| | 歷代制中: |
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| | 歷代制中: |
魏文帝為魏王時，三方鼎立，士流播遷，四人錯雜，詳覈無所。延康元年，吏部尚書陳群以天朝選用不盡人才，乃立「九品官人之法」，州郡皆置中正，以定其選，擇州郡之賢有識鑒者為之，區別人物，第其高下。又制：郡口十萬以上，歲察一人，其有秀異，不拘戶口。其武官之選，俾護軍主之。黃初三年，始除舊漢限年之制，令郡國貢舉，勿拘老幼，儒通經術，吏達文法，到皆試用。 |
| | When Wei Wendi was King of Wei, the three powers stood in a tripartite balance; scholars and elites were scattered and displaced, and people from four different groups mixed together, making it impossible to conduct detailed verification. In the first year of Yankang, the Minister of Personnel Chen Qun, believing that the imperial court did not fully utilize talented individuals, established "the system for appointing officials according to nine ranks." All states and commanderies were required to establish Zhongzheng (central arbiters), who would determine selections. These Zhongzheng were chosen from virtuous and discerning men in their respective states or commanderies; they evaluated people's qualities and ranked them accordingly. Another regulation stipulated: for a commandery with a population of more than 100,000, one person should be investigated each year; if there were exceptionally outstanding individuals, they would not be restricted by household registration or population figures. The selection of military officials was entrusted to the Huujun (Guardian Army) commander. In the third year of Huangchu, the old Han dynasty regulation limiting appointments by age was abolished. It was decreed that states and commanderies should recommend candidates without restriction based on age; scholars who understood Confucian classics and officials who mastered literary law would all be tested for appointment.
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| | 歷代制中: |
自明帝太和之後，俗用浮靡，遞相標目，而夏侯、諸葛、何、鄧之儔，有四聰八達之稱，帝深所嫉之。於是，惡士大夫之有名聲者，或禁錮廢黜以懲之。吏部尚書盧毓奏曰：「古者敷奏以言，明試以功。今考績之法久廢，而毀稱相進退，故真偽混雜也。」帝遂詔散騎常侍劉劭作都官考課之法，以考覈百官。 |
| | After the Taihe period of Mingdi, social customs became increasingly superficial and extravagant. People competed to label themselves with lofty titles. Figures such as Xiahou, Zhuge, He, and Deng were given the reputation of "four wise men and eight capable individuals," which greatly provoked the emperor's jealousy. As a result, officials with reputations among the scholar-gentry were sometimes banned or dismissed as punishment. Lu Yu, Minister of Personnel, submitted a memorial stating: "In ancient times, officials were recommended through their words and tested by their achievements." "Now the system for evaluating performance has long been abandoned, and officials are promoted or demoted based on mutual praise or criticism; therefore, truth and falsehood become mixed together." The emperor then issued an edict ordering Liu Shao, a regular attendant of the Sanchi Office, to draft regulations for the Du Guan Kaoke system in order to examine and evaluate all government officials.
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| | 歷代制中: |
齊王嘉平初，曹爽既誅，司馬宣王秉政，詳求理本。中護軍夏侯玄言曰：「夫官才用人，國之柄也。故銓衡專於臺閣，上之分也；孝行考乎閭巷，優劣任之鄉人，下之敘也。夫欲清教審選，在明其分敘，不使相涉而已。今令中正但考行倫輩，輩當行均，斯可官矣。行有大小，比有高下，則所任之次亦渙然別矣。奚必使中正干銓衡之機於下，而執機柄者有所委仗於上，上下交侵，以生紛錯哉？且眾職之屬，各有官長，但使官長各以其屬能否獻之；臺閣則據官長能否之第，參以鄉閭德行之次，擬其倫比，勿使偏頗；中正則唯考行跡，別其高下，審定輩類，勿使升降，而總之於臺閣。官長所第，中正輩擬，比隨次率而用之。如其不稱，責負在外。則內外相參，得失有所，庶可靜風俗而審官才矣。」兼請除重設之官，定服制之等。宣王辭不能改，請俟於他賢。 |
| | In the early years of Jiaping under Emperor Qi, after Cao Shuang was executed, Sima Xuanwang assumed power and carefully sought to address the root causes of governance. Xiahou Xuan, Commander-in-Chief of the Central Guard, said: "The appointment and use of officials is the key to a nation's governance." "Therefore, it is the duty of the central government to oversee personnel selection; this is the responsibility of those in high office. Filial piety should be assessed at the neighborhood level, and whether a person is virtuous or not should be determined by their fellow townspeople; this is how lower-level appointments are arranged. To clarify moral instruction and carefully select officials, one must clearly define the responsibilities of each level, ensuring that they do not interfere with or encroach upon one another. "Now Zhongzheng should only examine a person's moral conduct and their peers; if the peer group is virtuous and of equal standing, then they may be appointed to office." Since moral conduct varies in degree and peers differ in rank, the hierarchy of appointments will naturally become clearly distinct. "Why must Zhongzheng interfere with the central authority's personnel decisions from below, while those in charge of appointments rely on higher authorities above? This mutual encroachment between upper and lower levels only leads to confusion and disorder!" Moreover, each office has its own head; it is sufficient if the heads of these offices simply submit recommendations for their subordinates based on their abilities. The central government should then refer to the rankings of ability provided by these office heads, cross-checking them with moral conduct evaluations from local communities; it should propose appropriate comparisons and ensure fairness without bias. Zhongzheng, on the other hand, should only assess a person's conduct and distinguish their level of virtue, carefully determining their peer group without influencing promotions or demotions; all decisions should ultimately be centralized under the central government. The rankings provided by office heads and the peer classifications proposed by Zhongzheng will then be compared according to their respective levels for appointment purposes. If an appointee proves unworthy, the responsibility lies with those outside — that is, with the office head or Zhongzheng who made the recommendation. In this way, internal and external evaluations will complement each other, making it clear where successes or failures lie; thus, social customs may be stabilized and officials' abilities properly assessed." He also requested the elimination of redundant offices and the establishment of a clear hierarchy for ceremonial dress. Sima Xuanwang declined, stating that he was unable to make these changes and suggested waiting for another capable official.
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| | 歷代制中: |
晉依魏氏九品之制，內官吏部尚書、司徒、左長史，外官州有大中正，郡國有小中正，皆掌選舉。若吏部選用，必下中正，徵其人居及父祖官名。 |
| | The Jin dynasty followed the Wei system of nine ranks. Internally, officials such as the Minister of Personnel, the Grand Tutor (Situ), and the Left Chief Clerk were responsible for appointments; externally, each state had a Senior Zhongzheng and each commandery or kingdom had a Junior Zhongzheng, all in charge of selecting candidates for office. If the Ministry of Personnel was to make appointments, it had to consult Zhongzheng first and inquire about a person's place of residence as well as their father's or grandfather's official titles.
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| | 歷代制中: |
武帝泰始初，又議考課，散騎常侍傅玄、皇甫陶以為政教頹弊，風俗不淳，上疏曰：「臣聞先王之臨天下也，明其大教，長其義節，道化崇於上，清議行於下，上下相奉，人懷義心。亡秦蕩滅先王之制，以法術相御，而義心亡矣。近者魏武好法術，而天下貴刑名；魏文慕通達，而天下賤守節。其後綱維不攝，而虛無放誕之論盈於朝野，使天下無復清議，而亡秦之病復發於今。陛下聖德，化鄰唐、虞，唯未舉清遠有禮之臣以敦風節，未退虛鄙以懲不恪也。」帝乃使玄草詔進之。 |
| | In the early years of Taishi under Emperor Wu, discussions on performance evaluations were once again initiated. Fu Xuan and Huangfu Tao, regular attendants of the Sanchi Office (Sanqi Changshi), believed that political governance had declined and social customs were impure. They submitted a memorial stating: "Ministers have heard that in ancient times when wise rulers governed the world, they clarified moral instruction, promoted righteousness and integrity; virtue was upheld at the top while public opinion remained clear below. The upper and lower levels supported each other, and all people cherished virtuous values. "The fallen Qin dynasty destroyed the institutions of previous sage kings, relying instead on legalistic methods to govern, and thus virtue was lost. 藟 Recently, Wei Wu favored Legalist doctrines, and throughout the land, people valued penal statutes and official titles; Wei Wen admired open-mindedness and adaptability, yet in society at large, upholding moral integrity was considered of little value. After that, the moral framework of society collapsed and unrestrained, empty theories filled both court and countryside. This caused the world to lose its sense of public virtue once more, and the ills of the fallen Qin dynasty have now resurfaced. "Your Majesty's holy virtue rivals that of Tang and Yu, yet you have not yet promoted virtuous and courteous officials to reinforce moral standards, nor have you removed those who are empty and vulgar in order to punish negligence." The emperor then ordered Fu Xuan to draft an edict implementing these proposals.
