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管子曰：「粟行三百里，則國無一年之積；粟行四百里，則國無二年之積；粟行五百里，則眾有飢色。」孫武曰：「千里饋糧，士有飢色。食敵一鍾，當吾二十鍾。」是言粟不可推移，則糴之者無利，糶之處受害。 |
| | Guan Zi said: "If grain has to be transported three hundred li, then the state will have no surplus for even one year; if grain has to be transported four hundred li, then the state will lack a two-year reserve; if grain has to be transported five hundred li, the people will show signs of hunger." Sun Wu said: "When provisions have to be sent over a thousand li, soldiers will show signs of starvation. Feeding one zhong from the enemy is equivalent to feeding twenty zhongs for our own forces." This means that grain cannot be easily transported; therefore, those who purchase it gain no profit, and those who sell it suffer losses.
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秦欲攻匈奴，運糧，使天下飛芻輓粟，起於黃、腄、琅琊負海之郡，轉輸北河，率三十鍾而致一石。 |
| | The Qin dynasty wanted to attack the Xiongnu and transport provisions, ordering grain to be rushed from all over the country. Begun in Huang and Zhu, Langya, a commandery bordering the sea, transported supplies to the northern river; For every thirty zhong transported, only one dan actually arrived.
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漢興，高皇帝時，漕轉山東之粟，以給中都官，歲不過數十萬石。 |
| | When the Han dynasty was founded, during Emperor Gaozu's reign, grain from Shandong was transported by canal to supply the central government offices, and the annual amount did not exceed several hundred thousand dan.
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孝文時，賈誼上疏曰：「天子都長安，而以淮南東道為奉地，鏹道數千，不輕致輸，郡或乃越諸侯而遠調均發徵，至無狀也。古者天子之地方千里，中之而為都，輸將繇使，其遠者不在五百里而至。公侯地百里，中之而為都，輸將繇使，遠者不在五十里而至。輸者不苦其繇，繇者不傷其費，故遠方人安。及秦，不能分人寸地，欲自有之，輸將起海上而來，一錢之賦，數十錢之費，不輕而致也。上之所得甚少，而人之苦甚多也。」帝不能用。 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Xiaowen, Jia Yi submitted a memorial stating: "The Son of Heaven resides in Chang'an, yet the eastern route of Huainan is designated as the source for tribute. The transport routes stretch thousands of li and are not easily managed; some commanderies even have to bypass feudal states to make distant levies and uniform distributions, which is an unreasonable situation. In ancient times, the Son of Heaven's territory spanned a thousand li; he would establish his capital at its center. The transportation and distribution of supplies were arranged so that even the farthest regions did not have to travel more than five hundred li to deliver them. Dukes and marquises governed territories of a hundred li; they would establish their capitals at the center, and arrange for transportation and distribution so that even the farthest areas did not have to travel beyond fifty li. Those transporting goods would not suffer from the corvée labor, and those performing corvée service would not incur excessive expenses; thus, people in distant regions felt secure. But by the time of the Qin dynasty, it could not grant even an inch of land to its people; instead, it sought to control everything itself. Grain transport had to come from as far as the sea, and for every one qian in taxes collected, dozens of qian were spent on transportation costs—it was no easy matter to achieve. The ruler's gains were very small, while the people's suffering was immense." The emperor did not adopt his advice.
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孝武建元中，通西南夷，作者數萬人，千里負擔饋糧，率十餘鍾致一石。其後東滅朝鮮，置滄海郡，人徒之費，擬西南夷。又衛青擊匈奴，取河南地，復興十餘萬人築衛朔方，轉漕甚遠，自山東咸被其勞。 |
| | During the Jianyuan period of Emperor Xiaowu, when communication with the southwestern Yi tribes was established, tens of thousands were mobilized for construction. People carried provisions over a thousand li by hand, and it took more than ten zhong to deliver one dan. Later, when the eastern campaign against Chaoxian was launched and Canghai Jun was established, the cost of transporting people and provisions was comparable to that of the southwestern Yi expedition. Also, Wei Qing attacked the Xiongnu and captured the area south of the Yellow River, More than 100,000 people were mobilized to build the defense of Shuofang, and grain transport was extremely long-distance; all of Shandong bore this burden.
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元光中，大司農鄭當時言於帝曰：「異時關東運粟漕水從渭中上，度六月而罷，而渭水道九百餘里，時有難處。引渭穿渠，起長安，傍南山下，至河三百餘里，徑，易漕，度可三月罷，此損漕省卒。」天子以為然，發卒穿漕渠以漕運，大便利。 |
| | During the Yuanguang period, Da Sinong Zheng Dangshi said to the emperor: "In previous times, grain transport from Guandong by canal followed the Wei River route upstream. The journey usually took six months and ended in June, but the Wei River waterway was over nine hundred li long and presented many difficulties at certain times. If we were to dredge a canal along the Wei River, starting from Chang'an and running alongside the southern mountains down to the Yellow River for over three hundred li, it would be direct and easier for transport. The journey could be completed in about three months instead of six; this would reduce the burden on 漕 transport and save labor." The Son of Heaven agreed, mobilized workers to dig a canal for grain transport, which greatly improved efficiency.
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其後番係言，漕從山東西，歲百餘萬石，更底柱之險，敗亡甚多而亦頗費。穿渠引汾，溉皮氏、汾陰下，引河溉汾陰、蒲阪下，度可得五千頃。故盡河壖棄地，度可得穀二百萬石以上。穀從渭上，與關中無異，而底柱之東，可無復漕。」天子又以為然，渠田數歲，河移徙，渠不到，田者不能償種。久之，河東渠田廢。 |
| | Later, Fan Xi said: "The grain transport from Shandong and Shanxi passed through the dangerous Dizhu rapids each year with over a million dan of grain. Many ships were wrecked or lost, and this was also very costly. Dredging a canal to divert the Fen River would irrigate Pi Shi and Fenyin below, while also diverting the Yellow River to irrigate Fenyin and Puzhan below. It was estimated that about 5,000 qing of land could be cultivated. Thus, all the abandoned lands along the riverbanks were to be utilized. It was estimated that over two million dan of grain could be produced. Grain transported upstream along the Wei River would be no different from that in Guanzhong, and to the east of Dizhu, canal transport could be eliminated altogether." The Son of Heaven again agreed. However, after several years of cultivating channel-irrigated fields, the Yellow River changed its course; the canals could not reach their intended destinations, and farmers were unable to recover even the cost of seeds. After a long time, the channel-irrigated farmland in Hedong was abandoned.
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其後人有上書，欲通褒斜道及漕，事下御史大夫張湯。湯聞其事，因言「抵蜀從故道，多阪迴遠，今穿褒斜道，少阪，近四百里。而褒水通沔，斜水通渭，皆可以行船漕。漕從南陽上沔入褒，褒絕水至斜，閒百餘里，以車轉，從斜入渭。如此漢中之穀可致，山東從沔無限，便於底柱之漕。且褒、斜材木竹箭之饒，擬於巴蜀。」天子然之，拜湯子昂為漢中守，發數萬人作褒斜道五百餘里。道果便近，而水多湍石，不可漕。 |
| | Later, someone submitted a memorial suggesting that the Baoshe Road be opened. When it came to grain transport matters, the issue was referred to Yushi Daifu Zhang Tang. Zhang Tang, upon hearing of the matter, remarked: "Traveling to Shu via the old road is full of steep inclines and long detours. Now, by dredging a new route through Baoshe, there would be fewer inclines, and it would shorten the journey by about four hundred li. Moreover, since the Bao River connects to Mian and the She River connects to Wei, both could be used for boat transport of grain. Grain transport would proceed from Nanyang upstream along Mian into Bao, then across land over a hundred li between the two rivers by cart to She, and finally enter Wei via She. In this way, grain from Hanzhong could be delivered; Shandong's grain transport through Mian would have no restrictions and would be more convenient than the route via Dizhu. Moreover, the abundance of timber, bamboo, and arrows in Bao and She is comparable to that of Ba and Shu." The Son of Heaven approved this, appointed Zhang Tang's son Zhang Ang as the governor of Hanzhong, and mobilized tens of thousands to construct over five hundred li of the Baoshe Road. The road indeed proved more convenient and shorter; however, there were many rapids and rocks in the water, making canal transport impossible.
