| 中國哲學書電子化計劃 |
《樂七》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
《郊廟宮懸備舞議 - Discussion on Preparing Dances for Suspended Instruments at Suburban and Temple Sacrifices 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 魏 宋 梁 大唐 |
| Wei Song Liang Datang | ||
| 2 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 魏散騎常侍王肅議曰：「王者各以其禮制事天地，今說者據周官單文為經國大體，懼其局而不弘也。漢武帝東巡狩封禪還，祠太一於甘泉，祭后土於汾陰，皆盡用其樂。言盡用者，謂盡用宮懸之樂也。天地之性貴質者，蓋謂其器之不文，不謂庶物當減也。禮，天子宮懸，舞八佾。今祀圜丘、方澤，宜以天子制，設宮懸之樂、八佾之舞。」奏可。 |
| Wei Sanqi Changshi Wang Su argued, "A sovereign should serve Heaven and Earth according to the rites and institutions of his own dynasty. Now those who speak cite only a single passage from the Rites of Zhou as the fundamental principle for governing the state; I fear this approach is narrow and not sufficiently comprehensive." When Emperor Wu of Han returned from his eastern tour and the Fengshan ceremony, he offered sacrifices to Taiyi at Ganquan and to Hou Tu at Fenyin, using all the appropriate music for these rites. To say "using all the music" means that the full set of court music with suspended instruments was employed. The natural quality valued in Heaven and Earth is their simplicity, referring to the fact that their vessels are unadorned; it does not mean that ordinary objects should be reduced or simplified. According to rites, for the emperor's court music with suspended instruments, eight rows of dancers are used. "Therefore, when offering sacrifices at the Round Mound (Huantiao) and the Square Marsh (Fangze), we should follow the emperor's system by setting up court music with suspended instruments and arranging eight rows of dancers." The proposal was approved. | ||
| 3 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 肅又議曰：「說者以為周家祀天唯舞雲門，祭地唯舞咸池，宗廟唯舞大武，似失其義矣。周禮，賓客皆作備樂。左傳：『王子頹享五大夫，樂及遍舞。』六代之樂也。然則一會之日，具作六代之樂。天地宗廟，事之大者，賓客讌會，比之為細。王制曰：『庶羞不踰牲，燕衣不踰祭服。』可以燕樂而踰天地宗廟之樂乎？周官：『以六律、六同、五聲、八音、六舞大合樂，以致鬼神，以和邦國，以諧萬民，以安賓客，以悅遠人。』夫六律、六呂、五聲、八音，皆一時而作之，至於六舞獨分擘而用之，所以不厭人心也。又周官：『韎師掌教韎樂，韎音莫拜切。祭祀則帥其屬而舞之，大享亦如之。』韎，東夷之樂也。又：『鞮鞻掌四夷之樂與其聲歌，祭祀則吹而歌之，燕亦如之。』四夷之樂，乃入宗廟；先代之典，獨不得用。大享及燕曰如之者，明古今夷夏之樂皆主之於宗廟，而後播及其餘也。夫作先王樂者，貴能苞而用之也。納四夷之樂者，美德廣之所及也。高皇帝、太皇帝、太祖、高祖、文昭廟，皆宜兼用先代及武始、大鈞之舞。」 |
| Su further argued, "Those who claim that during the Zhou dynasty sacrifices to Heaven involved only the dance Yunmen, sacrifices to Earth involved only the Xianchi dance, and ancestral temple rites involved only the Da Wu dance seem to have misunderstood their meanings." According to the Rites of Zhou, for guests, all forms of music should be prepared. The Zuo Zhuan states: "Prince Tu enjoyed a banquet for the Five Great Ministers, and the music included all the dances." These were the six dynasties' musical pieces. If so, then on a single day of an assembly, all six dynasties' music was performed together. Sacrifices to Heaven and Earth and ancestral temples are the most important matters, whereas banquets for guests are relatively minor in comparison. The Rites of Kings states: "Ordinary delicacies should not surpass the sacrificial offerings, and clothes for banquets should not exceed those worn during sacrifices." How can banquet music surpass the music used in rites to Heaven, Earth, and ancestral temples? The Rites of Zhou state: "Using the six laws, six harmonies, five tones, eight kinds of music, and six dances to perform grand musical unification in order to summon spirits