以軍事未罷，顧衆議，故且寢。 |
| | At that time, Tai Zu proposed restoring corporal punishment and issued an order: "How can I find a learned gentleman who understands both ancient and modern times to help me settle this matter!" "In the past, Chen Honglu believed that corporal punishment could be added as an act of benevolence and grace—this is precisely what I mean." "Can the Zhongcheng of Yushi defend his father's argument?" Qun replied: "My father Ji believed that the Han dynasty abolished corporal punishment but increased the use of caning. This was originally intended to promote benevolence and compassion, yet more people died as a result. It is what is called 'a light name with a heavy reality.'" A light-sounding punishment makes it easy for people to break the law, while an actual severe punishment harms the common people. The Book of Documents says: "Only by respecting the five punishments can one achieve the three virtues." It prescribes laws such as cutting off the nose, amputating feet, and removing toes in order to assist governance and education, punishing evil and curbing violence. Moreover, killing a person should be punished by death, which conforms to ancient regulations; As for those who injure others, or maim their bodies and merely cut off hair or beard, this is not in accordance with reason. If ancient punishments were used—sending those who commit adultery to the "canshi" [a chamber for castration] and amputating the feet of thieves—then there would forever be no more wickedness such as lewd behavior or burglary. Among the 3,000 types of punishments, although it may not be possible to restore them all at once, those few mentioned above are problems that plague society today and should therefore be implemented first. Under Han law, the crimes punishable by death for extraordinary offenses are beyond the reach of benevolence; as for other cases that result in execution, they could instead be punished with corporal punishment. If this were done, then the number of people subjected to corporal punishment and those spared from death would be sufficient to balance each other out. Now, replacing non-lethal punishments with the method of beating someone to death is placing more value on limbs and less on human life." At that time, Zhong Yao agreed with Qun's opinion, while Wang Lang and many other advisors believed it was not yet feasible. Tai Zu highly approved of Zhong Yao's and Qun's arguments, but because military affairs had not yet concluded, he yielded to the majority opinion and thus postponed the matter.
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
羣轉為侍中，領丞相東西曹掾。在朝無適無莫，雅杖名義，不以非道假人。文帝在東宮，深敬器焉，待以交友之禮，常歎曰：「自吾有回，門人日以親。」及即王位，封羣昌武亭侯，徙為尚書。制九品官人之法，羣所建也。及踐阼，遷尚書僕射，加侍中，徙尚書令，進爵潁鄉侯。帝征孫權，至廣陵，使羣領中領軍。帝還，假節，都督水軍。還許昌，以羣為鎮軍大將軍，領中護軍，錄尚書事。帝寢疾，羣與曹真、司馬宣王等並受遺詔輔政。明帝即位，進封潁陰侯，增邑五百，并前千三百戶，與征東大將軍曹休、中軍大將軍曹真、撫軍大將軍司馬宣王並開府。頃之，為司空，故錄尚書事。 |
| | Qun was transferred to serve as Shizhong and concurrently held the position of yuanshu in charge of the eastern and western offices under the Prime Minister. In court, he showed no favoritism or bias; he upheld principles with dignity and never lent support to others through improper means. Prince Wen, while still the crown prince in the Eastern Palace, deeply respected and valued Qun. He treated him with the courtesy of a friend and often remarked: "Since I have had Chen Hui [Qun], my disciples and followers grow ever more devoted." When he ascended the throne, Wen Di bestowed on Qun the title of Changwu Ting Hou [Marquis of Changwu Pavilion] and transferred him to serve as Shangshu. The system of classifying officials into nine ranks was established by Qun's proposal. After ascending the throne, he promoted Qun to Taishi of Shusheng [Minister of Personnel], added the title of Shizhong, transferred him to serve as Ling of Shusheng, and elevated his marquisate to Yingxiang Hou. When the emperor launched a campaign against Sun Quan and arrived at Guangling, he appointed Qun to lead the Zhong Lingjun [Central Army]. After the emperor returned, Qun was granted a military commission (jiejie) and placed in command of the naval forces. Upon returning to Xuchang, the emperor appointed Qun as Zhenjun Dajiangjun [General of the Army], concurrently serving as Zhonghuujun and overseeing Shusheng affairs. When the emperor fell ill, Qun, along with Cao Zhen, Sima Xuanwang [Sima Yi], and others, jointly received the imperial will to assist in governance. When Ming Di ascended the throne, Qun was further ennobled as Yingyin Hou and received an additional 500 households of fief land, bringing his total to 1,300. He joined Zhongdong Dajiangjun Cao You, Zhongjun Dajiangjun Cao Zhen, and Fu Jun Dajiangjun Sima Xuanwang in each establishing their own offices (kai fu). Soon after, he became Sikong [Minister of Works], and continued to oversee Shusheng affairs.