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孝宣即位，百姓安土，歲數豐穰，穀石五錢，農人少利。時耿壽昌以善為算，能商功利，得幸於上。五鳳中，奏言：「故事，歲漕關東穀四百萬斛以給京師，用卒六萬人。宜糴三輔、弘農、河東、上黨、太原等郡穀，足供京師，可以省關東漕卒過半。」天子從其計。御史大夫蕭望之奏言：「壽昌欲近糴漕關內之穀，築倉理船，費直二萬萬餘，有動眾之功，恐生旱氣，人被其災。壽昌習於商功分銖之事，其深計遠慮，誠未足任，宜且如故。」帝不聽，漕事果便。 |
| | When Emperor Xiaoxuan ascended the throne, the people were content with their land and several years of bountiful harvests brought grain prices down to five qian per dan, leaving farmers little profit. At that time, Geng Shouchang was favored by the emperor for his skill in calculation and ability to assess profits and losses. During the Wufeng period, he submitted a memorial saying: "According to established practice, four million hu of grain from Guandong are transported annually by canal to supply the capital, requiring 60,000 laborers. We should instead purchase grain from the commanderies of Sanfu, Hongnong, Hedong, Shangdang, and Taiyuan. This would be sufficient to supply the capital and could reduce by more than half the number of laborers needed for grain transport from Guandong." The Son of Heaven followed his plan. Yushi Daifu Xiao Wangzhi submitted a memorial stating: "Shouchang wants to purchase and transport grain from within the Guan region, which is closer. Building granaries and preparing ships would cost over twenty yi. This involves mobilizing a large workforce, which I fear may provoke dry weather and bring disaster upon the people. Shouchang is skilled in calculating profits down to the smallest details, but his long-term planning and foresight are truly insufficient for such a task. It would be better to continue as before." The emperor did not listen; in the end, grain transport proved more convenient.
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魏齊王正始二年，司馬宣王使鄧艾行陳、項以東至壽春。艾以為「田良水少，不足以盡地利，宜開河渠，可以大積軍糧，又通運漕之道」。宣王從之，乃開廣漕渠，東南有事，興眾泛舟而下，達於江淮。資食有儲而無水害，艾所建也。 |
| | In the second year of Zhengshi during the reign of King Qi of Wei, Sima Xuanwang sent Deng Ai to conduct an inspection from Chen and Xiang eastward to Shouchun. Ai believed, "The land is fertile but water resources are scarce; this is insufficient to fully utilize the land's potential. We should excavate canals and rivers, which would allow for a large accumulation of military provisions and also open up transportation routes for grain transport." Xuanwang followed his advice, so they began to excavate and expand the canal. When there were military operations in the southeast, large numbers of people could be mobilized to travel downstream by boat, reaching the Yangtze and Huai rivers. This ensured food supplies were stored without suffering from water disasters; this was Deng Ai's contribution.
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晉武帝泰始十年，鑿陝南山，決河東注洛，以通運漕。懷帝永嘉元年，修千金堨於許昌，以通運。成帝咸和六年，以海賊寇抄，運漕不繼，發王公以下千餘丁，各運米六斛。穆帝時，頻有大軍，糧運不繼，制王公以下十三戶共借一人，助度支運。 |
| | In the tenth year of Taishi reign period of Emperor Wu of Jin (274 AD), a mountain in Shan was excavated, and the river to the east was diverted into the Luo River to facilitate transportation by canal. In the first year of Yongjia reign period of Emperor Huai (307 AD), the Qianjin Weir was repaired in Xuchang to facilitate transportation. In the sixth year of Xianhe reign period of Emperor Cheng (351 AD), due to pirate raids and disrupted grain transport, over a thousand laborers were conscripted from princes down to commoners, each tasked with transporting six hu of rice. During the reign of Emperor Mu, frequent large-scale military campaigns led to a shortage in grain transport. A decree was issued that thirteen households from princes down should jointly contribute one person each to assist the Department of Revenue with transportation.
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後魏自徐揚內附之後，仍代經略江淮，於是轉運中州，以實邊鎮，百姓疲於道路。有司請於水運之次，隨便置倉，乃於小平、石門、白馬津、漳涯、黑水、濟州、陳郡、大梁凡八所，各立邸閣。每軍國有須，應機漕引，自此費役微省。 |
| | After the regions of Xu and Yang submitted to the Northern Wei, The Northern Wei continued to manage the Jianghuai region, thus transporting grain from Zhongzhou to reinforce frontier garrisons, causing the common people great exhaustion along the roads. The officials in charge requested that during the river transport, storage facilities be established at convenient locations. As a result, eight sites were selected—Xiaoping, Shimen, Baomajin, Zhangya, Heishui, Jizhou, Chen Jun, and Daliang—and granaries were built at each location. Whenever the military or state required supplies, transport could be arranged promptly by canal, thus slightly reducing labor and expenses from that point onward.
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時三門都將薛欽上言：「計京西水次汾華二州，恒農、河北、河東、正平、平陽等郡，年常綿絹及貲麻，皆折公物，僱車牛送京，道險人弊，費公損私。略計華州一車，官酬絹八疋三丈九尺，別有私人僱價布八十疋；河東一車，官酬絹五疋二丈，別有私人僱價布五十疋。自餘州郡，雖未練多少，推之遠近，應不減此。今求車取僱絹三疋，市材造船，不勞採斫。計船一艘，舉十三車，車取三疋，合有三十九疋。僱作手并匠及船上雜具食直，足以成船。計一船賸絹七十八疋，布七百八十疋。又租車一乘，官格二十斛成載，私人僱價，遠者五斗、布一疋，近者一石、布一疋。准其私費，一車布遠者八十疋，近者四十疋。造船一艘，計舉七百石，准其僱價，應有千四百疋。今取布三百疋造船一艘，并船上覆理雜事，計一船有賸布千一百疋。又其造船之處，皆須鋸材人功，并削船茹，依功多少，即給當州郡門兵，不假更召。汾州有租調之處，去汾不過百里，華州去河不滿六十，並令計程，依舊酬價，車送船所。船之所運，唯達缆陂。其陸路從缆陂至倉門，調一車僱絹一疋，租一車布五疋，則於公私為便。」 |
| | At that time, Xue Qin, the commander of Sanmen, submitted a proposal: "Considering the two states of Fen and Hua along the western route to the capital, as well as the commanderies of Hengnong, Hebei, Hedong, Zhengping, and Pingyang, which annually produce silk, gauze, and hemp, these goods are currently converted into public property and transported by hired carts or oxen to the capital. The roads are treacherous, people suffer from exhaustion, and both state resources and private interests are damaged." A rough calculation shows that for one cart from Hua Zhou, the official compensation is eight bolts and three zhang nine chi of silk, with an additional eighty bolts of cloth paid privately by the individual; for one cart from Hedong, the official compensation is five bolts and two zhang of silk, with an additional fifty bolts of cloth paid privately. For other states and commanderies, although the exact amounts have not been verified, estimating based on distance, they should be no less than this. Now I request that three bolts of silk per cart be allocated to purchase materials for building ships, thus avoiding the need for laborious felling and cutting. Calculating that one ship can carry thirteen carts, with three bolts of silk allocated per cart, a total of thirty-nine bolts would be required. This amount is sufficient to hire laborers and craftsmen as well as cover the cost of food and miscellaneous supplies for the ship. The calculation shows that one ship would save seventy-eight bolts of silk and seven hundred eighty bolts of cloth. In addition, for one rented cart, the official rate is twenty hu of grain per load. Private hiring costs vary: for distant routes, five dou and one bolt of cloth; for nearby routes, one shi and one bolt of cloth. Based on private expenses, a cart traveling to distant locations would cost eighty bolts of cloth, while for nearby ones it would be forty bolts. Building one ship, which can carry seven hundred shi of grain, and calculating the hiring cost accordingly, should amount to 1,400 bolts. Now, by using three hundred bolts of cloth to build one ship and accounting for the cost of covering and managing various matters on board, it is calculated that one ship would still have a surplus of 1,100 bolts of cloth. Moreover, the locations for building ships would require laborers to saw timber and hulls. According to the amount of work involved, these tasks could be assigned directly to local garrison troops from the respective states or commanderies without needing additional recruitment. Fen Zhou has areas where taxes and levies are collected, no more than one hundred li from the Fen River. Hua Zhou is less than sixty li away from the Yellow River. In both cases, by calculating the distance according to established rates, carts would transport goods to the ship's location as before. The ships' transportation only needs to reach Lan Bei. For the overland route from Lan Bei to the warehouse gate, hiring one cart would cost one bolt of silk for official levies and five bolts of cloth per cart in rent. This arrangement would be convenient for both public and private interests."