and deities, harmonize the realm, bring concord among the people, pacify guests, and please distant peoples." The six laws, six lü, five tones, and eight kinds of music are all performed together at one time; only the six dances are divided and used separately. This is done to satisfy people's hearts without tiring them. Also in the Rites of Zhou: "The Maishi was responsible for teaching Ma music," Ma yin Mo Bai Qie. "During sacrifices, he led his subordinates in dancing; the same was done during grand banquets." Ma music is the music of the eastern Yi peoples. Also: "Dilu was in charge of the music and songs of the four Yi peoples; during sacrifices, they would blow instruments while singing, and this practice was also followed at banquets." The music of the four Yi peoples was thus introduced into ancestral temple rites; yet the rituals and music of earlier dynasties were uniquely excluded from use. The statement that grand banquets and feasts followed the same practice indicates clearly that both ancient and modern, as well as Yi and Xia music, were primarily used in ancestral temple rites before being extended to other occasions. To compose the music of former kings is valued precisely for one's ability to embrace and employ it comprehensively. Incorporating the music of the four Yi peoples reflects the breadth of virtue and magnanimity. "Therefore, for offerings at the temples of Emperor Gao, Emperor Tai, Taizu, Gaozu, and Wen Zhao, both the music and dances from earlier dynasties as well as Wu Shi and Da Jun should be used together." | ||
| 4 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 尚書盧毓奏：「協律中郎將左延年議，按周禮『以雲門祀天，咸池祀地』，又今宗廟用宮懸，則祀天地宜用宮懸。博士趙怡以為，古無四懸，四懸自周始耳，未有作古樂而用近懸也。按今天地之樂懸，謂之上下管，與虞舜笙鏞同。不言二懸，宜如故事，但設上下管而已。」 |
| Shangshu Lu Yu presented a memorial: "Xielv Zhonglangjiang Zuo Yannian argued that according to the Rites of Zhou 'Yunmen is used for sacrifices to Heaven and Xianchi for sacrifices to Earth,' yet now ancestral temple rites use court music with suspended instruments. Therefore, sacrifices to Heaven and Earth should also employ court music with suspended instruments." Bo Shi Zhao Yi believed that in ancient times there was no four-directional suspended music; the use of four suspensions began only during the Zhou dynasty. It would be inappropriate to perform ancient music with a recent system of suspension. According to current rites, the suspended instruments used for Heaven and Earth are called upper and lower pipes, which correspond to the sheng yong of Yu Shun. Since it does not mention two suspensions, we should follow precedent by setting up only upper and lower pipes." | ||
| 5 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 侍中繆襲議：「周存六代之樂，故各有所用。今樂制既亡，唯承漢氏韶武。魏承舜，又周為二王之統，故文始、大武、武德、武始、大鈞可以備四代之樂。奏黃鍾，舞文始，以禮天地；奏太蔟，舞大武，以祀五郊、明堂；奏姑洗，舞武德，巡狩以祭四望山川；奏蕤賓，舞武始、大鈞，以祀宗廟；及二至祀丘澤，於祭可兼舞四代。又漢有雲翹、育命之舞，不知所出，舊以祀天。今可兼以雲翹祀圜丘，兼以育命祀方澤。祀天地宜宮懸，如延年議。」 |