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
是時，帝初莅政，羣上疏曰：「詩稱『儀刑文王，萬邦作孚』；又曰『刑于寡妻，至于兄弟，以御于家邦』。道自近始，而化洽於天下。自喪亂已來，干戈未戢，百姓不識王教之本，懼其陵遲巳甚。陛下當盛魏之隆，荷二祖之業，天下想望至治，唯有以崇德布化，惠恤黎庶，則兆民幸甚。夫臣下雷同，是非相蔽，國之大患也。若不和睦則有讎黨，有讎黨則毀譽無端，毀譽無端則真偽失實，不可不深防備，有以絕其源流。」太和中，曹真表欲數道伐蜀，從斜谷入。羣以為「太祖昔到陽平攻張魯，多收豆麥以益軍糧，魯未下而食猶乏。今旣無所因，且斜谷阻險，難以進退，轉運必見鈔截，多留兵守要，則損戰士，不可不熟慮也」。帝從羣議。真復表從子午道。羣又陳其不便，并言軍事用度之計。詔以羣議下真，真據之遂行。會霖雨積日，羣又以為宜詔真還，帝從之。 |
| | At that time, the young emperor had just assumed governance, and Qun submitted a memorial stating: "The Book of Songs says, 'Following the example of King Wen, all nations will trust.'" It also states, "Establishing a model for one's wife and extending it to brothers, thus governing the family and state." The way of governance begins with what is near at hand and extends harmoniously throughout the realm. Since the time of chaos and disorder, weapons have not yet been sheathed; the common people no longer understand the fundamentals of royal instruction, and their fear of moral decline is already great. Your Majesty now reigns during the flourishing era of Wei, bearing the legacy of two ancestors. The people throughout the realm look forward to a time of perfect governance; only by cultivating virtue and spreading moral influence, and showing kindness and care for the common folk, will all the people be truly fortunate. When subordinates merely echo one another and right and wrong are obscured, this is a great affliction for the state. "If officials do not maintain harmony, factions of enmity will arise. When such factions exist, praise and blame become baseless; when praise and blame are baseless, truth and falsehood lose their foundation. This cannot be ignored or left unguarded—it must be prevented at its source." In the Taihe period, Cao Zhen submitted a proposal to launch multiple-pronged attacks against Shu from the Xiegou Valley. Qun believed, "In the past, Tai Zu marched to Yangping and attacked Zhang Lu, collecting much grain and beans to supplement military supplies. Yet even before Zhang Lu's surrender, food was still in short supply." "Now, we have no such resources to rely on. Moreover, the Xiegou Valley is perilous and difficult for both advancement and retreat. Supply convoys will inevitably be ambushed. If many troops are left behind to guard key positions, this will weaken our fighting forces; therefore, it cannot be decided without careful consideration." The emperor followed Qun's advice. Cao Zhen again submitted a proposal to proceed via the Ziwu Road. Qun once more presented his arguments against this plan, and also discussed the financial costs of military operations. The emperor issued an edict to forward Qun's opinions to Cao Zhen; however, Cao Zhen disregarded them and proceeded with the campaign. When heavy rains persisted for many days, Qun again advised that an edict should be issued recalling Cao Zhen. The emperor followed his suggestion.
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
後皇女淑薨，追封謚平原懿公主。羣上疏曰：「長短有命，存亡有分。故聖人制禮，或抑或致，以求厥中。防墓有不脩之儉，嬴、博有不歸之䰟。夫大人動合天地，垂之無窮，又大德不踰閑，動為師表故也。八歲下殤，禮所不備，況未朞月，而以成人禮送之，加為制服，舉朝素衣，朝夕哭臨，自古已來，未有此比。而乃復自往視陵，親臨祖載。願陛下抑割無益有損之事，但悉聽羣臣送葬，乞車駕不行，此萬國之至望也。聞車駕欲幸摩陂，實到許昌，二宮上下，皆悉俱東，舉朝大小，莫不驚怪。或言欲以避衰，或言欲於便處移殿舍，或不知何故。臣以為吉凶有命，禍福由人，移徙求安，則亦無益。若必當移避，繕治金墉城西宮，及孟津別宮，皆可權時分止。可無舉宮暴露野次，廢損盛節蠶農之要。又賊地聞之，以為大衰。加所煩費，不可計量。且由吉士賢人，當盛衰，處安危，秉道信命，非徙其家以寧，鄉邑從其風化，無恐懼之心。況乃帝王萬國之主，靜則天下安，動則天下擾；行止動靜，豈可輕脫哉？」帝不聽。 |
| | Later, when the imperial princess Shu died, she was posthumously ennobled and honored with the title Pingyuan Yigongzhu [Princess Yi of Pingyuan]. Qun submitted a memorial saying: "The length or brevity of life is determined by fate, and existence or death is governed by one's destiny." Therefore, the sage established rites—sometimes restraining, sometimes expressing—to seek a proper balance. Some tombs at Fang remain unadorned in frugality; the spirits of those buried in Ying and Bo do not return. A great person's actions harmonize with heaven and earth, leaving a legacy that endures forever. Moreover, those of great virtue do not overstep propriety; their every action sets an example for others to follow. For an eight-year-old who died young, the rites are already incomplete according to tradition; how much more so for one who passed away before completing a month? To honor such a child with adult funeral rites, impose mourning attire upon others, and have the entire court wear plain clothing while weeping morning and evening—since ancient times, there has been no precedent for this. And yet, one still personally visits the tomb to oversee its construction and attend the ancestral rites in person. I humbly request that Your Majesty refrain from engaging in matters that bring no benefit but only loss. Allow the ministers to conduct the funeral rites as is proper, and I beg you not to personally attend with your carriage and entourage—this would be the greatest expectation of all nations." I have heard that Your Majesty intends to visit Mobo, yet in reality you have arrived at Xuchang. The two palaces and their attendants have all moved eastward; the entire court, from high officials to commoners, is greatly surprised. Some say it is intended to avoid an inauspicious omen; others claim the palace buildings are being moved for convenience; still others do not know the reason. I believe that fortune and misfortune are determined by fate, while blessings and calamities result from human actions. To seek safety through relocation is of no benefit. If a move must be made, the western palace at Jinyong Cheng and the separate palace in Mengjin can both serve as temporary residences. This would avoid having to move the entire court into the open fields, thereby preserving the important seasons for silkworm rearing and farming. Moreover, if our enemies hear of this, they will take it as a sign of great weakness. Furthermore, the added trouble and expense are immeasurable. Moreover, virtuous and wise people, when facing prosperity or decline, safety or danger, uphold the Way and trust in fate. They do not move their homes for peace of mind; instead, they follow the moral influence of their hometowns without fear. How much more so is this true for an emperor who rules over all nations—when he remains still, the realm enjoys peace; when he moves, the realm becomes unsettled. How can his movements and decisions be taken lightly?" The emperor did not listen.