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| | 歷代制中: |
玄奏曰：「臣聞先王分士農工商以經國制事，各一其業，而殊其務。自士以上子弟，則為之立太學以教之，選明師以訓之，隨才優劣以授用之。農以豐其食，工以足其器，商賈以通其貨。故雖天下之大，兆庶之眾，而無游人在其閒。漢魏不定其分，百官子弟不修經藝而務交遊，未知蒞事而坐享天祿，農工之業多廢，或逐淫利而離其事，徒繫名於太學，然不聞先王之風。今聖政資始，而漢魏之失未改，散官眾而學校未設，游手多而親農者少，工器不盡其宜。臣以為宜亟定其制。前皇甫陶上事，欲令賜拜散官皆課使親耕，天下享足食之利。禹、稷躬稼，祚崇後代，是以明堂、月令著帝籍之制。伊尹，古之名臣，耕於有莘；晏嬰，齊之大夫，避莊公之難，亦耕於海濱。昔者聖帝明王，賢佐俊士，皆嘗從事於耕農矣。王人賜官，冗散無事者，不督使學，則當使耕，無緣放之使坐食百姓也。今文武之官既眾，而拜賜不在職者又多，加以服役為兵，不得耕稼，當農者之半，南面食祿者參倍於前。使冗散之官為農，而收其租稅，家得其實，而天下之穀可以無乏矣。夫家足食，為子則孝，為父則慈，為兄則友，為弟則悌。天下足食，則仁義之教可不令而行也。夫士農工商之分，不可斯須而廢。若未能精其防制，計天下文武之官足為副貳者使學，其餘皆歸之於農。若百工商賈有長者，亦歸之農。務農若此，何有不贍乎！虞書曰：『三載考績，三考黜陟幽明。』是為九年之後乃有遷敘也。故居官久，則念立慎終之化；不久，則競為一切之政。六年之限，日月淺近，不周黜陟。陶之所上，義合古制。惟陛下裁之。」武帝甚善之而終不能用。 |
| | Fu Xuan submitted a memorial, stating: "Ministers have heard that the sage kings of old divided society into scholars, farmers, artisans, and merchants to manage state affairs. Each group was assigned one occupation, with distinct responsibilities. For the sons of scholars and those above them in rank, they established a Taixue (Imperial Academy) to educate them, selected enlightened teachers to instruct them, and appointed them according to their abilities. Farmers ensured sufficient food supplies; artisans provided adequate tools and goods; merchants facilitated the circulation of commodities. Therefore, even though the empire was vast and its population numerous, there were no idle or rootless people among them. During the Han and Wei dynasties, these distinctions were not clearly defined. The children of officials did not study Confucian classics or cultivate their talents but instead focused on socializing and networking. Before they had learned to handle official duties, they already enjoyed imperial stipends. As a result, farming and craftsmanship declined; many abandoned their trades in pursuit of profit, merely registering at the Taixue without ever learning the values of sage kings. Now, with the beginning of Your Majesty's enlightened rule, the mistakes of the Han and Wei dynasties remain uncorrected. There are many idle officials but no schools have been established; there are numerous idlers while few people work closely with agriculture, and artisans do not fully meet societal needs. Minister believes that it is essential to urgently establish a clear system for this. Previously, Huangfu Tao submitted proposals suggesting that all officials granted honorary titles should be required to participate in farming, so that the people of the empire could benefit from sufficient food supplies. Yu and Ji personally tilled fields; their virtue was passed down to future generations, which is why the Mingtang (Hall of Illumination) and Yue Ling (Monthly Ordinances) recorded the system of imperial farming. Yi Yin, a famous minister in ancient times, farmed at Youxin; Yan Ying, an official of the state of Qi, fled from Duke Zhuanggong's troubles and also farmed by the seashore. In ancient times, sage emperors and wise kings, as well as virtuous ministers and outstanding scholars, had all once engaged in farming. If officials granted by the emperor are idle and have no duties, if they are not required to study, then they should be made to farm; there is no justification for allowing them to sit idly while being supported by the people. Now, the number of civil and military officials is already large, yet many more are granted titles without holding actual posts. In addition, those conscripted for military service cannot farm; as a result, only half of the population engages in agriculture, while three times as many people sit idly with official salaries compared to before. If idle officials were required to become farmers and pay their taxes, each household would benefit from the produce, and thus grain supplies for the empire would never be lacking. When a family has sufficient food, children become filial, fathers become kind, older brothers become affectionate, and younger brothers become respectful. If the people throughout the empire have enough to eat, then moral instruction in benevolence and righteousness can be practiced naturally without needing orders or enforcement. The distinctions among scholars, farmers, artisans, and traders must not for a moment be abandoned. If we cannot yet refine the system, we should calculate how many civil and military officials are sufficient to serve as deputies or assistants and allow them to study; all others should return to farming. If there are capable individuals among the hundred occupations, artisans, or merchants, they too should be returned to agriculture. With such emphasis on farming, how could there ever be a lack of sustenance! The Shangshu (Book of Documents) says: "After three years, performance is evaluated; after three evaluations, officials are either promoted or demoted according to their virtue and ability." This means that only after nine years would there be a change in rank or position. Therefore, those who hold office for a long time will think about establishing the transformation of careful and consistent conduct; If they do not serve for long, then they will compete to implement superficial policies. A six-year term is too short in duration and cannot fully cover the process of promotion or demotion. Huangfu Tao's proposal aligns with ancient principles. It is for Your Majesty to decide." Emperor Wu highly approved of this proposal but ultimately failed to implement it.
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| | 歷代制中: |
於時雖風教頹失而無典制，然時有清議，尚能勸俗。陳壽居喪，使女奴丸藥，積年沈廢；郤詵篤孝，以假葬違常，降品一等。其為懲勸也如是。 |
| | At that time, although moral instruction had declined and there were no established regulations, there was still public opinion in favor of integrity, which could still serve to encourage good customs. Chen Shou observed mourning rites but had his female servant prepare medicine for him; he remained idle and neglected for many years; Xie Shen was filially devoted, yet he violated the norm by using a provisional burial, resulting in a reduction of his official rank by one level. Such were the disciplinary and encouraging measures taken at that time.