| Shizhong Miu Xi argued: "The Zhou dynasty preserved the music of six previous dynasties, so each had its specific use." "Now that the ancient musical system has been lost, we only inherit the Shao Wu from the Han dynasty." Wei inherited from Shun, and the Zhou dynasty represented the lineage of two kings; therefore, Wen Shi, Da Wu, Wu De, Wu Shi, and Da Jun can together represent the music of four dynasties. Play Huangzhong, perform Wen Shi dance to honor Heaven and Earth; play Taicu, perform Da Wu dance for sacrifices at the Five Suburbs and the Mingtang Hall; Play Gu Xian, perform Wu De dance during tours to worship the four directions' mountains and rivers; play Ruibin, perform Wu Shi and Da Jun dances for ancestral temple sacrifices; and during the two solstice ceremonies at Huanzhao (Huantiao), four dynasties' dances may be performed together in the sacrifice. Also, during the Han dynasty there were the Yun Qiao and Yu Ming dances; their origins are unknown, but they were traditionally used in sacrifices to Heaven. Now these may be combined: use Yun Qiao for the sacrifice at the Round Mound and Yu Ming for the Square Marsh. "Sacrifices to Heaven and Earth should employ court music with suspended instruments as Zuo Yannian proposed." | ||
| 6 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 司空衛臻議：「圜丘宜用大韶，樂宜宮懸。宗廟之樂，宜用武始、咸熙。」 |
| Sikong Wei Zhen argued: "The Round Mound should use Da Shao music, and court music with suspended instruments is appropriate." "For ancestral temple rites, Wu Shi and Xianxi dances are suitable." | ||
| 7 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 宋武帝永初始調金石。文帝元嘉十八年，有司奏：「二郊宜奏登歌。」後詔顏延之造歌詩，廟舞猶闕。 |
| In the first year of Yongxing during Emperor Wu's reign in the Song dynasty, metal and stone instruments were tuned for court music. In the eighteenth year of Yuankai during Emperor Wen's reign in the Song dynasty (441 AD), officials presented a memorial: "The sacrifices at the two suburbs should include sung hymns." Later, an imperial edict was issued to Yan Yanzhi to compose hymn poetry; however, temple dances were still lacking. | ||
| 8 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 孝武孝建二年，前殿中曹郎荀萬秋議：「按禮，祭天地有樂者，為降神也。故易曰：『雷出地奮豫。先王以作樂崇德，殷薦之上帝，以配祖考。』周官曰：『作樂於圜丘之上，天神皆降。作樂於方澤之中，地祇皆出。』又曰：『乃奏黃鍾，歌大呂，舞雲門，以祀天神。乃奏太簇，歌應鍾，舞咸池，以祀地祇。』由斯而言，以樂祭天地，其來尚矣。今郊享闕樂，竊以為疑。祭統曰：『夫祭有三重焉：獻之屬莫重於祼，聲莫重於升歌，舞莫重於武宿夜，此周道也。』至於漢奏五行，魏舞咸熙，皆以用享。爰逮晉氏泰始之初，傅玄作晉郊廟歌詩三十二篇。元康中，荀蕃受詔成父勖業，定金石四懸，用之郊廟。是則相承郊廟有樂之證也。今廟祠登歌雖奏，而舞象未陳，懼闕備禮。方茲禮儀遺逸，罔不具舉，而況出祇降神，輟樂於郊祭；昭德舞功，有闕於廟享。謂郊廟宜設備樂。」於是竟陵王誕等五十一人並同萬秋議。 |
| In the second year of Xiaojian during Emperor Xiao Wu's reign (455 AD), Qian Dianzhong Caolang Xun Wanqiu argued: "According to rites, music is used in sacrifices to Heaven and Earth for summoning spirits." Hence the Yijing says: 'Thunder emerging from the earth signifies Yu (preparation).' Former kings composed music to honor virtue, offering it to Heaven and using it to accompany their ancestors. The Rites of Zhou states: "When music is performed at the Round Mound, all heavenly deities descend." "When music is played in the Square Marsh, earth spirits emerge." It also says: "Then play Huangzhong, sing Taigu, and perform the Yunmen dance to worship heavenly deities." "Play Taicu, sing Yingzhong, and perform Xianchi dance to honor earth spirits." From this we can see that using music in sacrifices to Heaven and Earth has a long-standing tradition. Now, if the suburban sacrifices lack music, I secretly consider it questionable. The Rituals of Sacrifice states: "Sacrifices have three key elements: among offerings, none is more important than the ritual wine-pouring; among sounds, none surpasses the ascending hymns; and among dances, none exceeds the Wu Su Ye dance. This was the Zhou way." As for the Han dynasty's Five Elements music and Wei dynasty's Xianxi dance, both were