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
青龍中，營治宮室，百姓失農時。羣上疏曰：「禹承唐、虞之盛，猶卑宮室而惡衣服，況今喪亂之後，人民至少，比漢文、景之時，不過一大郡。加邊境有事，將士勞苦，若有水旱之患，國家之深憂也。且吳、蜀未滅，社稷不安。宜及其未動，講武勸農，有以待之。今舍此急而先宮室，臣懼百姓遂困，將何以應敵？昔劉備自成都至白水，多作傳舍，興費人役，太祖知其疲民也。今中國勞力，亦吳、蜀之所願。此安危之機也，惟陛下慮之。」帝荅曰：「王者宮室，亦宜並立。滅賊之後，但當罷守耳，豈可復興役邪？是故君之職，蕭何之大略也。」羣又曰：「昔漢祖唯與項羽爭天下，羽已滅，宮室燒焚，是以蕭何建武庫、太倉，皆是要急，然猶非其壯麗。今二虜未平，誠不宜與古同也。夫人之所欲，莫不有辭，況乃天王，莫之敢違。前欲壞武庫，謂不可不壞也；後欲置之，謂不可不置也。若必作之，固非臣下辭言所屈；若少留神，卓然回意，亦非臣下之所及也。漢明帝欲起德陽殿，鍾離意諫，即用其言，後乃復作之；殿成，謂羣臣曰：『鍾離尚書在，不得成此殿也。』夫王者豈憚一臣，蓋為百姓也。今臣曾不能少凝聖聽，不及意遠矣。」帝於是有所減省。 |
| | During the Qinglong period, when palace construction was underway, the common people lost their farming season. Qun submitted a memorial: "Yu, inheriting the prosperity of Tang and Yu, still lived in humble dwellings and wore plain clothes. How much more so now, after years of war and disorder, when the population is at its lowest—comparable to only one large commandery during the reigns of Emperor Wen or Jing of Han." I, Song Zhi, note: The Book of Han's "Geography Chronicle" states that in the second year of Yuanshi, the population and number of households were at their peak. Runan Jun was a large commandery with over 300,000 households. Therefore, during the reigns of Emperors Wen and Jing, the numbers could not have been as high as this. According to the geographical records of 3 Tai Kang three years, Jin had 3.77 million households, while Wu and Shu together did not account for half that number. By this measure, although Wei had just emerged from war and disorder, compared to Jin it should not have differed so greatly. Therefore, Changwen's statement was excessive in this case. With affairs occurring at the borders and soldiers toiling hard, if there should be a disaster of flood or drought, it would be a grave concern for the state. Moreover, Wu and Shu have not yet been destroyed; the state remains unstable. We should take advantage of this time before they act, strengthen military preparedness, encourage agriculture, and be ready to respond. Now, abandoning these urgent matters in favor of palace construction, I fear the people will become increasingly burdened—how then shall we respond to our enemies? łoż In the past, Liu Bei, traveling from Chengdu to Baishui, built many relay stations, which greatly drained human resources and expenses. Taizu knew this would weary the people. Now that our central lands are strained with labor, it is exactly what Wu and Shu desire. This is a critical moment of safety or danger; I beg Your Majesty to consider this carefully." The emperor replied, "A ruler's palace should also be established alongside these matters. After the rebels are crushed, we will only need to disband the garrisons; how could we possibly resume labor projects? This is why it was the duty of a ruler—this grand strategy of Xiao He." Qun added, "In the past, Emperor Gaozu of Han was only contending with Xiang Yu for the empire. After Yu's defeat and his palaces burned down, Xiao He constructed the armory and the Grand Granary, which were essential matters, yet they were still not extravagant or magnificent. Now that these two enemies remain undefeated, it is truly inappropriate to follow the same example as in ancient times. Sun Sheng said: According to the Rites of Zhou, there are regulations for chiseling and polishing in the palace of the Son of Heaven. Yet the embellishments of simplicity or sophistication change with the times. Han inherited the ills of Zhou and Qin, and should have promoted a culture of simplicity; yet how could it be appropriate to lavish attention on palace decorations and set an example of extravagance for future generations? This is precisely why Emperor Wu built thousands of gates and ten thousand households—was this not an act of excessive expansion, rather than a statement that nothing more could be added? How much more so in the case of Wei, which was then facing difficulties with Wu and Shu, when all under heaven were suffering through hardship. To cite Xiao He's controversial actions as a model precedent is surely to be confused about the fundamental principles and ignorant of distinguishing gains from losses! This would lead rulers through many generations to become bewildered between extravagance