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尚書度支郎中朱元旭計稱：「今校薛欽之說，雖跡驗未彰，而指況甚善。所云以船代車，是策之長者。若以門兵造舟，便為闕彼防城，無容全依。宜令取僱車之物，市材就作，及倉庫所須，悉以營辦。七月之始，十月初旬，令州郡綱典各受租調於所在，然後付之。十車之中，留車士四人佐其守護。粟帛上船之日，隨運至京，將共監慎，如有耗損，同其陪徵。河中缺失，專歸運司。輸京之時，聽其即納，不得雜合，違失常體。必使量上數下，謹其受入，自餘一如其例。計底柱之難，號為天險，迅驚千里，未易其功。然既陳便利，無容輒抑。若效充其說，則附例酬庸；如其不驗，徵填所損。今始開刱，不可懸生減折，且依請營立。一年之後，須知贏費。歲遣御史，校其虛實，脫有乖越，別更量裁。」 |
| | Shangshu Du Zhi Langzhong Zhu Yuanxu calculated and stated: "Now, examining Xue Qin's proposal, although its practical effectiveness has not yet been clearly demonstrated, the suggestion itself is very sound. The idea of replacing carts with ships is a wise strategy. However, if we use the garrison troops to build boats, it would leave their city defenses lacking; thus, we cannot fully rely on this approach. It is advisable to use the funds allocated for hiring carts to purchase materials and construct ships, as well as organize all necessary supplies from the granaries. At the beginning of July and in the first ten days of October, order the officials responsible for transport in each state and commandery to collect taxes and levies locally before handing them over. Out of every ten carts, four guards should be left behind to assist with protection and security. On the day millet and silk are loaded onto ships, they should be transported directly to the capital under joint supervision. If any losses occur, both parties will share responsibility for compensation. Losses occurring along the river route shall be solely attributed to the transport officials. When delivering goods to the capital, they must be accepted immediately as received and not mixed together; otherwise, it would violate established procedures. It is essential that quantities are carefully measured—more at the top and less at the bottom—and that acceptance be handled with care; all other matters should follow this example. The difficulty of navigating the Di Zhi rapids is renowned as a natural peril, with swift and alarming currents spanning thousands of li; it is no easy feat to overcome. Nevertheless, since the benefits have already been presented, there is no justification for immediate rejection. If we follow and implement his proposal, then rewards should be granted according to precedent; if it proves ineffective, compensation must be made for the losses incurred. Since this is a new initiative, we cannot arbitrarily reduce or deduct resources at the outset; it should proceed according to the request and be established accordingly. After one year, we must assess whether there are savings or expenses incurred. Annually, imperial censors should be dispatched to verify the accuracy of these accounts; if discrepancies arise, further adjustments will be made accordingly."
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尚書崔休：「按欽所列，實允事宜；郎中之計，備盡公理。但舟楫所通，遠近必至，苟利公私，不宜止在前件。昔人乃遠通褒斜以利關中之漕，南達交廣以增京洛之饒。況乃漳洹夷路，河濟平流，而不均彼省煩，同茲巨益？請諸通水之處，皆宜率同此式。縱復五百、三百里，車運水次，校計利饒，猶為不少。其欽所列州郡，如請興造，東路諸州，皆先通水運，今年租調，悉用舟楫。若船數有闕，且賃假充事，比之僦車，交成息耗。其先未通流，宜遣檢行，閑月修葺，使理有可通，必無擁滯。如此則發召匪多，為益實廣，一爾蹔勞，久安永逸。」詔從之，而未能盡行也。 |
| | Shangshu Cui Xiu: "According to what Xue Qin has listed, the proposal is indeed reasonable and appropriate; the calculations by the Langzhong are thorough and in line with public interest. However, wherever ships can reach, both distant and near locations will benefit; if it proves advantageous to the state and people, we should not limit ourselves solely to the previously mentioned plan. In ancient times, people constructed long-distance routes through Baosha to benefit canal transport in Guanzhong and extended them southward to Jiao and Guang commanderies to enrich the capitals of Jing and Luoyang. Moreover, the roads along Zhanghe and Huanhe are now level, the Yellow River and Ji River flow smoothly—how can we not share this convenience among the provinces, achieving such great benefits together? I request that in all areas where water transport is possible, similar measures be adopted uniformly. Even if the distance were 500 or 300 li, transporting by cart to a waterway and calculating the benefits, it would still be considerable. The states and commanderies listed by Xue Qin, if approved for construction, would allow the eastern route's various states to first establish water transport. This year's taxes and levies should all be transported via boats. If there is a shortage of ships, we may temporarily rent or borrow them to fulfill the task; compared to hiring carts, this will result in mutual savings and reduced losses. For areas where water transport has not yet been established, officials should be sent to inspect and survey. During idle months, repairs and improvements should be made so that the route becomes navigable; this will ensure there is no congestion or delay. If done in this way, fewer laborers would need to be conscripted, and the benefits will indeed be extensive. A brief period of effort now will bring lasting peace and ease." The imperial edict approved this proposal, but it was not fully implemented.
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孝文太和七年，薄骨律鎮將刁雍上表曰：「奉詔高平、安定、統萬及臣所守四鎮，出車五千乘，運屯穀五十萬斛付沃野鎮，以供軍糧。臣鎮去沃野八百里，道多深沙，輕車往來，猶以為難。設令載穀二十石，每至深沙，必致滯陷。又穀在河西，轉至沃野，越渡大河計車五千乘，運十萬斛，百餘日乃得一返，大廢生人耕墾之業，車牛艱阻，難可全至，一歲不過二運，五十萬斛乃經三年。臣聞鄭、白之渠，遠引淮海之粟，泝流數千，周年乃得一至，猶稱國有儲糧，人用安樂。求於●●山河水之次，造船二百艘。二船為一舫，一船勝穀二千斛，一舫十人，計須千人。臣鎮內之兵，率皆習水。一運二十萬斛，方舟順流，五日而至，自沃野牽上，十日還到，合六十日得一返。從三月至九月三返，運送六十萬斛。計用人工，輕於車運十倍有餘，不費牛力，又不廢田。」詔曰：「知欲造船運穀，一冬即成，大省人力，既不費牛，又不廢田，甚善。非但一運，自可永以為式。」 |
| | In the seventh year of Taihe reign period of Emperor Xiaowen, Diao Yong, the commander of Bogoliu Zhen, submitted a memorial stating: "I have received an imperial edict regarding Gaoping, Dingping, and Tongwan Including the four garrisons under my command, five thousand carts were dispatched to transport fifty thousand hu of stored grain to Wuye Zhen to supply military rations. My garrison is 800 li away from Wuye, and the road is filled with deep sand; even light carts find it difficult to travel back and forth. If each cart were loaded with twenty shi of grain, upon reaching the deep sand areas, they would inevitably become stuck or sink. Moreover, grain stored in the western part of the river must be transported across to Wuye. Crossing the great Yellow River requires 5,000 carts to transport ten thousand hu, and it takes over a hundred days for one round trip. This greatly hinders people's farming activities; with difficult conditions for carts and oxen, not all can arrive safely. Only two trips per year are possible, meaning that transporting fifty thousand hu would take three years. I have heard that the Zheng and Bai canals could draw grain from the Huaihai region, with transport upstream over thousands of li taking an entire year for a single delivery. Yet it was still considered sufficient to maintain state reserves and ensure people's peace and well-being. I request to excavate at ●● Mountain along the Yellow River to build two hundred ships. Two ships form one fang, and each ship can carry 2,000 hu of grain. One fang requires ten people, totaling a need for 1,000 individuals. The soldiers under my garrison are mostly experienced in water transport. One trip can carry 200,000 hu. With double ships sailing downstream, it takes five days to arrive; returning upstream from Wuye requires ten days, making a total of sixty days for one round trip. From the third month to the ninth month, three round trips can be made, transporting 600,000 hu in total. The labor required is less than one-tenth of that needed for cart transport, no oxen are used, and farmland remains undisturbed." The imperial edict stated: "We are informed of your plan to build ships for grain transport, which could be completed in one winter and would greatly reduce labor. It neither consumes oxen nor disrupts farmland—this is excellent. This method not only benefits a single transport but can serve as an enduring model for the future."
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隋文帝開皇三年，以京師倉廩尚虛，議為水旱之備，詔於蒲、陝、虢、熊、伊、洛、鄭、懷、邵、衛、汴、許、汝等水次十三州，置募運米丁；又於衛州置黎陽倉，洛州置河陽倉，陝州置常平倉，華州置廣通倉，轉相灌注。漕關東及汾、晉之粟，以給京師。又遣倉部侍郎韋瓚向蒲、陝以東募人能於洛陽運米四十石，經底柱之險，達於常平者，免其征戍。其後以渭水多沙，流有深淺，漕者苦之。 |
| | In the third year of Kaihuang reign period of Emperor Wen of Sui, as the granaries in the capital were still insufficient, a discussion was held to prepare for floods and droughts. An imperial edict ordered thirteen states along waterways—Pu, Shan, Guo, Xiong, Yi, Luo, Zheng, Huai, Shao, Wei, Bian, Xu, and Ru—to Recruit laborers for grain transport; and also establish Liyang Granary in Weizhou, Heyang Granary in Luozhou, Changping Granary in Shan Zhou, and Guangtong Granary in Huazhou. These granaries would be connected for the continuous transfer of grain supplies. Grain transported by canal from Dongguan, Fen, and Jin regions was used to supply the capital. Additionally, Cangbu Shilang Wei Zan was dispatched to the area east of Pu and Shan to recruit individuals capable of transporting forty shi of rice from Luoyang through the treacherous Dizhu rapids to Changping; such individuals would be exempted from military service or corvée labor. Later, due to the Wei River's high silt content and varying depths, canal transport became difficult for those involved.
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四年，詔宇文愷率水工鑿渠，引渭水，自大興城東至潼關，三百餘里，名曰廣通渠。轉運通利，關內賴之。 |
| | In the fourth year, an imperial edict was issued ordering Yuwen Kai to lead water engineers in excavating a canal, diverting Wei River water from Daxing Cheng to Tongguan in the east, over 300 li, named Guangtong Qu. The canal facilitated efficient grain transport and was relied upon by regions within the Guannei area.