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| | 歷代制中: |
其後，中正任久，愛憎由己，而九品之法漸弊。遂計官資以定品格，天下惟以居位者為貴。尚書僕射劉毅以九品者，始因魏初喪亂，是軍中權時之制，非經久之典也，因用土斷，復古鄉舉里選之法，上疏曰：「夫九品有八損，而官才有三難，皆興替之所由也。人物難知，一也；愛憎難防，二也；情偽難明，三也。今之中正定九品，高下任意，榮辱在手，操人主威福，奪天朝權勢，愛惡隨心，情偽由己，上品無寒門，下品無勢族。公無考校之負，私無告訴之忌。損政之道一也。置州都者，本取州里清議咸所歸服，將以鎮異同，一言議。不謂一人之身，了一州之才，一人不審，遂為坐廢。若然，雖宣尼之聖，莫不有過，則可廢，何獨責於中人哉？使是非之論橫於州里，嫌隙之讎結於大臣。損政之道二也。本立格制，謂人倫有序，若貫魚成次，才德優劣，倫輩有首尾也。今之中正，坐徇其私，推貴異之器，使在凡品之下；負戴不肖，越在成人之首。損政之道三也。委以一國之重，而無賞罰之防，使得縱橫，無所顧憚。諸受枉者，抱怨積久，獨不蒙天地無私之德，長壅蔽於邪人之銓。損政之道四也。古先政教，崇鄉黨之義，故得天下之人退而修本。今一國之士，多者千數，或流徙異邦，或給事殊方，猶不識其面，況能盡其才乎！而中正知與不知，將定品狀，必采聲於臺府，納毀於流言。任己則有不識之弊，聽受則有彼此之偏。所知者以愛憎奪其平，所不知者以人事亂其度。既無鄉老紀行之議，又非朝廷考績之課，遂使為官之人，棄近求遠，背本趨末。損政之道五也。凡所以立品設狀者，求人才而論功報也。今於限當報，雖職之高，還附卑品，無績於官，而獲高敘，是為抑功實而崇虛名也。損政之道六也。凡官不同事，人不同能。今九品不狀才能之所宜，而以九等為例。以品取人，或非才能之所長；以狀取人，則為本品之所限。若狀得其實，猶品狀相妨，況不實者乎？損政之道七也。前九品詔書，善惡必書，以為褒貶。今之九品，所下不彰其罪，所上不列其善，廢褒貶之義，任愛憎之斷，天下之人焉得不懈於德行而銳於人事乎？損政之道八也。職名中正，實為姦府；事名九品，而有八損。臣以為宜罷中正，除九品，棄魏氏之弊法，立一代之美制。」司空衛瓘又表請除九品，復古鄉議里選。 |
| | Later on, as the Middle Officials held their positions for long periods, their likes and dislikes became arbitrary, and gradually the Nine-Rank System began to deteriorate. Thus, officials' ranks were determined based on their official positions rather than merit; throughout the land, only those who held office were considered noble. Shangshu Puye Liu Yi argued that the Nine-Rank system had originated during the early years of Wei, when chaos reigned and it was a provisional measure adopted in the military; it was not an enduring institution. He therefore proposed to implement the "tuduan" (local assessment) system and revive the ancient practice of selecting officials based on recommendations from hometowns and local communities. In his memorial he stated: "The Nine-Rank System has eight drawbacks, while official talent faces three difficulties—these are all causes for the rise or decline of governance." 1) It is difficult to accurately assess individuals and their abilities; 2) Personal likes and dislikes are hard to guard against; 3) It is difficult to distinguish genuine from false intentions. Now, the Middle Officials who determine the Nine Ranks assign high or low ranks at their own discretion; they hold in their hands the power to bestow honor or disgrace. They wield the authority of the sovereign and seize the power of the imperial court. Their likes and dislikes are arbitrary, and whether a person is genuine or false depends entirely on them. The highest ranks contain no commoners, while the lowest ranks exclude powerful aristocratic families. There are no official responsibilities for examination and verification, nor any private fears of reporting grievances. This is one way in which governance is harmed. The establishment of the State Middle Officials was originally intended to select individuals who were universally respected and accepted by public opinion within their state or locality, in order to resolve disputes and unify opinions. It was never intended that a single individual could personally assess the talents of an entire state; if one person failed to make proper judgments, it would result in the entire system being abandoned. If that is so, even Confucius, as a sage, was not without faults; then the system could be abandoned. Why should ordinary people alone be held to blame? This would lead to disputes and arguments over right and wrong spreading throughout the state, while suspicions and enmities would arise among high-ranking officials. Originally, the system was established to set standards and regulations, ensuring that human relationships followed an orderly pattern. It was meant to be like a line of fish swimming in formation—superior or inferior talent and virtue would naturally fall into place within their social ranks. Now, the Middle Officials act out of personal interest while seated in office; they promote individuals from noble or exceptional backgrounds and place them below common ranks; They elevate unworthy people to positions above those who are truly capable. This is the third way in which governance is harmed. To entrust a single official with great authority over an entire state, yet provide no safeguards for rewards or punishments, allows him to act recklessly without restraint. Those who suffer injustice accumulate grievances over time; they alone are denied the impartial virtue of heaven and earth, remaining long obstructed by biased officials in charge of appointments. This is the fourth way in which governance is harmed. --- In ancient times, political instruction emphasized the virtue of local communities and hometowns; thus, people throughout the realm would retreat to cultivate their moral foundations. Now, in a single state, there may be hundreds of scholars; some have migrated to foreign lands or serve elsewhere. Even their faces are unknown, how then can one fully understand and utilize their talents! Yet the Middle Officials, whether they know or do not know a person, must determine his rank and character. They necessarily rely on reputations from official offices while also accepting damaging rumors as evidence. To act solely based on personal knowledge leads to the problem of ignorance; to rely on others' reports introduces bias and partiality. Those one knows are judged based on personal likes or dislikes, which undermines fairness; those one does not know are evaluated through human connections and relationships, which disrupts proper standards. Since there is neither the local elders' evaluation of conduct nor official performance assessments by the court, it leads those in office to abandon nearby resources for distant ones and forsake fundamental virtues for superficial gains. This is the fifth way in which governance is harmed. --- The purpose of establishing ranks and evaluations was originally to identify talent and assess contributions for proper rewards. Now, when it comes to reporting achievements within the required time frame, even those in high positions are assigned low ranks. Some have no accomplishments as officials yet receive high evaluations—this is suppressing real merit and elevating empty reputations. This is the sixth way in which governance is harmed. --- Each official position involves different duties, and each person possesses different abilities. Now the Nine-Rank system does not specify which talents are suitable for what roles but instead uses nine ranks as a standard. To select people based on rank may result in appointing those whose abilities do not match the requirements of the position; To select people based solely on their evaluations, however, is constrained by their assigned rank. If the evaluation accurately reflects a person's abilities, it still conflicts with the rank system; how much more so when evaluations are inaccurate? This is the seventh way in which governance is harmed. --- Earlier, under the Nine-Rank edicts, both good and bad conduct were recorded to serve as grounds for commendation or censure. Now, under the current Nine-Rank system, those ranked low are not clearly shown to be at fault, and those ranked high do not have their virtues listed. This has led to the abandonment of the principles of commendation and censure in favor of decisions based on personal likes and dislikes. How can people throughout the land help but neglect moral conduct and instead become eager to cultivate human connections? This is the eighth way in which governance is harmed. --- Though titled as Middle Officials, they have become nests of corruption; Though called the Nine-Rank system, it has eight harmful effects. I believe that we should abolish the Middle Officials and eliminate the Nine-Rank system; discard Wei's corrupt laws, and establish a new and virtuous system for our age." Sikong Wei Guan also submitted a memorial requesting the abolition of the Nine-Rank system and the restoration of the ancient practice of local recommendations and village-based selection.
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| | 歷代制中: |
時始平王文學李重復上疏曰：「九品始於喪亂軍中之政，誠非經國不刊之法也。且檢防轉碎，徵形失實，故朝野之論，僉謂驅動風俗，為弊已甚。晉承魏氏凋弊之跡，人物播越，仕無常朝，人無定處，郎吏蓄於軍府，豪右聚於都邑，事體駮錯，與古不同。謂九品既除，宜先開移徙，聽相并就。且明貢舉之法，不濫於境外，則冠帶之倫將不分而自均，即土斷之實行矣。若使人思反本，修之於鄉，華競自息，而禮義日崇矣。」及劉頌為吏部尚書，復建九班之制，令百官在職少遷。時賈、郭專朝，仕者務速進，故皆不行。 |
| | At that time, Li Chong, a literary official of the Prince of Shiping, again submitted a memorial stating: "The Nine-Rank system originated as an emergency measure during times of chaos and military rule; it is indeed not a fundamental or unchangeable law for governing the state. Moreover, as inspections and evaluations became increasingly fragmented and superficial, they failed to reflect the true nature of individuals. Thus, both court officials and common people generally believed that this system had corrupted social customs and caused great harm. The Jin dynasty inherited the decline and disorder of the Wei dynasty. People were scattered, officials had no fixed posts, and commoners had no stable residence. Officials were retained in military offices, while powerful aristocrats gathered in the capital cities. The situation was chaotic and inconsistent with ancient practices. It is said that once the Nine-Rank system is abolished, we should first allow people to move freely and permit them to settle together in new locations. Furthermore, we should clarify the system of recommending talents and appointments to ensure that it is not abused beyond its proper scope. In this way, those who wear official robes will naturally become equal without needing to be divided—this would be the practical implementation of the "tuduan" (local assessment) policy. If people are encouraged to return to their roots and cultivate virtue in their hometowns, the competition for superficial status will naturally cease, and propriety and righteousness will gradually flourish." When Liu Song became Minister of Officials, he once again proposed the Nine-Class system and ordered that officials in office should be promoted gradually. At that time, Jia and Guo dominated court affairs, and those seeking official careers focused on rapid advancement; therefore, these proposals were not implemented.