used in sacrificial rites. As late as the beginning of Taishi during the Jin dynasty, Fu Xuan composed thirty-two hymn poems for the Jin suburban and temple sacrifices. During Yuankang, Xun Fan was commissioned to complete his father Xu Xu's work and established the four suspended instruments of metal and stone for use in suburban and temple rites. This is clear evidence that the tradition of using music in suburban and ancestral temple sacrifices has been passed down. Now, although sung hymns are performed at temple sacrifices, the symbolic dances have not yet been presented; I fear that this is a deficiency in the rites. At such a time when all matters of ritual and ceremony are being carefully restored, how much more so should we not neglect the rites—especially since spirits descend from Heaven and earth during sacrifices at the suburbs, where music must be played without interruption; yet in temple offerings, there is a gap in honoring virtue through dance. Therefore, I believe that the suburban and ancestral temple rites should include all forms of music." Thus, Prince Jingling Wang Dan and fifty-one others all agreed with Wanqiu's proposal. | ||
| 9 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 梁武帝制曰：「先儒皆以宗廟宜設宮懸。按周官：『奏黃鍾，歌大呂，舞雲門，以祀天神；奏太蔟，歌應鍾，舞咸池，以祭地祇；奏夷則，歌小呂，舞大護，以饗先妣；奏無射，歌夾鍾，舞大武，以享先祖。』虞書云：『戛擊鳴球，搏拊琴瑟以詠，祖考來格。下管浅鼓，合止柷敔，笙鏞以間。』周禮則分樂享祀，虞書則止鳴兩懸，求之於古，無宮懸之文。按所以不宮懸者，事人禮縟，音辱，數也。事神禮簡。禮器云：『天子之堂九尺，而至敬不壇。天子龍袞，而至敬不文。觀天下物，無可以稱其德者，則以少為貴。』郊特牲云：『宗廟之器，可用也，而不可便其利。所以交於神也，不可以同於所安樂之義也。』王肅初不分析此前數旨，直言用天子之制。若郊廟既均其制，二神禮文復何以同？今宜祀天地宗廟，逐所應須。便即設之，則非宮非軒，非判非特，直以至敬所應施用耳。」 |
| Emperor Wu of Liang decreed: "Earlier Confucian scholars have all believed that ancestral temple rites should employ court music with suspended instruments." According to the Rites of Zhou: "Play Huangzhong, sing Da Lü, perform Yunmen dance, to worship heavenly deities; play Taicu, sing Ying Zhong, perform Xianchi dance, to sacrifice to earth spirits; play Yize, sing Xiao Lü, perform Dahu dance, to honor the ancestors' mothers; and play Wu She, sing Jia Zhong, perform Da Wu dance, to offer sacrifices to the ancestors." The Book of Yu states: "Strike the jade chimes and play the qin and se to sing, so that ancestors will descend." "Play lower pipes and light drums, coordinate with Zhu and Yu gongs, and use sheng and yong to interweave the music." The Rites of Zhou specify different musical pieces for different sacrifices, while the Book of Yu only mentions two suspended instruments being played. Seeking evidence in ancient texts, there is no mention of court music with four suspensions (gongxuan). The reason for not using court music with suspended instruments lies in the elaborate rites for human affairs, Yin Ru, meaning 'numerous' or 'frequent'. the rites for honoring spirits are simpler. The Rites of Vessels states: "The hall of the Son of Heaven is nine chi high, yet utmost reverence does not require a raised platform. "The Son of Heaven wears dragon robes, yet utmost reverence requires no elaborate decoration." Observing all things in the world, nothing can adequately express his virtue; therefore, less is considered more precious." The Sacrifice of a Single Ox states: "Vessels for ancestral temples may be used, but their convenience or practicality should not be the priority. This is because they are used to communicate with spirits; therefore, they