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煬帝大業元年，發河南諸郡男女百餘萬，開通濟渠，自西苑引穀、洛水達於河，又引河通於淮海，自是天下利於轉輸。四年，又發河北諸郡百餘萬眾，開永濟渠，引沁水南達於河，北通涿郡。自是丁男不供，始以婦人從役。五年，於西域之地，置西海、鄯善、且末等郡，謫天下罪人，配為戍卒，大開屯田，發四方諸郡運糧以給之。七年冬，大會涿郡。分江淮南兵配驍衛大將軍來護兒，別以舟師濟滄海，舳艫數百里，並載軍糧，期與大兵會於平壤。 |
| | In the first year of Daye reign under Emperor Yang, over a million men and women from various jun in Henan were mobilized to excavate Tongji Qu. The canal was dug by diverting Gu and Luo Rivers from Xiyuan to reach the Yellow River; it further connected the Yellow River with Huaihai region. From then on, grain transport across the empire became more efficient. In the fourth year, over a million people from various jun in Hebei were again mobilized to excavate Yongji Qu. The canal diverted Qin River water southward to reach the Yellow River and northward to connect with Zhuo Jun. From then on, adult males were no longer conscripted for labor; instead, women began to be drafted into service. In the fifth year, Xihai, Shanshan, Qiemu, and other jun were established in the Western Regions. Convicted criminals from all over the empire were exiled and assigned as garrison soldiers; large-scale military farming was initiated, and grain supplies were transported to them by various jun across the four directions. In winter of the seventh year, a grand assembly was held in Zhuo Jun. Troops from the southern banks of the Jianghuai region were assigned to Xiao Wei Dajiangjun Lai Huer, while a separate naval force was sent across Canghai. The fleet stretched for hundreds of li and carried military supplies, with plans to rendezvous with the main army in Pingrang.
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大唐咸亨三年，於岐州陳倉縣東南開渠，引渭水入昇原渠，通船钥至京故城。 |
| | In the third year of Xianheng reign of Datang, a canal was excavated in the southeast of Chencang Xian, Qizhou. The Wei River water was diverted into Shengyuan Qu to allow boat traffic up to Jinggucheng.
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開元十八年，玄宗問朝集使利害之事，宣州刺史裴耀卿上便宜曰：「江南戶口稍廣，倉庫所資，唯出租庸，更無征防。緣水陸遙遠，轉運艱辛，功力雖勞，倉儲不益。竊見每州所送租及庸調等，本州正月二月上道，至揚州入斗門，即逢水淺，已有阻礙，須停留一月以上。三月四月以後，始渡淮入汴，多屬汴河乾淺，又船運停留。至六月七月後，始至河口，即逢黃河水漲，不得入河。又須停一兩月，待河水小，始得上河。入洛即漕路乾淺，船艘隘齄，般載停滯，備極艱辛。計從江南至東都，停滯日多，得行日少，糧食既皆不足，折欠因此而生。又江南百姓，不習河水，皆轉僱河師水手，更為損費。伏見國家舊法，往代成規，擇制便宜，以垂長久。河口元置武牢倉，江南船不入黃河，即於倉內便貯。鞏縣置洛口倉，從黃河不入漕洛，即於倉內安置。爰及河陽倉、柏崖倉、太原倉、永豐倉、渭南倉，節級取便，例皆如此。水通則隨近運轉，不通則且納在倉，不滯遠船，不憂欠耗，比於曠年長運，利便一倍有餘。今若且置武牢、洛口等倉，江南船至河口，即卻還本州，更得其船充運，并取所減腳錢，更運江淮變造義倉，每年剩得一二百萬石。即數年之外，倉廩轉加。其江淮義倉，多為下溼，不堪久貯，若無船運，三兩年色變，即給貸費散，公私無益。」疏奏不省。 |
| | In the eighteenth year of Kaiyuan, Emperor Xuanzong asked chaojishi (imperial envoys) about matters concerning benefits and harms. Xuanzhou Zhushi Pei Yaoqing submitted a proposal: "The population in Jiangnan is relatively large; the resources for granaries depend solely on land taxes and corvée labor, with no additional levies or military service. Due to the long distances by water and land, transportation is arduous; although much labor is expended, granary reserves do not increase. I have observed that the grain and yongdiao (tax in kind or labor) sent by each jun usually depart from their respective states in January or February. Upon arriving at Yangzhou to enter the doumen (a canal gate), they encounter shallow water, causing delays; a stop of over one month is required. After March and April, the grain begins to cross the Huai River into Bianhe (Bian Canal), but during this time the river is often dry or shallow, causing further delays in boat transport. By June and July, they finally reach the mouth of the river, but then encounter high Yellow River water levels, making it impossible to enter. They must stop for another one or two months until the river level recedes before they can proceed upstream on the Yellow River. Upon entering Luoyang, the canal route is again dry and shallow; narrow waterways cause congestion of ships, with transport halting repeatedly, making the process extremely arduous. Calculated from Jiangnan to Dongdu, there are more days of delays and fewer days of actual travel; as grain supplies become insufficient, losses and shortages inevitably occur. Moreover, the common people in Jiangnan are unfamiliar with river navigation; they must hire experienced boatmen and water handlers for transport, which results in additional costs. I have observed the state's old laws and established precedents from past dynasties; selecting appropriate measures for convenience will ensure lasting benefits. Originally, Wulao Cang was established at the river mouth; ships from Jiangnan did not enter the Yellow River but instead stored their cargo directly in this granary. Gong Xian established Luokou Cang; if ships from the Yellow River did not proceed into the canal to Luo, they would unload and store their cargo within this granary. Similarly, Heyang Cang, Baiya Cang, Taiyuan Cang, Yongfeng Cang, and Weinan Cang were established; at each stage, convenience was prioritized, following the same example. When the waterway is navigable, cargo can be transported nearby; when it is not, goods are temporarily stored in granaries. This prevents distant ships from being delayed and eliminates concerns about shortages or losses. Compared to long-distance transport over many years, this method offers more than double the convenience and efficiency. If we now establish Wulao, Luokou, and similar granaries, when ships from Jiangnan arrive at the river mouth, they can return to their home jun immediately. This allows the same vessels to be reused for transport; additionally, by reallocating funds previously spent on transportation costs, we could further transport grain from Jianghuai to build Yicang (charity granaries), resulting in an annual surplus of one or two million shi. Within a few years, the granary reserves would significantly increase. The Yicang granaries in Jianghuai are often located in low, damp areas and cannot store grain for long. If there is no ship transport, the grain will spoil within two or three years; it would then be distributed as loans or lost to waste, benefiting neither the state nor private individuals." The memorial was submitted but not heeded.
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至二十一年，耀卿為京兆尹，京師雨水害稼，穀價踴貴。耀卿奏曰： |
| | In the twenty-first year, Pei Yaoqing served as Jingzhao Yin; heavy rains and floods damaged crops in the capital region, causing grain prices to soar. Yaoqing submitted a memorial stating:
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伏以陛下仁聖至深，憂勤庶務，小有飢乏，降詔哀矜，躬親支計，救其危急。今既大駕東巡，百司扈從，諸州及三輔先有所貯，且隨見在發重臣分道振給，計可支一二年。從東都廣漕運，以實關輔，待稍充實，車駕西還，即事無不濟。 |
| | I humbly submit that Your Majesty's benevolence and wisdom are profound, and you diligently attend to all state affairs. Even in the face of minor food shortages, you issue edicts expressing compassion, personally oversee distribution plans, and provide relief for those in dire straits. Now that Your Majesty has embarked on a grand eastern tour, with all government offices accompanying you, the various jun and the three Fu regions have already stored reserves. Furthermore, by dispatching senior officials to distribute relief along different routes based on current supplies, it is estimated these resources can last for one or two years. By expanding canal transport from Dongdu to replenish Guanfu, once supplies are somewhat sufficient, when Your Majesty returns westward, all matters will be well-managed.