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| | 歷代制中: |
東晉元帝制，揚州歲舉二人，諸州各一人。時以天下喪亂，務存慰勉，遠方孝、秀，不復策試，到即除署。既經略粗定，乃詔試經，有才不中舉者，免其太守。其後孝、秀莫敢應命，有送至京師，皆以疾辭。太興三年，尚書孔坦議請普延五歲，許其講習。乃詔孝廉申至七年，而秀才如故。 |
| | In the Eastern Jin dynasty under Emperor Yuan's decree, Yangzhou was to recommend two individuals each year, while each of the other states recommended one person. At that time, due to widespread chaos and disorder in the realm, efforts were made to provide comfort and encouragement. Filial sons and outstanding scholars from distant regions no longer underwent examinations or tests; they were appointed immediately upon arrival. Once the initial efforts to stabilize and manage the realm had been roughly completed, an imperial edict was issued requiring examinations on Confucian classics. Those who possessed talent but failed to be selected were relieved of their positions as governors. After this, filial sons and outstanding scholars dared no longer respond to the call for appointments; even those sent to the capital all claimed illness as an excuse. In Taixing third year, Shangshu Kong Tan proposed a suggestion requesting that the five-year period be universally extended to allow time for study and preparation. The emperor then issued an edict extending the term of filial sons and upright men until seven years, while maintaining the original regulations for outstanding scholars.
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| | 歷代制中: |
宋制，丹陽、吳、會稽、吳興四郡歲舉二人，餘郡各一人。凡州秀才、郡孝廉，至皆策試，天子或親臨之。及公卿所舉，皆屬于吏部，敘才銓用。凡舉得失，各有賞罰。失者，其人加禁錮，年月多少，隨群議制。 |
| | The Song dynasty system stipulated that Danyang, Wu, Kuaiji, and Wuxing—four commanderies—should recommend two individuals each year; the remaining commanderies would recommend one person each. All outstanding scholars from the states and filial sons from the commanderies were required to undergo examinations, which the Son of Heaven might personally attend. Those recommended by high-ranking officials and ministers were all submitted to the Ministry of Officials for evaluation, where their talents would be assessed and appointments made accordingly. For every recommendation that was either appropriate or inappropriate, there were corresponding rewards or punishments. Those who made erroneous recommendations would be punished with a ban on holding office; the duration of this prohibition, whether for several years or months, was determined according to public opinion and regulations.
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| | 歷代制中: |
文帝元嘉中，限年三十而仕，郡縣以六周而代，刺史或十餘年。 |
| | During the Yuanjia period of Emperor Wen, there was an age limit for entering officialdom: thirty years old. Officials at the commandery and county levels were replaced every six years, while some governors might serve for more than ten years.
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| | 歷代制中: |
及孝武即位，仕者不復拘老幼，守宰以三周為滿。時中軍錄事參軍周朗上疏曰：「今為政者，宜以二十五家選一長，百家置一師。男子十三至十七，皆令學經；十八至二十，皆令習武。訓以書記圖緯，忠孝仁義之禮，廉讓恭勤之則；授以兵經戰略，軍部舟騎之容，挽強擊刺之法。習經者五年有成，而言之司徒；習武者三年能藝，亦升之司馬。若七年而經不明，五年而勇不達，即更求其言行，考其事業，必不足取者，雖公卿子弟，長歸農畝，終身不得為吏。」兼述農桑生植之本及禮教刑政之端。帝省之，不悅。 |
| | After Emperor Xiaowu ascended the throne, officials were no longer restricted by age; magistrates and county administrators would complete their terms after three years. At that time, Zhou Lang, a military recorder of the central army, submitted a memorial stating: "Those in charge of governance today should select one leader for every twenty-five households and appoint one teacher for every hundred households. All boys aged thirteen to seventeen should be required to study the classics; those aged eighteen to twenty should all be trained in martial arts. They were to be instructed in writing, record-keeping, maps and astronomy, as well as the rites of loyalty, filial piety, benevolence, and righteousness; the principles of integrity, humility, respect, diligence, and courtesy; and taught military classics and strategies, the organization of armies, naval forces, and cavalry, as well as techniques for drawing bows, striking, and swordsmanship. Those who studied the classics would be considered accomplished after five years and could then present themselves to the Sikou; those who trained in martial arts, if skilled within three years, could also be promoted to the Sima. "If, after seven years, one has not mastered the classics, or if, after five years, one's martial prowess is still lacking, then further examination of their words and deeds should be conducted, as well as an assessment of their achievements. If they are found to be truly unworthy, even the sons of high-ranking officials shall return permanently to farming and may never serve as officials for life," he said. He also discussed the fundamentals of agriculture, sericulture, and cultivation, as well as the principles of rites, education, criminal law, and administration. The emperor read it but was displeased.
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| | 歷代制中: |
左衛將車謝莊以其時搜才路狹，又上表曰：「九服之曠，九流之難，提鈞懸衡，委之選部。一人之鑒易限，而天下之才難源。以易限之鑒，照難源之才，使國罔遺授，野無滯器，其可得乎？請普令大臣，各舉所知，以付尚書銓用。」不從。帝又不欲重權在下，乃分吏部，置兩尚書以散其權。 |
| | Zuo Wei Jiangche Xie Zhuang, considering that the channels for selecting talent at that time were too narrow, also submitted a memorial stating: "The vastness of the nine regions and the difficulty in identifying talent from all walks of life—balancing these matters is entrusted to the personnel department. "The judgment of one individual may be easily constrained, but the talents of the entire realm are difficult to fully discover and cultivate." Using a limited capacity for discernment to illuminate the vast pool of talent, can one possibly ensure that no capable person is overlooked in the state and no hidden gem remains unused in the countryside? Is this even possible? "I respectfully request that all high-ranking ministers be ordered to recommend those they know personally, and these recommendations should then be submitted to the Minister of Officials for appointment." The emperor did not follow this suggestion. The emperor also wished to prevent excessive power from being concentrated in the hands of subordinates, so he divided the Ministry of Officials and established two Ministers of Officials to disperse its authority.
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| | 歷代制中: |
齊尚書都令史駱宰議策秀才格，五問並得為上，四、三為中，二為下，一不合與第。謝超宗議以為：「片辭折獄，寸言挫眾，魯史褒貶，孔論興替，皆無俟繁而後秉裁。夫表事之深，析理之會，豈必委牘方切理道。非患對不盡問，患以常文弗奇。必使一通峻正，寧劣五通而常；與其俱奇，一亦宜采。」詔從宰議。因習宋代限年之制。然而鄉舉里選，不覈才德，其所進取，以官婚冑籍為先，遂令甲族以二十登仕，後門以三十試吏，故有增年矯貌，以圖進者。其時士人皆厚結姻援，奔馳造請，浸以成俗。 |
| | In Qi, Lu Shangshu Dulingshi Luo Zai proposed criteria for the examination of outstanding scholars: answering all five questions correctly was considered excellent; four or three correct answers were deemed medium; two correct answers were classified as low; and those who answered one question incorrectly would not be ranked. Xie Chaozong argued: "A single phrase can resolve a case, and a brief remark can subdue the crowd; commendation or censure by historians of Lu, and discussions on rise or decline in Confucian thought—none of these require lengthy deliberation before judgment is made. The depth of an issue and the clarity of its reasoning need not necessarily be conveyed through lengthy documents to truly grasp the principles involved. What is not a problem is that responses do not fully address all questions; what is problematic is when answers are unremarkable and fail to stand out due to their conventional nature. It would be better for an answer to have one profound and upright point than five mediocre but routine responses; better to select a single outstanding response among many, even if only one is remarkable." The emperor issued an edict endorsing Zai's proposal. They thus adopted the Song dynasty system of age limits for official appointments. However, the system of recommending individuals from their hometowns and selecting them at the local level did not actually examine talent or virtue. Instead, appointments were based primarily on official marriages and noble lineages. As a result, prominent families could enter officialdom in their twenties, while those from less prestigious backgrounds had to wait until thirty for an opportunity to serve as clerks. This led some individuals to falsify their ages and feign appearances in order to pursue advancement. At that time, scholars all formed strong connections through marriages and patronage, rushing about to make requests and petitions; this gradually became a common custom.