and frugality—what could be the source of such confusion? The Book of Songs says: "If these words are flawed, they cannot be followed." Is this not precisely what is meant by that saying! People's desires are always accompanied by justifications; how much more so for the Son of Heaven, whose will none dare to oppose. Previously, when he wished to destroy the armory, it was said that it could not be left standing; later, when wishing to build it again, it was claimed that it could not fail to be constructed. If the emperor insists on building it, then certainly no words from his subjects can dissuade him; Yet if he were to give just a little attention and decisively change his mind, that too would be beyond the power of his subjects. Emperor Ming of Han once wished to build Deyang Hall; Zhongli Yi advised against it, and the emperor immediately heeded his advice. Later, however, construction was resumed; after the hall was completed, he told his ministers: "If Zhongli Shangshu were still alive, I could not have built this hall." A Son of Heaven is certainly not afraid of one minister; rather, it is for the sake of the people. Now I am unable even to slightly capture Your Majesty's attention—how much less do I compare to Zhongli Yi!" The emperor thus made some reductions.
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
初，太祖時，劉廙坐弟與魏諷謀反，當誅。羣言之太祖，太祖曰：「廙，名臣也，吾亦欲赦之。」乃復位。廙深德羣，羣曰：「夫議刑為國，非為私也；且自明主之意，吾何知焉？」其弘博不伐，皆此類也。青龍四年薨，謚曰靖侯。子泰嗣。帝追思羣功德，分羣戶邑，封一子列侯。 |
| | Initially, during Taizu's reign, Liu Yi was implicated in his brother's conspiracy with Wei Feng to rebel and faced execution. Qun spoke on Yi's behalf to Taizu, who said: "Yi is a distinguished minister; I also wish to pardon him." He was thus reinstated in his position. Yi deeply valued Qun's kindness, but Qun said: "Deliberating on punishment is for the state, not for personal reasons; and besides, how could I possibly know Your Majesty's intentions?" His broad-mindedness and humility were evident in cases like this. He died in the fourth year of Qinglong, posthumously honored with the title Jing Hou. His son Tai succeeded him. The emperor, reflecting on Qun's meritorious service and virtue, divided part of his fiefdom and enfeoffed one of his sons as a marquis. The Book of Wei states: "Qun repeatedly and secretly advised on matters of state, and each time he submitted a sealed memorial, he would destroy the draft. At that time, neither his contemporaries nor even his sons or grandsons knew about it." Some critics have mocked Qun for holding office in silence and doing nothing. During the Zhengshi period, an imperial edict ordered the compilation of memorials submitted by ministers, which were collected as "Memorials from Distinguished Ministers." Only then did officials in court become aware of Qun's advice, all expressing deep admiration. Yuan Zizi said: "Some say, 'Wasn't the former Shaofu Yang Fu a loyal minister?" When he saw his sovereign's faults, he would become greatly angered and confront them directly; when speaking with others, he never failed to mention this. Was this not what is meant by 'loyal ministers who speak out boldly, not for their own sake'?"!" The reply was: "Indeed, he may be called an upright man, but whether he is truly loyal I do not know. A benevolent person loves others. When shown to a ruler, it is called loyalty; when shown to one's parents, it is called filial piety. Loyalty and filial piety both stem from the same fundamental virtue. Therefore, for one who has reached the height of benevolence and love, when a ruler or parent is in error, if repeated advice goes unheeded, only after exhausting all efforts would such a person speak out reluctantly, unwilling to make it public. Now, a minister who sees his sovereign straying from the right path and directly denounces his faults while spreading tales of his wickedness may be called an upright person, but he cannot truly be considered a loyal subject. Therefore, the Sikong Chen Qun was not like that; in his conversations all day long, he never spoke of any faults of the sovereign; he submitted dozens of memorials while outsiders remained unaware. Thus, the gentlemen said that Qun was indeed a man of virtue in this regard."