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臣以國家帝業本在京師，萬國朝宗，百代不易之所。但為秦中地狹，收粟不多，儻遇水旱，便即匱乏。往者貞觀、永徽之際，祿廩數少，每年轉運，不過一二十萬石，所用便足，以此車駕久得安居。今昇平日久，國用漸廣，每年陝洛漕運，數倍於前，支猶不給。陛下數幸東都，以就貯積，為國大計，不憚劬勞，皆為憂人而行，豈是故欲來往。若能更廣陝運支入京，倉廩常有二三年糧，即無憂水旱。今日天下輸丁約有四百萬人，每丁支出錢百文，充陝洛運腳，五十文充營窖等用，貯納司農及河南府、陝州，以充其費。租米則各隨遠近，任自出腳送納。 |
| | I believe the capital is where the empire's foundation lies; it is a place of imperial authority, where all nations pay homage and which has remained unchanged for generations. However, the Qinzhong region is narrow in land area and produces limited grain; if drought or flood strikes, shortages will quickly arise. In the past, during the Zhenguan and Yonghui periods, official salaries were modest; annual grain transport did not exceed one or two hundred thousand shi, which was sufficient for needs, allowing Your Majesty to reside in peace for a long time. Now, after prolonged peace, state expenditures have gradually increased; the annual canal transport from Shan and Luo is now several times greater than before, yet it still cannot meet demand. Your Majesty has frequently visited Dongdu to access stored reserves, a major state strategy. You endure great labor for the people's sake; these journeys are out of concern for them and not for personal preference or convenience. If we can further expand the transport from Shan to supply the capital, ensuring granaries always hold enough grain for two or three years, there will be no need to worry about droughts or floods. Today, the empire mobilizes approximately four million laborers for transport. Each laborer receives 100 wen in expenses to cover transportation costs from Shan and Luo; an additional 50 wen is allocated for storage and other related expenditures, with funds collected by Sinong (Ministry of Agriculture), Henan Fu, and Shanzhou to cover these costs. As for grain taxes, each household may transport their contributions according to the distance involved, bearing the transportation costs themselves.
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東都至陝，河路艱險，既用陸腳，無由廣致。若能開通河漕，變陸為水，則所支有餘，動盈萬計。且江南租船，所在候水，始敢進發。吳人不便河漕，由是所在停留，日月既淹，遂生隱盜。臣請於河口置一倉，納江東租米，便放船迴。從河口即分入河洛，官自僱船載運。河運者至三門之東，置一倉。既屬水險，即於河岸傍山車運十數里；至三門之西，又置一倉。每運至倉，即般下貯納。水通即運，水細便止。漸至太原倉，泝河入渭，更無停留，所省巨萬。臣常任濟、定、冀等三州刺史，詢訪故事，前漢都關內，年月稍久，及隋亦在京師，緣河皆有舊倉，所以國用常贍。若依此行用，利便實深。」 |
| | The route from Dongdu to Shan is difficult and dangerous by river; since land transport must be used, it is not possible to significantly increase the volume of grain transported. If we can open and improve the river canal system, shifting from land transport to waterways, then expenses will be more than sufficient, with savings amounting into the tens of thousands. Moreover, grain ships from Jiangnan must wait for favorable water conditions before daring to depart. The people of Wu are not accustomed to river canals; as a result, their ships remain stranded at various locations for extended periods. With time passing and delays accumulating, hidden thefts inevitably arise. I respectfully request the establishment of a granary at the river mouth to receive grain taxes from Jiangdong, allowing ships to return immediately after unloading. From the river mouth, the grain can be directly distributed into the Yellow River and Luo River systems, with officials hiring ships for transport themselves. Those transporting by the Yellow River should establish a granary east of Sanmen Pass. Since this area is prone to water hazards, transport should switch to carts along the riverbank and mountain roads for ten or so li; Upon reaching west of Sanmen Pass, another granary should be established. Whenever a shipment arrives at the granary, it should immediately be unloaded and stored. When water conditions are favorable for transport, shipping proceeds; when waters become shallow or unfavorable, operations cease. Gradually reaching Taiyuan Cang and proceeding upstream along the Yellow River into Weihe, there will be no further delays, resulting in enormous savings. I have previously served as Zhushi of Ji, Ding, and Ji Jun; through inquiries into past practices, I learned that during the Former Han dynasty when the capital was in Guannei, after a few years had passed, and also during the Sui dynasty with its capital at Chang'an, there were existing granaries along the Yellow River to ensure steady state supplies. If we follow this plan for implementation, the benefits and convenience will be substantial."
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上大悅，尋以耀卿為黃門侍郎、同中書門下平章事，敕鄭州刺史及河南少尹蕭炅，自江淮至京以來，檢古倉節級貯納。仍以耀卿為轉運都使。於是始置河陰縣及河陰倉，河清縣置柏崖倉，三門東置集津倉，三門西置三門倉。開三門北山十八里，陸行以避湍險。自江淮西北泝鴻溝，悉納河陰倉。自河陰候水調浮，漕送含嘉倉，又取曉習河水者，遞送納於太原倉，所謂北運也。自太原倉浮渭以實關中。凡三年，運七百萬石，省腳三十萬貫。耀卿罷相後，緣北運險澀，頗有欺隱，議者又言其不便，事又停廢。 |
| | The emperor was greatly pleased. Soon afterward, Pei Yaoqing was appointed Huangmen Shilang and Tong Zhongshu Menxia Pingzhangshi (a chancellor). An imperial decree ordered Zhengzhou Zhushi and Henan Shaoyin Xiao Jing to inspect the ancient granaries from Jianghuai to the capital since then, establishing a tiered system for storage. Yaoqing was also appointed as Zhuanyun Dushi (Head of Transport). At this time, Heyin Xian and Heyin Cang were first established; Baiya Cang was set up in Heqing Xian; Jijin Cang at the east of Sanmen; and Sanmen Cang to its west. An eighteen-li land route was excavated through the northern mountains of Sanmen to avoid treacherous rapids. From Jianghuai, grain was transported northwest along Honggou and fully stored in Heyin Cang. From Heyin, grain was sent by water when conditions were favorable to Haogou Cang; then, experienced river transporters would continue delivering the cargo to Taiyuan Cang—this is known as northern transport. From Taiyuan Cang, grain was floated along Weihe to replenish Guanzhong region. Over the course of three years, a total of seven million shi were transported, saving thirty thousand guan in transportation costs. After Yaoqing was removed from his chancellor position, due to the northern transport route being dangerous and difficult, there were many cases of fraud and concealment. Critics argued it was inconvenient, and the system was once again suspended.
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二十七年，河南採訪使、汴州刺史齊澣以江淮漕運經淮水波濤有沈損，遂開廣濟渠下流，自泗州虹縣至楚州淮陰縣北十八里，合於淮，不踰時畢功。既而以水流浚急，行旅艱險，旋即停廢，卻由舊河。 |
| | In the twenty-seventh year, Henan Cai Fangshi and Bianzhou Zhushi Qi Huan, noting that canal transport from Jianghuai through the Huai River was prone to losses due to waves and turbulence, decided to excavate a lower section of Guangji Qu. Starting from Hong Xian, Sizhou, to 18 li north of Huaiyin Xian in Chuzhou, it connected with the Huai River; the project was completed within a short time. However, due to swift and deep currents in the new channel making travel difficult and dangerous, it was soon abandoned, reverting back to the old river route.
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二十九年，陝州刺史李齊物避三門河路急峻，於其北鑿石渠通運船，為漫流，河泥旋填淤塞，不可漕而止。 |
| | In the twenty-ninth year, Shanzhou Zhushi Li Qiwu, to avoid the treacherous and steep river route at Sanmen, excavated a stone channel north of it for transport ships. However, due to siltation from river sediment quickly filling the channel, canal transport was abandoned.
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天寶二年，左常侍兼陝州刺史韋堅開漕河，自苑西引渭水，因古渠至華陰入渭，引永豐倉及三門倉米以給京師，名曰廣運潭。以堅為天下轉運使。天寶中，每歲水陸運米二百五十萬石入關。 |
| | In the second year of Tianbao, Zuo Changshi and Shanzhou Zhushi Wei Jian excavated a canal. Starting from the western part of Yuan, he diverted Wei River water through an ancient channel to Huayin where it rejoined the Weihe; grain was drawn from Yongfeng Cang and Sanmen Cang for supply to the capital, named Guangyun Tan. Wei Jian was appointed as Tianxia Zhuanyun Shi (Imperial Transport Commissioner). During the Tianbao period, 2.5 million shi of grain were transported annually by land and water into Guanzhong.