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| | 歷代制中: |
至和帝時，梁武帝為丞相，上表曰：「前代選官，皆立選簿，應在貫魚，自有銓次，冑籍升降，行能臧否，或素定懷抱，或得之餘論，故得簡通賓客，無俟掃門。頃代陵夷，九流乖失，其有勇退忌進、懷質抱真者，選部或以未經朝謁，難於進用；或有晦善藏聲、自埋衡蓽者，又以名不表著，絕其階緒。必須書刺投狀，然後彈冠，則是驅迫廉撝，獎成澆競。愚謂自今選曹，宜精隱覈，依舊立簿，使冠屨無爽，名實不違，庶人識涯涘，造請自息。且聞中閒立格，甲族以二十登仕，後門以過立試吏，求之愚懷，抑有未達。何者？設官分職，惟才是務。若限歲登朝，必增年就官，故貌實幼童，籍已踰立。滓穢名教，於斯為甚。」乃施行。 |
| | By the time of Emperor He, when Liang Wudi served as Chancellor, he submitted a memorial stating: "In previous dynasties, official appointments were all recorded in personnel registers. Those who should be selected would follow their turn like fish passing through a gate; there was an established order for appointments. The rise and fall of noble lineages, the merits or faults of conduct and ability—some had long been decided beforehand, while others were determined by later discussions. Thus, it was possible to simply receive guests with ease, without needing to personally sweep the door in pursuit of office." In recent times, however, the system has deteriorated and the standards for selecting from all social classes have been lost. Those who are brave enough to withdraw from office or who hold true virtue and sincerity may be rejected by the personnel department simply because they have not made court appearances, making it difficult to secure appointments; or those who conceal their talents and avoid fame, choosing instead to remain in obscurity—such individuals may also be denied opportunities because their names are not well known or publicly recognized. If one must submit petitions and applications before being considered for office, this compels those who value integrity to act otherwise, rewarding superficiality and competition. I humbly suggest that from now on, the personnel department should carefully investigate and verify hidden talents, re-establishing records as before. This would ensure that appointments are accurate, with names matching reality, so that common people understand the boundaries of the system and cease making unnecessary petitions. Moreover, I have heard that in the current system, prominent families may enter officialdom at twenty while those from humble backgrounds must wait until they are older to serve as clerks. Considering this in my humble opinion, there seems to be something not yet fully understood or resolved. Why is that? The establishment of offices and the division of duties should be based solely on talent. If there is an age limit for entry into officialdom, people will inevitably falsify their ages to attain office. Thus, a child's appearance may still be youthful while his records show he has already surpassed the required age. This corrupts the moral order and is particularly egregious." The proposal was then implemented.
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| | 歷代制中: |
梁初無中正制，年二十有五方得入仕。天監中又制：「凡九流常選，年未三十，不通一經者，不得為官。若有才同甘、顏，勿限年次。」至七年，州置州重，郡置郡宗，鄉置鄉豪，各一人，專典搜薦，無復膏粱寒素之隔。普通七年，詔凡州歲舉二人，大郡一人。敬帝太平二年，復令諸卅各置中正，仍舊訪選舉，皆須中正押上，然後量授，不然則否。 |
| | At the beginning of the Liang dynasty, there was no system of zhongzheng (central assessors), and one had to be at least twenty-five years old before being eligible for official appointment. During the Tianjian period, another regulation was issued: "For all regular appointments from the nine social classes, those under thirty years of age who had not mastered even one classic were not allowed to hold office. "If someone possesses talents comparable to Gan Bao or Yan Zhitui, however, they should not be restricted by age requirements." By the seventh year, each state was to appoint a zhong (a key official), each commandery a jun zong (commandery representative), and each village a xiang hao (village leader), one person for each position. These individuals were specifically responsible for identifying and recommending talent, eliminating the previous distinction between aristocratic and common backgrounds. In the seventh year of Tongchu, an imperial edict was issued stipulating that each state should recommend two individuals annually, while major commanderies would recommend one. In the second year of Taiping during Emperor Jing's reign, an order was again issued requiring each commandery to appoint zhongzheng (central assessor), and as before, all recommendations for appointments had to be submitted with the zhongzheng's endorsement. Only then would a position be granted; otherwise, it would not be approved.
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| | 歷代制中: |
陳依梁制，凡年未三十，不得入仕。唯經學生策試得第，諸州迎主簿，西曹左奏及嘗為挽郎，得未壯而仕。諸郡唯正王為丹陽尹經迎得出身者亦然，庶姓尹則否。有高才、異行、殊勳，別降恩旨敘用者，不在常例。凡選無定時，隨闕則補。官有清濁，以為升降，從濁得清，則勝於遷。若有遷授，吏部先為白牒，列數十人名，尚書與參掌者共署奏。敕或可或否。其可者，則下於選曹，量貴賤，別內外，隨才補用。以黃紙錄名，八座通署，奏可，乃出以付於典名。典名書其名帖鶴頭板，脩容整儀，送所授之家。其別發詔除者，即宣付詔局，詔局草奏聞。敕可，黃紙寫出門下。門下答詔，請付外施行。又畫「可」，付選司行召。得官者，不必皆待召到。但聞詔出，明日，即入謝後，詣尚書，上省拜受。若拜王公，則臨軒。凡拜官，皆在午後。 |
| | The Chen dynasty followed the Liang system: anyone under thirty years of age was not allowed to enter officialdom. However, those who passed the examination on classics and were selected as students, or who served as chief clerks in various states, assistants to the western office, left advisors, or had previously been wulang (ceremonial attendants), could be appointed to official positions before reaching adulthood. Among the various commanderies, only those who were sons of a legitimate prince and had served as Danyang Yin (governor) or had been recommended for official status in this manner could also be appointed before adulthood; commoners serving as Yin did not enjoy such privileges. Those with exceptional talent, extraordinary conduct, or remarkable meritorious service who were specially appointed by imperial decree did not fall under the regular categories. There was no fixed time for appointments; vacancies were filled as they arose. Official positions had distinctions between clean (pure) and turbid (corrupt), which determined promotions or demotions; moving from a turbid to a clean position was considered more commendable than mere promotion. If there were any promotions or appointments, the Ministry of Officials would first prepare a white document listing dozens of names. The Minister of Officials and those responsible for reviewing personnel matters would jointly sign and submit it to the emperor. The imperial decree would either approve or reject the proposal. Those who were approved would then be passed to the personnel office, where they would be assigned according to their status—distinguishing between noble and common ranks, internal and external appointments—and appointed in accordance with their abilities. Their names were recorded on yellow paper, signed by the eight high-ranking officials, and after receiving imperial approval, they would be officially registered in the personnel records. The registrar wrote their names on a crane-head tablet (a ceremonial document), carefully prepared and presented with proper decorum, then delivered it to the family of the appointee. For those appointed by special imperial decree, the order was immediately announced and sent to the Chaoju (Imperial Edict Office), where a draft of the appointment would be prepared for submission. After receiving imperial approval, the decree was written on yellow paper and issued from the Menxia (Office of the Gate of Audience). The Menxia responded to the edict, requesting that it be sent outside for implementation. They then marked it with a "yes" and passed it on to the personnel office for execution of the appointment. Those who received official appointments did not necessarily have to wait until summoned in person. They merely had to hear of the edict's issuance, and on the following day, after entering court for a formal expression of gratitude, they would proceed to the Shangshu (Ministry of Works) and receive their appointment in the upper office. If the appointment was for a prince or noble official, then it had to be conferred in person before the emperor at the Xuan Hall (a formal court setting). All official appointments were conducted after noon.
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| | 歷代制中: |
初，武帝承侯景喪亂之後，綱維頹壞，制度未立，百官無復考校殿最之法，但更年互遷，驟班進秩，法無可稱者。後徐陵、孔奐繼為吏部尚書，差有其序。 |
| | Initially, after Emperor Wu succeeded to the throne following the chaos and losses caused by Hou Jing, the administrative framework had collapsed and systems were not yet established. There was no longer a method for evaluating officials' performance or ranking them as superior or inferior; instead, officials changed positions from year to year, receiving sudden promotions in rank without any legal basis that could be cited. Later, Xu Ling and Kong Huan successively served as Minister of Personnel, and there was somewhat more order in the system.