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
泰字玄伯。青龍中，除散騎侍郎。正始中，徙游擊將軍，為并州刺史，加振威將軍，使持節，護匈奴中郎將，懷柔夷民，甚有威惠。京邑貴人多寄寶貨，因泰市奴婢，泰皆挂之於壁，不發其封，及徵為尚書，悉以還之。嘉平初，代郭淮為雍州刺史，加奮威將軍。蜀大將軍姜維率衆依麴山築二城，使牙門將句安、李歆等守之，聚羌胡質任等寇偪諸郡。征西將軍郭淮與泰謀所以禦之，泰曰：「麴城雖固，去蜀險遠，當須運糧。羌夷患維勞役，必未肯附。今圍而取之，可不血刃而拔其城；雖其有救，山道阻險，非行兵之地也。」淮從泰計，使泰率討蜀護軍徐質、南安太守鄧艾等進兵圍之，斷其運道及城外流水。安等挑戰，不許，將士困窘，分糧聚雪以稽日月。維果來救，出自牛頭山，與泰相對。泰曰：「兵法貴在不戰而屈人。今絕牛頭，維無反道，則我之禽也。」勑諸軍各堅壘勿與戰，遣使白淮，欲自南渡白水，循水而東，使淮趣牛頭，截其還路，可并取維，不惟安等而已。淮善其策，進率諸軍軍洮水。維懼，遁走，安等孤縣，遂皆降。 |
| | Chen Tai, courtesy name Xuanbo. During the Qinglong period, he was appointed as Sanqi Shilang. During the Zhengshi period, he was transferred to become Youji Jiangjun and served as Cishi of Bingzhou. He was also granted the title Zhenwei Jiangjun, given authority with a ceremonial scepter, and appointed Hu Huxu Zhonglangjiang. In pacifying and winning over the local ethnic groups, he demonstrated great authority and benevolence. Many aristocrats in the capital entrusted valuable goods to Tai, asking him to purchase slaves and servants for them. Tai hung all these items on his walls without opening their seals; when he was summoned to serve as Shangshu, he returned everything intact. In the first year of Jiaping, he succeeded Guo Huai as Cishi of Yongzhou and was granted the title Fenwei Jiangjun. The Shu Great General Jiang Wei led his troops to rely on Qushan and built two cities, assigning Ya Men generals Gu An and Li Xin et al. to defend them, gathering the Qiang and Hu tribes under Zhiren to raid and pressure various commanderies. Zhengxi Jiangjun Guo Huai and Tai discussed strategies to resist them. Tai said, "Although Qushan city is strong, it lies far from Shu in a perilous location and must rely on transported grain supplies. The Qiang tribes are troubled by Wei's burdensome labor demands; they certainly will not be willing to submit. If we surround and capture them, we can take the city without shedding blood; Even if they receive reinforcements, the mountainous terrain is perilous and not suitable for military operations." Guo Huai followed Tai's plan and ordered Tai to lead the Toushu Hujun Xu Zhi, Nan'an Taishou Deng Ai et al. in advancing troops to surround them, cutting off their supply routes and water sources outside the city walls. Gu An et al. challenged for battle, but were refused. The defending soldiers became increasingly desperate and resorted to rationing food and gathering snow in order to delay the passage of time. Jiang Wei indeed came to their rescue, emerging from Niutou Mountain and confronting Tai directly. Tai said: "According to the art of war, the highest value lies in subduing the enemy without fighting. Now that we have cut off Niutou Mountain, Wei has no way to retreat—this is our opportunity to capture him." Tai ordered all the troops to fortify their positions and not engage in battle, sent a messenger to Guo Huai, and proposed that he himself would cross south of Baishui River, follow its course eastward, while instructing Guo Huai to hasten toward Niutou Mountain to cut off Wei's retreat. This strategy could capture Wei altogether—not just Gu An et al. Guo Huai approved the plan and advanced with his forces to take up position along Tao Shui River. Jiang Wei, fearing encirclement, fled. Gu An et al., now isolated and cut off, surrendered.