cannot follow the same principles as objects of comfort and pleasure." Wang Su initially did not analyze these earlier points in detail but directly advocated using the Son of Heaven's system. If both suburban and ancestral temple rites adopt the same system, then how can the rituals for two different deities remain distinct? Now we should offer sacrifices to Heaven, Earth, ancestors, and temples according to what is appropriate in each case. If it is convenient, set it up accordingly; then it would not be about court music or suspended instruments, nor about distinctions of rank or uniqueness. It should simply reflect what utmost reverence requires." | ||
| 10 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 大唐麟德二年十月，詔：「國家平定天下，革命創制，紀功旌德，久被樂章。今郊祀四懸，猶用干戚之舞，先朝作樂，韞而未伸。其郊廟享宴等所奏宮懸，文舞宜用功成慶善之樂，皆著履執拂，依舊服蔥褶、童子冠；其武舞宜用神功破陣之樂，皆衣甲持戟，其執纛之人亦著金甲。人數並依八佾，仍量加簫、笛、歌鼓等，於懸南列坐，若舞即與宮懸合奏。其宴樂內二色舞者，仍依舊別設。」 |
| In the tenth month of the second year of Linde in the Great Tang dynasty, an imperial decree was issued: "Our state having pacified the world and initiated a new era, we have established new systems to record achievements and honor virtue. These have long been enshrined in musical compositions." Now, for the suburban sacrifices with four suspended instruments, we still use the dance of shields and axes. The musical compositions from previous dynasties have been preserved but not yet fully realized. For the court music with suspended instruments performed at suburban and temple sacrifices, banquets, etc., the literary dance should employ the Gongcheng Qingshan music. Dancers should wear shoes and hold brushes, dressed in the traditional con zhe robes and tongzi caps as before; the martial dance should use the Shengong Puzhen music, with dancers wearing armor and holding halberds; those who hold the standard should also wear golden armor. The number of dancers should follow the eight rows system. Additionally, flutes, dizi (bamboo pipes), song drums, and others may be added to sit in rows south of the suspended instruments; when dancing, they will perform together with the court music. As for the two types of dances performed during banquet music, they should still be separately arranged as before." | ||
| 11 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 儀鳳二年十一月，太常少卿韋萬石奏曰：「據貞觀禮，郊享日文舞奏元和、順和、永和等樂，其舞人著委貌冠服，手執籥翟；其武舞奏凱安，其舞人著平冕，手執干戚。奉麟德二年十月敕，文舞改用功成慶善樂，武舞改用神功破陣樂，并改器服。但以慶善樂不可降神，破陣樂又未入雅樂，雖改用器服，其舞曲依舊，迄今不改。事既不安，恐須別有處分。」詔曰：「舊文舞、武舞既不可廢，并器服總宜依舊。若懸作上元舞日，仍奏神功破陣樂及功成慶善樂，，并殿庭用舞，並須引出懸外而作。其安置舞曲，宜更商量作安穩法。并錄凱安六變法象奏聞。」萬石又與刊正樂官等奏曰：「謹按凱安舞是貞觀年中所造武舞，準貞觀禮及今禮，但郊廟祭享奏武舞之樂即用之。凡有六變。一變象龍興參墟，二變象克靖關中，三變象東夏賓服，四變象江淮寧謐，五變象獫狁讋伏，六變象兵還振旅。謹按貞觀禮，祭享日武舞唯作六變，亦如周之大武，六成樂止。今禮奏武舞六成，而數終未止，既非師古，不可依行。其武舞凱安，請依古禮及貞觀禮，六成樂止。立部伎內破陣樂五十二遍，修入雅樂，只有兩遍，名七德。立部伎內慶善樂五十遍，修入雅樂，只有一遍，名九功。上元舞二十遍，今入雅樂，一無所減。每見祭享日三獻已終，上元舞猶自未畢，今更加破陣樂、慶善樂，恐酌獻以後，歌舞更長。其雅樂內破陣樂、慶善樂、上元舞三曲，並請修改通融，令長短與禮相稱，冀於事為便。破陣樂有象武事，慶善樂有象文事。按古六代舞，有雲門、大咸、大韶、大夏等，是古之文舞；殷之大護、周之大武，是古之武舞。先儒相傳，國家以揖讓得天下，則先奏文舞；若以征伐得天下，則先奏武舞。請應用二舞日，先奏神功破陣樂，次奏功成慶善樂。先奉敕於圜丘、方澤、太廟祠享日，則用上元之舞。臣據見行禮，欲於天皇酌獻降復位高皇在位尊號天皇。以後，即作凱安，六變樂止，其神功破陣樂、功成慶善樂、上元舞三曲，待改修訖，以次通融作之，即得新舊並行，前後有序。」詔從之。 |