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| | 歷代制中: |
後魏州郡皆有中正掌選舉，每以季月，與吏部銓擇可否。其秀才對策，第居中上，表敘之。成帝和平三年，詔曰：「今選舉之官，多不以次，令班白處後，晚進居先，豈所謂彝倫攸敘者也。諸曹選補，宜各書勞舊才能。」其後，中正所銓，但在門第，吏部彝倫，仍不才舉。至孝文帝，勵精求理，內官通班以上，皆自考覈，以為黜陟。宣武帝詔：「庶族子弟，年未十五，不聽入仕。」自太和以前，精選中正，德高鄉國者充。其邊卅小郡，人物單鮮者，則併附他州。其在僻陋者，則闕而不置。當時稱為簡當，頗謂得人。及宣武、孝明之時，州無大小，必置中正，既不可悉得其人，故或有蕃落庸鄙操銓覈之權，而選敘頹紊。至正始元年冬，乃罷諸郡中正。時有以雜類冒登清流，遂令在位者皆五人相保，無人任據者，奪官還役。 |
| | In the Later Wei dynasty, all commanderies and districts had Zhongzheng (central arbiters) in charge of selecting officials. Every last month of each season, they would work with the Ministry of Personnel to evaluate and decide whether candidates were suitable or not. Those Xiucai (outstanding talents) who presented their policy responses ranked in the middle or upper ranks would be formally recommended and recorded. In the third year of Emperor Chengdi's Heping era, an imperial decree stated: "At present, officials responsible for selecting candidates often do not follow proper order. Elders are placed behind while younger aspirants come first—how can this be considered maintaining the established moral and social order?" "All departments responsible for appointments should record the merits, seniority, and abilities of candidates accordingly." After that, the Zhongzheng's selection process focused merely on family status. The Ministry of Personnel's established system still failed to recommend capable individuals. It was not until Emperor Xiaowen that he diligently pursued good governance, and for all officials within the court ranked Tongban (a high rank) or above, their performance was personally examined to determine promotion or demotion. Emperor Xuanwu issued an edict: "Commoner's sons and younger generations under fifteen years of age shall not be allowed to enter officialdom." Before Taihe, Zhongzheng officials were carefully selected from those with high moral standing in their hometowns and regions. For the thirty border commanderies or smaller ones where there were few notable individuals, they would be merged and attached to other states. Those in remote and obscure regions would have their positions left vacant without appointment. At the time, this system was considered concise and appropriate, and it was generally believed that capable individuals were being selected. However, during the reigns of Emperor Xuanwu and Emperor Xiaoming, regardless of whether a state was large or small, Zhongzheng positions were established. Since it was impossible to find suitable individuals for all these posts, some unqualified or mediocre people from frontier regions or lowly backgrounds held the power of selection and evaluation, leading to disorder in appointments and rankings. In winter of the first year of Zhengshi era, all Zhongzheng offices at the commandery level were abolished. At that time, some individuals of mixed or low status fraudulently entered the ranks of the elite. As a result, an order was issued requiring those in office to have five people vouch for them; if no one dared to take responsibility, their official positions were revoked and they were returned to labor service.
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| | 歷代制中: |
初，孝明嗣位幼沖，靈太后臨朝。征西將軍、冀州大中正張彝之子仲瑀上封事，事銓別選格，排抑武夫，不使在清品。於是武夫怨怒，聲諠道路，乃懸牓於衢，會期屠害。彝父子不以為懷。神龜二年，羽林、虎賁相率千餘人，至尚書省詬詈，求彝長子、尚書郎始均不獲，以瓦礫投擊臺門，聲如雷霆，京師懾震，莫敢討遏。遂聚火就焚其第，拽彝於庭，捶辱恣心，而呼聲動京邑。其子叩頭流血，為父請命，羽林乃執始均，生投火中，灼為煨燼。仲瑀被創以竄免，彝信宿而死。既而詔斬其尤兇者八人，餘大赦以安之。天下冤痛，聞者驚駭。靈太后於是乃命武官得依資入選。既而官員少而應調者多，選曹無以處之。 |
| | Initially, Emperor Xiaoming was young when he ascended the throne, and Empress Dowager Ling held court authority in his place. Zhang Yi, the Western Expedition General and Grand Zhongzheng of Ji State, had his son Zhang Zhongyu submit a sealed memorial proposing reforms to the selection criteria. The proposal aimed to exclude military men from being ranked among the elite classes. As a result, the military men became resentful and angry, creating disturbances on the roads; they posted notices in public places, vowing to kill him at an appointed time. The father and son Zhang Yi did not take this threat seriously or show concern. In the second year of Shengui, more than a thousand members of Yulin and Hubei forces gathered together, went to the Ministry of Works to curse and demand Zhang Yi's eldest son, Shangshulang Shimin. When they failed to find him, they threw tiles and stones at the gates of the ministry, creating a deafening noise like thunder; the capital was terrified, and no one dared to intervene or stop them. They then gathered firewood and set his residence ablaze, dragged Zhang Yi into the courtyard, beat and humiliated him at will, while their shouts echoed throughout the capital. His son knelt and begged for his father's life, shedding blood as he did so. The Yulin soldiers then seized Shimin and threw him alive into the fire, burning him to ashes. Zhongyu was wounded but managed to escape and survive; Zhang Yi died within a couple of days. Later, an imperial decree executed the eight most vicious offenders, while pardoning the rest in order to restore stability. People throughout the land mourned and felt deeply wronged; those who heard of it were shocked and horrified. Empress Dowager Ling, therefore, then decreed that military officials could be appointed based on their rank and service record. Soon after, the number of official positions was small while those applying for appointments were numerous, leaving the personnel office unable to handle them.
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| | 歷代制中: |
及崔亮為吏部尚書，乃奏為格制，官不問愚賢，以停解日月為斷，雖復官須此人，停日後者終不得取；庸才下品，年月久者則先擢用。時沉滯者皆稱其能。後甄琛、元脩義、城陽王徽相繼為吏部尚書，利其便己，踵而行之。自是賢愚同貫，涇渭無別。魏之失才，從亮始也。 |
| | When Cui Liang became Minister of Personnel, he submitted a proposal to establish regulations: official appointments no longer considered whether candidates were wise or unwise, but instead relied solely on the length of time they had been waiting for an opening. Even if a position urgently required someone, those who had waited fewer days would ultimately not be selected; those with mediocre abilities and lower ranks but longer waiting times were promoted first. At the time, those who had been delayed in their appointments all praised his ability. Later, Zhen Chen, Yuan Xiuyi, and Chengyang Wang Hui successively served as Ministers of Personnel. Finding the system convenient for their own interests, they followed suit and continued it. From then on, the virtuous and the foolish were treated equally; there was no distinction between clear and muddy waters. The Wei dynasty's failure to properly select talent began with Cui Liang.