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
淮薨，泰代為征西將軍，假節都督雍、涼諸軍事。後年，雍州刺史王經白泰，云姜維、夏侯霸欲三道向祁山、石營、金城，求進兵為翅，使涼州軍至枹䍐，討蜀護軍向祁山。泰量賊勢終不能三道，且兵勢惡分，涼州未宜越境，報經：「審其定問，知所趣向，須東西勢合乃進。」時維等將數萬人至枹䍐，趣狄道。泰勑經進屯狄道，須軍到，乃規取之。泰進軍陳倉。會經所統諸軍於故關與賊戰不利，經輒渡洮。泰以經不堅據狄道，必有它變。並遣五營在前，泰率諸軍繼之。經巳與維戰，大敗，以萬餘人還保狄道城，餘皆奔散。維乘勝圍狄道。泰軍上邽，分兵守要，晨夜進前。鄧艾、胡奮、王秘亦到，即與艾、祕等分為三軍，進到隴西。艾等以為「王經精卒破衂於西，賊衆大盛，乘勝之兵旣不可當，而將軍以烏合之卒，繼敗軍之後，將士失氣，隴右傾蕩。古人有言：『蝮蛇螫手，壯士解其腕。』孫子曰：『兵有所不擊，地有所不守。』蓋小有所失而大有所全故也。今隴右之害，過於蝮蛇，狄道之地，非徒不守之謂。姜維之兵，是所辟之鋒。不如割險自保，觀釁待弊，然後進救，此計之得者也。」泰曰：「姜維提輕兵深入，正欲與我爭鋒原野，求一戰之利。王經當高壁深壘，挫其銳氣。今乃與戰，使賊得計，走破王經，封之狄道。若維以戰克之威，進兵東向，據櫟陽積穀之實，放兵收降，招納羌、胡，東爭關、隴，傳檄四郡，此我之所惡也。而維以乘勝之兵，挫峻城之下，銳氣之卒，屈力致命，攻守勢殊，客主不同。兵書云『脩櫓橨榅，三月乃成，拒堙三月而後已』。誠非輕軍遠入，維之詭謀倉卒所辦。縣軍遠僑，糧穀不繼，是我速進破賊之時也，所謂疾雷不及掩耳，自然之勢也。洮水帶其表，維等在其內，今乘高據勢，臨其項領，不戰必走。寇不可縱，圍不可乆，君等何言如此？」遂進軍度高城嶺，潛行，夜至狄道東南高山上，多舉烽火，鳴鼓角。狄道城中將士見救者至，皆憤踊。維始謂官救兵當須衆集乃發，而卒聞已至，謂有奇變宿謀，上下震懼。自軍之發隴西也，以山道深險，賊必設伏。泰詭從南道，維果三日施伏。定軍潛行，卒出其南。維乃緣山突至，泰與交戰，維退還。涼州軍從金城南至沃于阪。泰與經共密期，當共向其還路，維等聞之，遂遁，城中將士得出。經歎曰：「糧不至旬，向不應機，舉城屠裂，覆喪一州矣。」泰慰勞將士，前後遣還，更差軍守，並治城壘，還屯上邽。 |
| | After Guo Huai's death, Tai succeeded him as Zhengxi Jiangjun, was granted a ceremonial scepter and appointed to oversee all military affairs in Yongzhou and Liangzhou. The following year, Cishi of Yongzhou Wang Jing reported to Tai that Jiang Wei and Xiahou Ba intended to launch a three-pronged attack toward Qishan, Shiying, and Jincheng. He requested reinforcements as support forces, sending Liangzhou troops to Fuchuan and Toushu Hujun toward Qishan. Tai assessed that the enemy's forces would ultimately not be able to launch attacks on three fronts, and since dividing one's troops was a military disadvantage, it was not yet appropriate for Liangzhou forces to cross into foreign territory. He replied to Jing: "After verifying their exact movements and understanding their direction of attack, we will advance only when the eastern and western forces are ready to unite." At that time, Jiang Wei et al. led tens of thousands of troops toward Fuchuan, advancing toward Didaodao. Tai ordered Jing to advance and take up position at Didaodao, waiting for the arrival of reinforcements before planning an attack. Tai advanced his troops toward Chencang. Just then, the forces under Jing's command suffered a setback in battle against the enemy at Gu Guan and immediately crossed the Tao River. Tai believed that since Jing had not held firm at Didaodao, there must be some other development. He dispatched five military units ahead while Tai led the main forces in pursuit. Jing had already engaged Wei and suffered a crushing defeat, retreating with over ten thousand men to defend Didaodao city while the rest fled in disarray. Taking advantage of his victory, Jiang Wei laid siege to Didaodao. Tai's forces arrived at Shanggui, where they divided their troops to guard key positions and advanced day and night. Deng Ai, Hu Fen, and Wang Mi also arrived, and immediately with Deng Ai and Wang Mi divided their forces into three armies to advance toward Longxi. Deng Ai et al. believed, "Wang Jing's elite troops were defeated on the western front; the enemy forces are now greatly strengthened. An army advancing in the wake of a victorious foe is difficult to oppose, and with General Tai leading an undisciplined force following a retreating army, our soldiers have lost morale, and Longyou has been thrown into chaos. The ancients said: 'When a viper bites the hand, a valiant man amputates his wrist.' Sunzi said: "There are battles one must not fight, and positions one must not defend." This is because a small loss may preserve a greater whole. Now, the danger in Longyou surpasses that of a viper's bite; the position at Didaodao is not merely one we should abandon. Jiang Wei's forces are precisely where we must avoid confrontation. We should instead abandon the perilous terrain and preserve ourselves, await an opportunity in their weakness, and then advance to rescue our forces—this is a sound strategy." Tai said: "Jiang Wei has led a light force deep into our territory, precisely seeking to engage us in open-field combat and gain an advantage through one decisive battle. Wang Jing should have constructed high walls and deep fortifications to blunt their momentum. Now, instead, he has engaged them in battle, allowing the enemy to achieve their plan, defeating Wang Jing and enclosing us at Didaodao. If Jiang Wei uses the momentum of his victorious forces to advance eastward, seizing the stored grain at Liyang, deploying troops to capture and subdue our forces, recruiting Qiang and Hu tribesmen, contending for Guan and Long in the east, and issuing proclamations to the four commanderies, this is what we most fear. Yet Jiang Wei's victorious forces are now being repelled beneath the high walls, his battle-hardened troops forced to expend their strength in a desperate attack—offense and defense are now reversed, and the advantage of initiative has shifted. Military texts say: 'Building siege towers and wooden shelters takes three months to complete, while constructing a ramming barrier also requires three months before it is finished.' Indeed, this