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管子曰：「海王之國，謹正鹽筴。十口之家，十人食鹽，百口之家，百人食鹽。終月大男食鹽五升少半，大女食鹽三升少半，吾子食鹽二升少半，此其大曆也。鹽百升而釜，今鹽之重，升加分強，釜五十也；升加一強，釜百也；升加二強，釜二百也。鍾二千，十鍾二萬，百鍾二十萬，千鍾二百萬。萬乘之國，人數開口千萬也。禺筴之商，日二百萬，十日二千萬，一月六千萬，萬乘之國，正九百萬也。月人三十錢之籍，為錢三千萬。今吾非籍之諸君吾子，而有二國之籍者六千萬。使君施令曰：吾將籍於諸君吾子，則必囂號，令天給之鹽筴，則百倍歸於上，人無以避此者，數也。今鐵官之數曰：一女必有一鍼一刀，若其事立。耕者必有一耒一耜一銚，若其事立。行服連軺輂者，必有一斤一鋸一錐一鑿，若其事立。不爾而成事者，天下無有。今鍼之重加一也，三十鍼一人之籍。刀之重加六，五六三十，五刀一人之籍也。耜鐵之重加七，三耜鐵一人之籍也。其餘輕重皆准此而行，然則舉臂勝事，無不服籍者。」 |
| | Guanzi said: "In the state of Haiwang, Carefully correct the salt policies. A family of ten people consumes salt for ten persons, and a family of one hundred people consumes salt for one hundred persons. An adult male consumes five sheng plus a small portion of salt per month, An adult female consumes three sheng plus a small portion, and children consume two sheng plus a small portion. This is the general record of it. One fu of salt is one hundred sheng. Now the price of salt is higher: one sheng costs more than before, and one fu now costs fifty. If an additional qiang is added per sheng, then a fu costs one hundred. Adding two qiang per sheng results in a cost of two hundred for a fu. One zhong equals 2,000. Ten zhong equal twenty thousand; a hundred zhong equal two hundred thousand; one thousand zhong equal two million. In a state with ten thousand chariots, the population has tens of millions of mouths to feed. The merchants in Yu Cai trade two million per day, Ten days amount to twenty million; one month totals sixty million. In a state with ten thousand chariots (a large kingdom), the tax revenue is nine million. A monthly tax of thirty qian per person would amount to thirty million qian. Now, without registering children and young dependents, the tax records amount to sixty million for two states. If you, Sir, issue an order saying: "I will register the elderly and children," there would certainly be complaints. If you then impose a salt tax policy enforced by heaven's decree, it could bring in one hundred times more revenue for the state, and no one would be able to avoid this—this is simply how numbers work. Now, regarding the iron officials' records: each woman must have one needle and one knife; if this is enforced, then their task will be accomplished. A plowman must have one lěi, one si, and one chao; only then will their task be accomplished. Xingfu Lian Yao , Gu , One must have one jin, one saw, one awl, and one chisel; only then will the task be accomplished. If it is not done this way and still succeeds, there has never been such a case in the world. Now, the price of one needle increases by one unit; thirty needles constitute the tax for one person. The price of a knife increases by six units; five times six is thirty, so five knives constitute the tax for one person as well. The price of iron si increases by seven units; three iron si constitute the tax for one person's registration. The rest of the weights and prices are applied according to this principle, Thus, when one raises their arm to perform a task (sheng), no one can avoid being registered for taxation."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
桓公曰：「然則國無山海不王乎？」 |
| | Huan Gong asked: "Then does a state without mountains and seas not become a king?"
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| | 鹽鐵: |
管子曰：「因人之山海，假之名有海之國，售鹽於吾國。釜十五吾受而官出之以百，我未與其本事也，受人之事，以重相推，此人用之數也。」 |
| | Guanzi said: "By relying on the mountains and seas of others, one can falsely claim to be a state with access to the sea. Sell salt in our state. We buy one fu for fifteen units and sell it at a hundred through the government. We did not use any of the actual resources or labor for this, We take advantage of others' affairs and use heavy taxation or markups, This is how people utilize such methods."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
又曰：「齊有渠展之鹽，請君伐菹薪，煮水為鹽，正而積之。十月始正，至於正月，成三萬六千鍾，下令曰：孟春既至，農事且起，大夫無得繕冢墓，理宮室，立臺榭，築牆垣。北海之眾無得聚庸而煮鹽。此則坐長十倍，以令糶之。梁、趙、宋、衛、濮陽彼盡餽食之國，無鹽則腫，守圉之國，用鹽獨甚。」桓公乃使糶之，得成金萬斤。 |
| | It is also said: "Qi has Quzhan salt, 藟 Please request the lord to gather firewood, Boil water to make salt, Tax it and accumulate the supply. Starting in the tenth month, taxation begins and continues until the first lunar month, accumulating a total of 36,000 zhong. An order is then issued: "Now that the first spring month has arrived and farming activities are about to begin, no officials may construct tombs, renovate palaces, build pavilions or terraces, or erect walls. The people from the Northern Sea must not gather laborers. To boil salt. This allows the price to increase tenfold while sitting idle, and then orders it for sale. Liang, Zhao, Song, Wei, and Puyang are all states that rely entirely on imported salt for consumption. Without salt, people suffer from swelling—this is a country that relies on defense and imports, Their consumption of salt is particularly high." Huan Gong then ordered the sale, and thus acquired ten thousand jin of gold.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
漢孝武中年，大興征伐，財用匱竭，於是大農上鹽鐵丞孔僅、東郭咸陽言：「山海，天地之藏，皆宜屬少府，陛下弗私，以屬大農佐賦。願募民自給費，因官器作煮鹽，官與牢盆。浮食奇民欲擅管山海之貨，以致富羡，役利細民。其沮事之議，不可勝聽。敢私鑄鐵器煮鹽者，釱左趾，沒其器物。郡不出鐵者置小鐵官，使屬在所縣。」使僅、咸陽乘傳，舉行天下鹽鐵，作官府，除故鹽鐵家富者為吏，吏益多賈人矣。 |
| | In the middle years of Emperor Wu of Han, when large-scale military campaigns were launched and state finances became exhausted, Da Nong (Grand Granary) submitted a proposal by Yan Tie Cheng Kong Jian and Dongguo Xiangyang: "Mountains and seas are treasures of heaven and earth; they should all be under the control of Shaofu. Your Majesty does not claim them as private property but instead assigns them to Da Nong for supplementary taxation. We respectfully request that the people be recruited and allowed to bear their own expenses, using official tools to produce salt; the government will provide them with official cauldrons for boiling. Floating and idle people who seek to monopolize the goods of mountains and seas, To grow rich with excess profits, Exploiting the common people for profit. Those who raise objections to this plan, Are too numerous to listen to. Anyone who dares to privately cast iron tools or boil salt will have their left toes pierced, Their tools and possessions will be confiscated. In commanderies where iron is not produced, a minor iron official should be appointed, and report to the local county authorities." Kong Jian and Dongguo Xiangyan traveled by official conveyance, overseeing salt and iron operations throughout the empire. Establish government offices, Former wealthy families who had been involved in salt and iron production were appointed as officials; thus, there were even more bureaucrats who acted like merchants.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
卜式為御史大夫，見郡國多不便縣官作鐵器苦惡，價貴，或強令民買之，而船有算，商者少，物貴，乃因孔僅言船算事。上不說。 |
| | Bu Shi became the Minister of Justice, He observed that in many commanderies and states, the government-produced iron tools were of poor quality and caused hardship for the people. The prices were high, and sometimes the people were forced to buy them. Additionally, ships had to pay a tax, which discouraged merchants, leading to higher commodity prices; thus, Kong Jian spoke about the ship tax issue. The emperor was displeased.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
又董仲舒說上曰：「今鹽鐵之利二十倍於古，人必病之。」 |
| | Dong Zhongshu also advised the emperor, saying: "Now the profits from salt and iron are twenty times greater than in ancient times; this must cause hardship for the people."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
孝昭元始六年，令郡國舉賢良文學之士，問以民所疾苦，教化之要。皆對曰：「願罷鹽鐵酒榷均輸官，無與天下爭利，示以儉節，然後教化可興。」 |
| | In the sixth year of Yuanshi during the reign of Emperor Xiaozhao, an edict was issued ordering all commanderies and states to recommend virtuous and learned scholars, who were then asked about the people's hardships and the essentials of moral education. All responded, saying: "We hope to abolish the government monopolies on salt, iron, wine, and transportation, so that the state will no longer compete with the people for profit. By setting an example of frugality and restraint, moral education can then flourish."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
御史大夫桑弘羊難以為：「此國家大業，所以制四夷、安邊足用之本。往者豪強之家，得管山海之利，采石鼓鑄煮鹽，一家聚眾或至千餘人。大抵盡放流之人，遠去鄉里，棄墳墓，依倚大家，相聚深山窮澤之中，成姦偽之業。家人有寶器，尚猶柙而藏之，況天地之山海乎？夫權利之處，必在山澤，非豪人不能通其利。異時鹽鐵未籠，布衣有朐邴，人君有吳王，專山澤之饒，薄賦其人，贍窮乏以成私威，積而逆節之心作。今縱人於權利，罷鹽鐵以資強暴，遂其貪心，眾邪群聚，私門成黨，則強禦日以不制，而并兼之徒姦形成矣。鹽鐵之利，佐百姓之急，奉軍旅之費，不可廢也。」 |