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| | 歷代制中: |
及辛雄為尚書右丞，轉吏部郎中，上疏曰：「自神龜以來，專以停年為選。士無善惡，歲久先敘；職無劇易，名到授官。執案之吏，以差次日月為功能；銓衡之人，以簡得老舊為平直。且庸劣之人，莫不貪鄙。委斗筲以共理之重，託碩鼠以百里之命，皆貨賄是求，肆心縱意。禁制雖煩，不勝其欲。致令徭役不均，發調違謬，聚斂盈門，囚執滿道。蓋助陛下理天下者，唯在守令，最須簡置，以康國道。但郡縣選舉，由來所輕，貴遊俊才，莫肯居此。宜改其弊，以定官方。請上等郡縣為第一清，中等為第二清，下等為第三清。選補之法，妙盡才具，如不可並，後地先才，不得拘以停年，竟無銓革。三載黜陟，有稱者補在京名官，如前代故事，不歷郡縣不得為內職。則人思自勉，上下同心，枉屈可申，強暴自息。」書奏，會帝崩。 |
| | When Xin Xiong became Youcheng of the Ministry of Works and later transferred to serve as Langzhong in the Ministry of Personnel, he submitted a memorial stating: "Since the Shengui era, appointments have solely been based on waiting time. Regardless of whether scholars are virtuous or wicked, those who wait longer are promoted first; regardless of the difficulty or ease of a post, officials are appointed merely based on their names reaching the quota. The clerks in charge simply use the length of waiting time as a measure of merit; Those responsible for appointments regard selecting older, long-serving candidates as fairness and integrity. Moreover, those of mediocre ability are all greedy and despicable. To entrust petty men with important administrative duties, or to place great responsibility on corrupt officials in charge of a hundred li, is to invite demands for bribes and unchecked corruption. Although regulations are numerous, they cannot curb their desires. This has led to unequal levies of labor and erroneous mobilizations, with officials amassing wealth at their gates while prisoners fill the roads. Indeed, those who assist Your Majesty in governing the empire are only the magistrates and county officials; they must be carefully selected to ensure national stability. However, since ancient times, appointments at the commandery and county levels have been considered unimportant; thus, talented men from noble families are unwilling to accept such posts. We should reform this problem in order to establish proper official appointments. I propose that the highest-ranking commanderies and counties be designated as the first class of prestigious posts, medium ones as the second class, and lower ones as the third class. The method of selecting officials should fully consider their abilities; if there is a conflict, ability must take precedence over seniority. Appointments must not be solely based on waiting time without any evaluation or reform. After three years of assessment, those with commendable performance should be appointed to prestigious posts in the capital. As was done in previous dynasties, officials must have served at the commandery or county level before being eligible for court positions. Only then will people be motivated to improve themselves, and officials and subjects alike will work in harmony; grievances can be redressed, and oppression and violence will naturally cease." When the memorial was submitted, it coincided with the emperor's death.
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| | 歷代制中: |
及孝莊帝初，詔求德行、文藝、政事強直者，縣令、郡守、刺史皆敘其志業，具以表聞。得三人以上，縣令、太守、刺史賞一階；舉非其人者，黜一階。凡官，郡守、縣令六年為滿，滿後六年乃敘。 |
| | When Emperor Xiaozhuangdi first took the throne, an edict was issued seeking men of virtue and integrity, literary talent, or administrative ability. County magistrates, commandery governors, and provincial inspectors were all required to report their achievements and aspirations in detail for imperial review. Those who recommended three or more such men would receive a one-rank promotion, whether they were county magistrates, commandery governors or provincial inspectors; those who recommended unworthy individuals would be demoted by one rank. All officials, whether commandery governors or county magistrates, must serve for six years to complete their term; after completing a term, they may be promoted only after serving another six years.
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| | 歷代制中: |
北齊選舉，多沿後魏之制，凡州縣皆置中正。其課試之法，中書策秀才，集書策貢士，考功郎中策廉良。天子常服，乘輿出，坐於朝堂中楹，秀孝各以班草對。字有脫誤者，呼起立席後；書有濫劣者，飲墨水一升；文理孟浪者，奪席脫容刀。 |
| | The Beiqi dynasty's system of selecting officials largely followed the Houwei dynasty's regulations, with Zhongzheng offices established in all commanderies and counties. The method of examinations was as follows: the Zhongshu Department tested Xiucai candidates, the Jishu Department examined Gongshi candidates, and the Kaogong Langzhong tested Lianliang candidates. When the emperor wore his regular court robes and rode out in a palanquin, he would sit at the central pillar of the court hall. Xiucai and Xiaolian candidates each answered questions according to their assigned ranks on grass mats. Those who made spelling or grammatical errors were called up and ordered to stand behind the mat; those whose writing was sloppy or inferior were forced to drink a sheng of ink water; and those who submitted careless or incoherent essays had their mats taken away and were stripped of the ceremonial dagger they wore.
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| | 歷代制中: |
初，東魏元象中，文襄王高澄秉政，攝吏部尚書，乃革後魏崔亮年勞之制，務求才實。自遷鄴以後，掌大選知名者，不過數四。文襄年少高朗，其弊也疏；袁聿脩沈密謹厚，所傷者細；楊遵彥風流辯給，所取失於浮華；唯辛術貞明簡實，新舊參舉，管庫必擢，門閥不遺，衡鑒之美，一人而已。 |
| | Initially, during the Yuan Xiang period of the Dongwei dynasty, Prince Wenxiang Gao Cheng held power and served as acting Minister of Personnel. He abolished the Houwei system established by Cui Liang that emphasized seniority and years of service, instead focusing on selecting officials based on actual ability. After the capital was moved to Ye, only a few individuals were well known for overseeing major appointments. Prince Wenxiang, though young and lofty in ambition, had the flaw of being too lax; Yuan Yuxiu was cautious, reserved, and prudent, but his strictness harmed only minor matters; Yang Zunyan was elegant, eloquent, and quick-witted, yet the candidates he selected were often lacking in substance and overly ornate. Only Xin Shu was upright, wise, and straightforward in his selections. He combined both new and old candidates, promoted even those from humble backgrounds such as clerks or storekeepers, and did not overlook noble lineages. In terms of fairness and discernment in appointments, he alone stood out.
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| | 歷代制中: |
至孝昭帝皇建二年，詔：「內外執事官從五品以上、三府主簿錄事參軍、諸王文學、侍御史，廷尉三官、尚書郎中、中書舍人，每在二年之內，各舉一人。或夙在朝倫，沈屈未用；或先官後進，今見停散；或白屋之人，巾褐未釋。其高才良器，允文允武，理識深長，幹具通濟，操履凝峻，學業宏贍，諸如此輩，隨取一長，無待兼資，方充舉限。表薦之文，指論事實，隨能量用，必陳所堪，不得高談，謬加褒飾。所舉之人，止在一職。三周之內，有犯死罪以下、刑年以上，舉主準舉人之犯，各罰其金；自鞭以下，舉主勿論。若未經三載而更餘轉，通計後官日月，合滿三周。凡所舉人，必主事立功，裨益時政，不限年之遠近。舉主之賞，亦當非次；被舉之人，別當擢授。其違限不舉，依式罰金。又擁旄作鎮，任總百城，分符共理，職司千里，凡其部統，理宜委悉刺史，於所管之內，下郡太守、縣令、丞、尉、府佐、錄事參軍以降，州官州都、主簿以下，但霑在吏職及前為官并白人等，並聽表薦。太守則曹掾以下及管內之人，亦聽表舉。其大州、中州、下州，畿內，上郡、中郡，並三年之內各舉一人。其不入品州并自餘郡守，不在舉限。」 |
| | In the second year of Huangjian reign under Emperor Xiaozhuang, an edict was issued: "All officials in charge of internal and external affairs ranked at or above fifth grade, chief clerks (Zhubu) and record-keepers (Lushi Canjun) of the three offices, literary attendants to various princes, Attending Censors, the three magistrates of the Tingwei Court, Langzhong of the Ministry of Works, and Shangshu Sheren must each recommend one person within two years. Some may have long been part of the official class but remained unrecognized due to being overlooked or unjustly demoted; some may have previously held office and later advanced in rank, yet now find themselves dismissed or on leave; others may be commoners still wearing plain clothes, having not yet been released from their humble status. Those with exceptional talent and ability, who are both learned in literature and skilled in martial affairs, possess profound insight and practical competence, demonstrate firm moral character, and have extensive academic knowledge—any of these individuals, if possessing even one outstanding quality, should be recommended without requiring them to excel in all areas. The recommendation must state factual evidence, and the candidate's abilities should be assessed according to their merits. The recommender must clearly explain what the individual is capable of doing; exaggerated praise or misleading embellishment is strictly forbidden. Those recommended may hold only one position at a time. Within three years, if the recommended official commits an offense punishable by death or above, or a crime warranting corporal punishment for more than one year, the recommender shall be penalized in gold equivalent to the penalty imposed on the offender; for offenses punishable by whipping or lesser penalties, the recommender will not be held responsible. If an official changes positions before completing three years in office, the time spent in subsequent posts shall be combined to determine whether a total of three full years has been served. All recommended officials must demonstrate their ability by accomplishing tasks and contributing to the administration, regardless of how long they have been in office. The reward for recommenders should also be exceptional; those who are recommended will receive special promotions. Those who fail to submit recommendations within the prescribed time limit shall be fined according to established regulations. Furthermore, those commanding troops and governing regions, who oversee a hundred cities or more, as well as officials sharing administrative duties over vast territories of thousands of li—within their jurisdiction, it is appropriate to entrust the provincial governor (cishi) with the responsibility of recommending candidates. Within his area of control, this includes county magistrates, assistant magistrates, clerks, vice-magistrates, staff assistants, record-keepers and lower-ranking officials at the level of Canjun or below; local government officers such as zhoudu, zhushu, and those beneath them—anyone holding an official post, former officials, or commoners are all eligible to be recommended. County magistrates may also recommend candidates from their subordinates at the level of cauyuan and below, as well as any individuals within their jurisdiction. In major commanderies, medium-sized commanderies, and minor commanderies, as well as those within the imperial capital region, upper-tier counties and middle-tier counties must each recommend one individual every three years. Commanderies that do not qualify for official rank and other county magistrates are exempt from the recommendation requirement."