was not something Jiang Wei could accomplish hastily with a lightly equipped force advancing deep into enemy territory. The enemy's forces are stationed far from their base, with no continuous supply of grain; this is precisely the time for us to advance quickly and crush them. This is what is meant by a sudden thunderclap that does not allow one to cover one's ears—it is an inevitable development. The Tao River encircles them on the outside, and Jiang Wei's forces are trapped within. Now we occupy a high position with favorable terrain, looming over their necks; without battle, they will surely flee. Bandits must not be allowed to escape, and sieges cannot last too long—why do you all speak in such a way?" Thus, Tai advanced his army across Gaosheng Ling, moving secretly and arriving at night on a high mountain to the southeast of Didaodao, where he raised numerous beacons and sounded drums and horns. The soldiers within Didaodao city, seeing that relief forces had arrived, were all filled with excitement and determination. Jiang Wei initially believed that government relief forces would only advance after assembling a large force, but suddenly hearing of their arrival, he suspected some unexpected and premeditated maneuver, causing panic among his ranks. Since our forces departed from Longxi, we anticipated that the mountainous terrain was deep and perilous, so the enemy would surely set ambushes. Tai pretended to take the southern route, and Jiang Wei indeed deployed an ambush for three days. Min Songzhi's annotation: This biography states, "Jiang Wei believed the relief forces would need to gather a large army before advancing, but suddenly heard they had arrived and suspected some unusual maneuver, causing alarm among his ranks"—this indicates that the arrival of the rescue force was unexpected. If Jiang Wei did not know about the relief forces' approach, why would he have deployed ambush troops in such a remote and dangerous location for three days? To set an ambush and await them is precisely because one knows they are coming. These statements are all internally inconsistent. The army advanced secretly and suddenly emerged from the south. Jiang Wei then ascended the mountain in a sudden attack, but upon engaging Tai's forces in battle, he withdrew and retreated. The Liangzhou army advanced from Jincheng to the south as far as Wuyu Ban. Tai and Wang Jing had secretly arranged a plan to jointly cut off their retreat route; upon hearing this, Jiang Wei et al. fled, allowing the defenders of Didaodao to escape. Wang Jing sighed and said: "If supplies had not arrived within ten days, if we had failed to seize the opportunity earlier, this entire city would have been slaughtered and torn apart, leading to the loss of an entire province." Tai comforted and rewarded his soldiers, sending some back in succession while assigning others to garrison duty. He also reinforced the city walls and defenses before returning to station at Shanggui.
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
初，泰聞經見圍，以州軍將士素皆一心，加得保城，非維所能卒傾。表上進軍晨夜速到還。衆議以經奔北，城不足自固，維若斷涼州之道，兼四郡民夷，據關、隴之險，敢能沒經軍而屠隴右。宜須大兵四集，乃致攻討。大將軍司馬文王曰：「昔諸葛亮常有此志，卒亦不能。事大謀遠，非維所任也。且城非倉卒所拔，而糧少為急，征西速救，得上策矣。」泰每以一方有事，輒以虛聲擾動天下，故希簡白上事，驛書不過六百里。司馬文王語荀顗曰：「玄伯沈勇能斷，荷方伯之重，救將陷之城，而不求益兵，又希簡上事，必能辦賊故也。都督大將，不當爾邪！」 |
| | Initially, when Tai heard that Wang Jing was under siege, he believed the soldiers and officers of Liangzhou had always been united in purpose, and with their strong defenses, Didaodao could not be suddenly captured by Jiang Wei. He submitted a report requesting that the army advance day and night to arrive quickly and return. The general opinion was that Wang Jing had fled in defeat, and the city could not defend itself. If Jiang Wei were to cut off the roads of Liangzhou, unite the people and ethnic minorities from four commanderies, occupy the perilous passes at Guan and Long, he would be bold enough to destroy Wang Jing's forces and massacre all of Longyou. We should wait until a large force is assembled from four directions before launching an attack. The Grand General Sima Wenwang said: "In the past, Zhuge Liang often harbored such ambitions, yet in the end he was unable to achieve them. Such a grand undertaking with long-term planning is beyond Jiang Wei's capabilities. Moreover, the city cannot be captured in a hasty assault, and their shortage of supplies is urgent; therefore, Zengxi's swift relief was indeed the best strategy." Tai often believed that whenever a region encountered trouble, he should use exaggerated reports to alarm the whole country; therefore, he rarely submitted detailed reports and limited courier messages to no more than 600 li. Sima Wenwang said to Xun Yi: "Xuanbo is resolute and courageous, bearing the heavy responsibility of a regional governor. He rescued a city on the verge of falling without requesting additional troops and submitted few reports—this must be because he was confident in his ability to deal with the enemy." "This is precisely what a commander-in-chief and great general should do, isn't it!"