| | Minister of Justice Sang Hongyang challenged them, arguing: "This is a major state enterprise; it is the foundation for controlling the four barbarian regions, ensuring border security, and providing sufficient resources. In the past, powerful and wealthy families controlled the profits of mountains and seas, extracting stone for casting iron and boiling salt; a single family could gather as many as over a thousand people. Most of them were essentially vagrants, leaving their hometowns far behind and abandoning their ancestral tombs. They relied on powerful families and gathered in remote mountains and desolate wetlands to engage in fraudulent and deceitful trades. If a family possesses valuable objects, they still lock them up for safekeeping; how much more so should the mountains and seas of heaven and earth be controlled? The sources of profit and power are necessarily located in the mountains and lakes, and without powerful individuals, these profits cannot be accessed. In the past, before salt and iron were controlled by the state, commoners like Qu Bing and rulers like King Wu of Wu monopolized the resources of mountains and lakes. They imposed light taxes on their people, supported the poor to build personal authority, and eventually accumulated enough power for rebellious ambitions to arise. Now, if we allow people to pursue profit and power freely by abolishing the salt and iron monopolies to enrich the strong and violent, their greed will be encouraged. Evildoers will gather in groups, forming private factions; then powerful individuals will become increasingly uncontrollable, and those who seek to seize land and wealth will form corrupt networks. "The profits from salt and iron help relieve the people's urgent needs and provide funds for military expenses; they cannot be abolished."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
文學曰：「人庶藏於家，諸侯藏於國，天子藏於海內，是以王者不蓄，下藏於人，遠浮利，務民之義。義禮立則人化上。若是，雖湯武生存於代，無所容其慮。工商之事，歐冶之任，何姦之能成？三桓專魯，六卿分晉，不以鹽冶。故權利深者不在山海，在朝廷；一家害百家，在蕭牆，不在朐邴。」 |
| | The learned scholars said: "Common people store wealth at home, feudal lords store it in their states, and the Son of Heaven stores it within the realm. Therefore, a sage ruler does not hoard wealth; instead, he ensures that resources are stored among the people, avoiding excessive profits and focusing on the moral duties of the people. When righteousness and ritual are established, the people will be transformed by the ruler's example. If this is so, even if Tang and Wu were alive in our time, they would have no place to apply their concerns. Matters of commerce and craftsmanship are the responsibilities of artisans like Ou Ye; how could any evil be accomplished? The Three Huan dominated Lu, and the Six Ministers divided Jin—not through control of salt or iron. Therefore, those who hold great power and profit do not derive it from mountains and seas, but from the imperial court; One family harming a hundred families lies within the palace walls, not in the hands of commoners like Qu Bing."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
大夫曰：「山海有禁而人不傾，貴賤有平而人不疑，縣官設衡立準而人得其所，雖使五尺童子適市，莫之能欺。今罷之，則豪人擅其用而專其利也。」 |
| | The Minister said: "When mountains and seas are regulated, people do not become corrupt; when prices are fair, people have no doubts. When the government establishes standards and measures, people find their proper place. Even if a five-foot-tall child goes to the market, no one can deceive them. Now, if we abolish these regulations, powerful individuals will monopolize their use and reap all the profits."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
文學曰：「山海者，財用之寶路也；鐵器者，農夫之死士也。死士用則仇讎滅，田野闢而五穀熟；寶路開則百姓贍而人用給，人用給則富國，而教之以禮，禮行則道有讓，而人懷敦朴以相接而莫相利也。夫秦、楚、燕、齊，士力不同，剛柔異氣，巨小之用，倨勾之宜，黨殊俗異，各有所便。縣官籠而一之，則鐵器失其宜而農人失其便，器用不便則農夫罷於野而草萊不闢，草萊不闢則人困乏也。」 |
| | The learned scholars said: "Mountains and seas are the precious sources of wealth and resources; iron tools are the essential implements for farmers. When these essential tools are used, enemies are vanquished, fields are cultivated, and the five grains flourish; When the sources of wealth are open, the people become well-provided for and their needs are met. When people's needs are met, the state becomes wealthy; when a wealthy state teaches its people through ritual, then rituals will be practiced, leading to mutual respect and courtesy. People will cherish sincerity and simplicity in their interactions, and no one will seek personal gain at another's expense. The states of Qin, Chu, Yan, and Qi had different strengths among their people; the hardness or softness of their temperaments varied. The sizes and uses of tools differed, as did the suitability for tasks such as bending or gripping. Customs and practices in each region were distinct, so what was convenient also varied accordingly. When the government monopolizes and standardizes them, iron tools lose their suitability for local needs, and farmers lose what is convenient for them. When farming tools are inconvenient, peasants become exhausted in the fields while uncultivated land remains untouched; when uncultivated land is not tilled, people fall into hardship."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
大夫曰：「昔商君理秦也，設百倍之利，收山澤之稅，國富人彊，蓄積有餘，是以征伐敵國，攘地斥境，不賦百姓，軍師以贍。故利用不竭而人不知，地盡西河而人不苦。今鹽鐵之利，所以佐百姓之急，奉軍旅之費，務於積蓄，以備乏絕，所給甚眾，有益於用，無害於人。」 |
| | The Minister said: "In the past, when Shang Yang governed Qin, he established profits a hundred times greater and collected taxes from mountains and lakes. The state became wealthy and its people strong, with surpluses in reserves; thus, it could wage wars against rival states, expand territory, and extend borders without taxing the common people, yet still support military campaigns." Therefore, resources were used without depletion, and the people did not notice; land was extended as far west as the He River, yet the people did not suffer. Now, the profits from salt and iron serve to relieve the people's urgent needs, provide for military expenses, encourage accumulation in times of plenty, and prepare against shortages. They benefit many and are useful without harming anyone."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
文學曰：「昔文帝之時，無鹽鐵之利而人富，當今有之而百姓困乏，未見利之所利而見其所害。且利非從天來，不由地出，所出於人閒，而為之百倍，此計之失者也。夫李梅實多者，來年為之衰，新穀熟，舊穀為之虧。自天地不能滿盈，而況於人乎？故利於彼者，必耗於此，猶陰陽之不並曜，晝夜之代長短也。商鞅峭法長利，秦人不聊生，相與哭孝公，其後秦日以危。利蓄而怨積，地廣而禍搆，惡在利用不竭乎？」 |
| | The learned scholars said: "In the time of Emperor Wen, there was no profit from salt and iron yet people were wealthy. Now that we have it, the common people are in hardship; we do not see where these profits benefit anyone but only their harm." Moreover, profit does not come from heaven or emerge from the earth; it arises among people. Yet by making a hundredfold gain from this, we commit an error in our planning. When the fruit of plum and apricot trees is abundant one year, it will be poor the next. When new grain ripens, the old grain suffers a decline in value. Even heaven and earth cannot remain full and overflowing; how much less can human beings? Therefore, what is beneficial in one place must be depleted elsewhere; it is like how yin and yang cannot shine together, or how day and night alternate in length. Shang Yang imposed harsh laws to pursue profit, and the people of Qin could barely survive. They wept together for Duke Xiao; afterward, Qin became increasingly perilous day by day. Wealth accumulates alongside resentment, territory expands while disaster is sown—where then lies the benefit of never-ending profit?"
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| | 鹽鐵: |
於是丞相奏曰：賢良文學不明縣官事，猥以鹽鐵為不便，宜罷郡國榷酤，關內鐵官。奏可。於是利復流下，庶人休息。 |
| | At this, the Chancellor submitted a report stating: The virtuous and learned scholars do not understand government affairs; they recklessly claim that salt and iron monopolies are inconvenient. It is appropriate to abolish the liquor monopolies in commanderies and states as well as the iron offices within Guannei. The proposal was approved. Thus, profits once again flowed downward to the common people, who were able to rest and recover.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
孝元時，嘗罷鹽鐵官，三年而復之。 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Xiaoyuan, the salt and iron offices were once abolished; after three years, they were reestablished.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
後漢章帝時，尚書張林上言：「鹽，食之急者，雖貴，人不得不須，官可自鬻。」 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Zhang of the Eastern Han, Shangshu Zhang Lin submitted a proposal: "Salt is an essential food item; although it may be expensive, people cannot do without it. The government can sell it itself."