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| | 歷代制中: |
昔三代以前，天下列國有三卿、五大夫、二十七士。大國三卿，二卿命於天子，一卿命於其君；小國三卿，一卿命於天子，二卿命於其君。公、侯、伯之大夫再命，子、男之大夫一命，其士以下不命，皆國君專之。漢初，王侯國百官皆如漢朝，唯丞相命於天子，其御史大夫以下皆自置。及景帝懲吳、楚之亂，殺其制度，罷御史大夫以下官。至武帝，又詔：「凡王侯吏職秩二千石者，不得擅補。其州郡佐吏，自別駕、長史以下，皆刺史、太守自辟。」歷代因而不革。洎北齊武平中，後主失政，多有佞倖，乃賜其賣官，分占州郡，下及鄉官，多降中旨，故有敕用州主簿、郡功曹者。自是之後，州郡辟士之權，浸移於朝廷。以故外吏不得精覈，由此起也。 |
| | In the time before the Three Dynasties, each state in the empire had three senior ministers (qings), five high-ranking officials (dafa), and twenty-seven scholars (shis). In a major state, there were three senior ministers: two of them were appointed by the Son of Heaven, and one was appointed by their own ruler; In a minor state, there were also three senior ministers: one was appointed by the Son of Heaven and two by their local ruler. Dafa (high-ranking officials) in the ranks of gong, hou, and bo received two appointments; dafa in the ranks of zi and nan received one appointment. Scholars and those below them were not formally appointed by the Son of Heaven but were directly appointed by their respective state rulers. At the beginning of the Han dynasty, all officials in the kingdoms and marquisates were structured similarly to those at court. Only the prime minister (chengxiang) was appointed by the emperor; positions below that of yushi dafa were filled independently by the local rulers. When Emperor Jing dealt with the rebellion of Wu and Chu, he reformed their systems and abolished all positions below that of yushi daifu. By the time of Emperor Wu, an edict was issued: "All officials in a prince's or marquis's domain who held positions ranked at 2000 dan (erqianshi) must not be appointed without imperial approval. As for assistant officials at the commandery and state levels, from the level of Biejia and Changshi downward, they were all directly appointed by the cishi (provincial governor) or taihou (commandery magistrate)." Subsequent dynasties followed this system without change. By the Wuping period of Beiqi, Emperor Houzhu lost control of governance and many sycophants and favorites were rewarded with official posts. He sold offices to raise revenue, allowing these individuals to occupy positions in states and commanderies, even down to local officials. Many appointments were made directly by imperial decree, so there were cases where state zhushu or commandery gongcao were appointed through special edicts. From then on, the authority of provincial and commandery officials to appoint their own subordinates gradually shifted to the imperial court. For this reason, local officials could no longer thoroughly evaluate candidates; this problem began at that time.
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| | 歷代制中: |
後周以吏部中大夫一人掌選舉，吏部下大夫一人以貳之。初霸府時，蘇綽為六條詔書，其四曰「擢賢良」。綽深思本始，懲魏、齊之失，罷門資之制。其所察舉，頗加精慎。及武帝平齊，廣收遺逸，乃詔山東諸州舉明經幹理者，上縣六人，中縣五人，下縣四人。至宣帝大成元年，詔州舉高才博學者為秀才，郡舉經明行脩者為孝廉，上州、上郡歲一人。其刺史僚佐州吏則自署，府官則命於朝廷。 |
| | In the Houzhou dynasty, one Lishu Zhongdafa was appointed to oversee appointments, and a second official at the rank of Lishu Xiadafa assisted in this duty. Initially during the Ba Fu period, Su Chao drafted six imperial edicts; the fourth was titled "Promoting Virtuous and Talented Individuals." Su Chao deeply considered the root causes of governance, reflecting on the failures of the Wei and Qi dynasties. He abolished the system that relied solely on noble lineage for appointments. The candidates he recommended were carefully selected with great precision. When Emperor Wu conquered the Qi dynasty, he sought to widely recruit talented individuals who had been overlooked. He issued an edict ordering all commanderies in Shandong to recommend scholars well-versed in Confucian classics and capable of administration: six from upper-tier counties, five from middle-tier counties, and four from lower-tier counties. In the first year of Dacheng reign under Emperor Xuan, an edict was issued ordering each state to recommend highly talented and erudite individuals as Xiucai (outstanding scholars), while commanderies were to recommend those who had mastered Confucian classics and demonstrated moral integrity as Xiaolian. Upper-tier states and upper-tier commanderies were required to submit one candidate per year. Assistant officials at the provincial level, including cishi's subordinates and state clerks, could be appointed by themselves; however, positions in the imperial court were directly assigned by the emperor.
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| | 歷代制中: |
隋文帝開皇七年制，諸州歲貢三人，工商不得入仕。開皇十八年，又詔：「京官五品以上及總管、刺史，並以志行脩謹、清平幹濟二科舉人。」牛弘為吏部尚書，高構為侍郎，最為稱職。當時之制，尚書舉其大者，侍郎銓其小者，則六品以下官吏，咸吏部所掌。自是，海內一命以上之官，州郡無復辟署矣。 |
| | In the seventh year of Kaihuang reign under Emperor Wen of Sui, an edict was promulgated stipulating that each state should annually recommend three candidates for official positions, and merchants and artisans were prohibited from entering government service. In the eighteenth year of Kaihuang, another edict was issued: "All officials in the capital ranked fifth grade or above and provincial governors (zongguan) and cishi must recommend candidates based on two criteria: moral integrity and diligence, as well as administrative competence." Niu Hong served as Minister of Personnel while Gao Guo was his deputy; they were considered the most qualified for their roles. At that time, according to the system in place, the Minister of Personnel was responsible for recommending high-ranking officials while the Shilang evaluated lower ones. Thus, all officials ranked sixth grade and below were under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Personnel. From then on, in the entire empire, no official position above the lowest rank was appointed by local states or commanderies; such appointments were entirely centralized.
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| | 歷代制中: |
自後周以降，選無清濁。初盧愷攝吏部尚書，與侍郎薛道衡、陸彥師等，甄別物類，頗為清簡，而譖愬紛紜，愷及道衡皆除名。 |
| | Since the Houzhou dynasty onward, official appointments no longer distinguished between noble and common backgrounds. Initially, Lu Kai served as acting Minister of Personnel and worked with Shilang Xue Daoheng, Lu Yanshi, and others to carefully distinguish between candidates. Their system was relatively clear and efficient; however, due to numerous accusations and complaints, both Kai and Daoheng were dismissed from office.
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| | 歷代制中: |
煬帝始建進士科。又制，百官不得計考增級，其功德行能有昭然者乃擢之。大業三年，始置吏部侍郎一人，分掌尚書職事。時武夫參選，多授文職。大業八年，詔曰：「頃自班朝治人，乃由勳敘，拔之行陣，起自勇夫，蠹政害人，寔由於此。自今以後，諸授勳官者，並不得因授文官職事。」 |
| | Emperor Yang first established the Jinshi degree examination. He also decreed that officials could not advance in rank merely based on years of service; only those whose virtue, conduct, and abilities were clearly outstanding would be promoted. In the third year of Daye (607 AD), one Shilang was first appointed to the Ministry of Personnel, to share in the duties of the Minister. At that time, military men participating in official appointments were often granted civil posts. In the eighth year of Daye, an edict was issued: "Recently, since officials have been appointed based on military merit, selecting them from among soldiers and brave men has led to corrupt governance that harms the people—this is indeed the root cause. From now on, those who are granted military ranks shall not be allowed to hold civil official posts as a result."
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