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| | 陳羣傳子... : |
後徵泰為尚書右僕射，典選舉，加侍中光祿大夫。吳大將孫峻出淮、泗。以泰為鎮軍將軍，假節都督淮北諸軍事，詔徐州監軍已下受泰節度。峻退，軍還，轉為左僕射。諸葛誕作亂壽春，司馬文王率六軍軍丘頭，泰總署行臺。司馬景王、文王皆與泰親友，及沛國武陔亦與泰善。文王問陔曰：「玄伯何如其父司空也？」陔曰：「通雅博暢，能以天下聲教為己任者，不如也；明統簡至，立功立事，過之。」泰前後以功增邑二千六百戶，賜子弟一人亭侯，二人關內侯。景元元年薨，追贈司空。謚曰穆侯。子恂嗣。恂薨，無嗣。弟溫紹封。咸熈中開建五等，以泰著勳前朝，改封溫為慎子。 |
| | Later, Tai was summoned to serve as Youpuye of the Shangshu, overseeing appointments and selections, and was also granted the title of Shizhong Guanglu Daifu. The Wu general Sun Jun advanced out from Huai and Si rivers. Tai was appointed as Zhunjun Jiangjun, granted a military command staff to oversee all military affairs in the north of Huai River, and an imperial edict ordered subordinate commanders at the level of Xuzhou Jianjun downward to obey his orders. After Sun Jun withdrew and the army returned, Tai was transferred to serve as Zuopuye. Zhuge Dan rebelled at Shouchun, and Sima Wenwang led the Six Armies to station at Qiutou, with Tai overseeing operations from the mobile headquarters. Sima Jingwang and Sima Wenwang were both close friends of Tai, as was Wu Gai from Pei Guo. Sima Wenwang asked Gai: "How does Xuanbo compare to his father, the Sikong?" Gai replied: "In terms of broad learning and eloquence, and in taking upon himself the responsibility of spreading moral influence across the realm, he is not as great. But in clarity of governance, simplicity, and effectiveness in achieving accomplishments and establishing merit, he surpasses his father." Tai was repeatedly awarded additional fiefs totaling 2,600 households for his meritorious service. He was also granted noble titles: one of his descendants received the title Tinghou, and two others were made Guannei Hou. In Jingyuan Year 1 he died and was posthumously honored as Sikong. He was given the posthumous title "Mu Hou." Gan Bao's Jin Ji records: When Emperor Gao Gui Xianggong was killed, Sima Wenwang convened court ministers to discuss the matter. The Taichang Chen Tai did not attend; his uncle-in-law Xun Yi was sent to summon him. Xun Yi arrived and informed him of the situation, explaining what could or could not be done. Tai said: "The world often compares me to my uncle-in-law; today, however, he is no match for me." His family members, both inside and outside the household, all pressured him together, and with tears streaming down his face, he entered. The prince received him in a private chamber and said: "Xuanbo, how do you wish to treat me?" Tai replied: "Slay Jia Chong to atone before the realm." Sima Wenwang said, "For me, think of an alternative solution." Tai replied: "I have only suggested this course of action and do not know any other alternatives." Sima Wenwang then said nothing further. The Wei Shi Chunqiu records: When the emperor died, the Taifu Sima Fu and the Shangshu Youpuye Chen Tai placed their heads on his body, weeping bitterly in deep sorrow. At that time, the Grand General entered the palace. Tai saw him and was overwhelmed with grief; the Grand General also wept before him and said: "Xuanbo, what am I to do?" Tai replied: "There is only one option—execute Jia Chong. That would at least offer some recompense to the realm." The Grand General, after a long pause, said: "You must think of another way." Tai replied: "How could I possibly suggest anything else?" He then vomited blood and died. Min Songzhi's annotation: According to the original biography, Tai did not serve as Taichang; it is unclear how Gan Bao came to know this. Sun Sheng altered Tai's words—though a minor embellishment. Yet examining Sun Sheng's alterations, they are not based on any special or different information; rather, he freely rewrote them according to his own ideas, and most of these changes do not match the original. In general, when recording speech, one should make it sound as if spoken by the person himself. To use eloquent but untrue words is already unacceptable for a gentleman; how much more so to fabricate falsehoods without even the merit of eloquence? According to the Bowu Ji: The Taiqiu Chang Chen Shi, his son Honglu Ji, Ji's son Sikong Qun, and Qun's son Tai formed four generations of prominence. In both the Han and Wei dynasties, they all enjoyed great reputations, though their virtue gradually diminished over time. Contemporaries remarked: "The Duke was ashamed of the Minister, and the Minister was ashamed of the Magistrate." His son Xun succeeded him. Xun died without an heir. His younger brother Wen inherited the title. During the Xianxi period, when the five ranks of nobility were established, Tai's distinguished service in the previous dynasty was recognized, and Wen was regranted the title as Shenzi. According to the Chen clan genealogy: after Qun's generation, the family's status and influence gradually declined. Chen Zuo, a descendant of Chen Chan, served as an official up to the position of Qingzhou Cishi. Zuo's younger brother Tan was a Tingwei. Zuo's son Zhun served as Taiwei and was granted the title Gong of Guangling Jun. Zhun's younger brothers Dai and Zheng, along with his cousin Kan, all attained high official positions. Zhun's grandson Kui, courtesy name Lindao, was renowned in the Jiangzuo region and served as Xizhonglangjiang. He was posthumously honored with the title Weijiangjun.
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