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| | 鹽鐵: |
獻帝建安初，關中百姓流入荊州者十餘萬家。及聞本土安寧，皆企願思歸，而無以自業。於是衛覬議以為：「鹽者，國之大寶，自喪亂以來，放散，今宜如舊置使者監賣，以其直益市犁牛，百姓歸者以供給之。勸耕積粟，以豐殖關中。遠者聞之，必多競還。」魏武於是遣謁者僕射監鹽官，移司隸校尉居弘農，流人果還，關中豐實。 |
| | In the early years of Jianshan under Emperor Xian, more than 100,000 households from Guanzhong migrated to Jingzhou. When they heard that their homeland had become peaceful, all longed to return but lacked the means to support themselves. Therefore, Wei Ji proposed: "Salt is a great treasure of the state. Since the time of war and chaos, it has been left unregulated; now we should appoint officials as before to oversee its sale, using the revenue to buy plows and oxen, which can be provided to returning settlers." This will encourage farming and grain storage, thus enriching Guanzhong. Those who are far away hearing of this will surely return in large numbers." Cao Cao therefore dispatched a Yezha Puye to oversee the salt office, and transferred the Silie Jiaoyue to Hongnong. As a result, displaced people indeed returned, and Guanzhong became prosperous once more.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
陳文帝天嘉二年，太子中庶子虞荔、御史中丞孔奐以國用不足，奏立煮海鹽稅，從之。 |
| | In the second year of Tianjia during the reign of Emperor Wen of Chen, Zhang Zhongshuzi Yu Li and Minister of Justice Kong Huan, citing insufficient state revenues, submitted a proposal to establish a tax on sea salt production. The emperor approved it.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
後魏宣武時，河東郡有鹽池，舊立官司以收稅利。先是罷之，而人有富彊者專擅其用，貧弱者不得資益。延興末，復立監司，量其貴賤，節其賦入，公私兼利。孝明即位，復罷其禁，與百姓共之。自後豪貴之家復乘勢占奪，近池之人又輒障●。神龜初，太師、高陽王雍，太傅、清河王懌等奏，請依先朝，禁之為便，於是復置監官以監檢焉。其後更罷更立，至於永熙。自遷鄴後，於滄、瀛、幽、青四州之境，傍海煮鹽。滄州置灶一千四百八十四，瀛州置灶四百五十二，幽州置灶百八十，青州置灶五百四十六，又於邯鄲置灶四，計終歲合收鹽二十萬九千七百八斛四斗，軍國所資，得以周贍矣。 |
| | During the reign of Xuanwu of the Northern Wei, Hedong Jun had a salt pool; in the past, an official office was established to collect tax revenues from it. Previously, this had been abolished; as a result, the wealthy and powerful monopolized its use while the poor and weak could not benefit from it. In the final years of Yanxing, a supervisory office was reestablished; prices were regulated and tax collection adjusted so that both public and private interests benefited. When Emperor Xiaoming ascended the throne, he abolished this regulation once again, allowing commoners to share in it. Afterward, powerful and noble families took advantage of the situation to seize control once more, while those living near the salt pools frequently blocked access. In the first year of Shengui, Taishi Gaoyang Wang Yong and Taifu Qinghe Wang Yi submitted a memorial requesting that, following previous dynasties, it would be beneficial to impose restrictions. Thus, supervisory officials were once again appointed to oversee and inspect the operations. Thereafter, the policy was repeatedly abolished and reestablished until the Yongxi period. After relocating to Ye, salt production by boiling seawater was carried out along the coasts of the four states of Cang, Ying, You, and Qing. Cangzhou established 1,484 salt pans; Yingzhou set up 452; Youzhou had 180; Qingzhou had 546. In addition, four more were placed in Handan. Altogether, the annual production amounted to 209,718 hu and four dou of salt, which was sufficient to support military and state needs.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
後周文帝霸政之初，置掌鹽之政令。一曰散鹽，煮海以成之。二曰盬鹽，引池以化之。三曰形鹽，掘地以出之。四曰飴鹽，於戎以取之。凡盬鹽形鹽每地為之禁，百姓取之皆稅焉。 |
| | At the beginning of his rule over Ba Zheng during the reign of Wen Di of Houzhou, he established regulations for overseeing salt administration. First was "sandsalt," produced by boiling seawater into salt. Second was "gusalt," obtained by drawing water from salt pools and evaporating it to form salt. Third was "xingsalt," extracted by digging into the earth. Fourth was "yisalt," obtained from the Rong people. For gusalt and xingsalt, each region imposed restrictions; when commoners extracted them, they had to pay a tax.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
隋開皇三年，通鹽池鹽井，並與百姓共之。 |
| | In the third year of Kaihuang during the Sui dynasty, salt pools and salt wells were opened for public use, shared with the common people.
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| | 鹽鐵: |
大唐開元元年十一月，左拾遺劉彤論鹽鐵上表曰：「臣聞漢孝武之時，外討戎夷，內興宮室，殫費之甚，實倍當今。然而古費多而貨有餘，今用少而財不足者，何也？豈非古取山澤而今取貧人哉！取山澤，則公利厚而人歸於農；取貧人，則公利薄而人去其業。故先王作法也，山海有官，虞衡有職，輕重有術，禁發有時，一則專農，二則饒國。夫煮海為鹽，採山鑄錢，伐木為室，農餘之輩也。寒而無衣，飢而無食，傭賃自資者，窮苦之流也。若能收山海厚利，奪農餘之人，調斂重徭，免窮苦之子，所謂損有餘而益不足，帝王之道，可不謂然乎？臣願陛下詔鹽鐵伐木等官收興利，貨於人，則不及數年，府有餘儲矣。然後下寬大之令，蠲窮獨之徭，可以惠群生，可以柔荒服。雖戎狄未服，堯湯水旱，無足虞也。」玄宗令宰臣議其可否，咸以鹽鐵之利，甚益國用，遂令將作大匠姜師度、戶部侍郎強循俱攝御史中丞，與諸道按察使檢責海內鹽鐵之課。 |
| | In the first year of Kaiyuan, on the eleventh month of the Tang dynasty, Zuo Shiyi Liu Tong submitted a memorial discussing salt and iron, stating: "I have heard that during the reign of Emperor Wu of Han, when he waged wars against foreign tribes externally and built palaces internally, his expenditures were extremely heavy—truly exceeding those of today. Yet in ancient times, despite high expenses, goods remained abundant; now, with less expenditure, resources are insufficient—why is this so? Is it not because in the past profits were drawn from mountains and lakes, but today they are taken from poor people! Taking resources from mountains and lakes ensures that public benefits are substantial and people return to farming; Extracting profits from the poor results in meager state revenues while people abandon their livelihoods. Therefore, the ancient kings established laws: officials were appointed to manage mountains and seas; roles for Yu Heng (forest and mountain supervisors) were defined; methods of regulating prices were set; and regulations on prohibition or opening access followed seasonal timing. This ensured two benefits—first, focusing people on farming, and second, enriching the state. Boiling seawater to make salt, mining mountains to cast coins, cutting wood for houses—these are activities of those with surplus time from farming. Those who suffer cold without clothing, hunger without food, and must work for wages to support themselves are the poor and wretched. If the state can collect substantial profits from mountains and seas, taking them not from those with spare time in farming but instead adjusting heavy levies to relieve the poor and wretched, this is what is called "taking from those who have more than enough to give to those who lack"—is it not the way of a sage ruler? I humbly request that Your Majesty issue an edict for officials in charge of salt, iron, and logging to manage these enterprises and sell goods to the people; then within a few years, the state treasury will have ample reserves. Only after this should Your Majesty issue lenient decrees and exempt the poor and widows from corvée labor, thus benefiting all living beings and pacifying distant regions. Even if the Rong and Di tribes remain unconquered or floods and droughts occur like those of Yao and Tang, there will be no cause for concern." Emperor Xuanzong ordered the prime ministers to deliberate on whether this proposal was feasible. All agreed that the profits from salt and iron greatly benefited state revenues, so he appointed Jiang Shidu, the Grand Architect of the Jianzuo Office, and Qiang Xun, a vice-minister of the Ministry of Revenue, both as acting Ministers of Justice, along with inspectors in various regions to oversee and collect taxes on salt and iron throughout the empire.
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二十五年倉部格：「蒲州鹽池，令州司監當租分與有力之家營種之，課收鹽。每年上中下畦通融收一萬石，仍差官人檢校。若陂渠穿穴，所須功力，先以營種之家人丁充。若破壞過多量力不濟者，聽役隨近人夫。 |
| | In the 25th year, the Cangbu Code stated: "The salt pools of Puzhou shall be supervised by local officials. The rent should be divided and allocated to capable families for cultivation, with a tax collected in salt." Each year, the total yield from upper, middle, and lower plots should be combined to produce 10,000 dan of salt. Officials must also be dispatched to inspect and supervise operations. If dikes or canals need to be dug, the required labor should first be provided by the family members of those cultivating the land. If damage is excessive and local families lack sufficient strength to complete the work, nearby laborers may be conscripted for service.
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又屯田格：「幽州鹽屯，每屯配丁五十人，一年收率滿二千八百石以上，準營田第二等，二千四百石以上準第三等，二千石以上準第四等。大同橫野軍鹽屯配兵五十人，每屯一年收率千五百石以上準第二等，千二百石以上準第三等，九百石以上準第四等。又成州長道縣鹽井一所，並節級有賞罰。蜀道陵、綿等十州鹽井總九十所，每年課鹽都當錢八千五十八貫。若閏月，共計加一月課，隨月徵納，任以錢銀兼納。其銀兩別常以二百價為估。其課依都數納官，欠即均徵灶戶。」 |
| | The Tuntian Code also states: "In the salt 屯 (salt fields) of Youzhou, each 屯 is assigned 50 laborers. If annual production reaches more than 2,800 dan, it shall be rated as second class in state farmland; if over 2,400 dan, third class; and if over 2,000 dan, fourth class." For the salt 屯 of Datong Hengye Army, 50 soldiers are assigned to each 屯. If annual production exceeds 1,500 dan per 屯, it shall be rated second class; if over 1,200 dan, third class; if over 900 dan, fourth class. In addition, there is one salt well in Changdao Xian of Cheng Zhou, and rewards and punishments are assigned according to different levels. In Shu Dao, the ten states of Ling, Mian, and others have a total of ninety salt wells; each year, their salt tax is equivalent to 8,518 strings of cash. If a leap month occurs, an additional month's tax shall be added in total and collected along with the monthly payments; it may be paid either in cash or silver. The value of silver is usually estimated at two hundred coins per tael. Taxes are to be paid by the total amount to the government, and any arrears shall be evenly collected from the salt producers."
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