| In the eleventh month of the second year of Yifeng, Taichang Shaoqing Wei Wanshi presented a memorial: "According to the rites of Zhenguan, on days of suburban sacrifices and banquets, literary dancers performed Yuanhe, Shunhe, Yonghe music. The dancers wore Weimao caps and robes, holding yue and zhai in their hands; for the martial dance, Kai'an music was played, with dancers wearing Pingmian caps and holding shields and axes." Following the imperial decree of October in the second year of Linde, the literary dance was changed to Gongcheng Qingshan music and the martial dance to Shengong Puzhen. The instruments and costumes were also altered accordingly. However, since Qingshan music is unsuitable for summoning spirits and Puzhen music has not yet been incorporated into the refined court music, although instruments and costumes have changed, the dance compositions remain unchanged to this day. Since the matter is unsatisfactory, it may require separate instructions." The imperial decree stated: "Since neither the old literary nor martial dances can be abolished, their instruments and costumes should remain as before. If the suspended instruments are used on the day of Shangyuan dance, then both Shengong Puzhen and Gongcheng Qingshan music should be played. Additionally, when dances take place in the hall or courtyard, they must be performed outside the area where the suspended instruments are placed. The arrangement of dance music should be further discussed and adjusted to ensure stability." And the six variations of Kai'an, along with their symbolic representations, were recorded and submitted for imperial review." Wan Shi, along with the officials responsible for revising music and rituals, presented a memorial: "We have carefully examined that Kai'an dance is a martial dance created during the Zhenguan era. According to both the Zhenguan rites and current regulations, whenever martial dance music is performed at sacrifices or banquets in suburban temples or ancestral halls, this should be used. It consists of six variations. The first variation symbolizes the dragon rising in Sanxu; the second, pacifying Guanzhong; the third, eastern regions submitting to Tang authority; the fourth, peace in the Yangtze and Huai rivers; the fifth, Xiongnu subjugation; the sixth, troops returning and reassembling. According to Zhenguan rites, on days of sacrifice or banquet, the martial dance was performed only in six variations, similar to Zhou dynasty's DAWU, where music ceased after six completions. In the current rites, although martial dance is performed in six completions, the number does not end there; this neither follows ancient precedents nor can it be implemented. Regarding the martial dance Kai'an, we respectfully request that it follow both the ancient rites and Zhenguan regulations, with music ceasing after six completions. Within the Libuji ensemble, Puzhen music consists of fifty-two repetitions; it was revised and incorporated into refined court music but retained only two repetitions, named Qide. Within the Libuji ensemble, Qingshan music originally had fifty repetitions; after revision and incorporation into refined court music, it retained only one repetition, named Jiugong. Shangyuan dance originally had twenty repetitions; now incorporated into refined court music without any reduction. We often observe that on days of sacrifice, after the three offerings have been completed, Shangyuan dance is still not finished. If Puzhen and Qingshan music are now added, we fear that after the libations are made, the duration of dancing and singing will be even longer. Therefore, we respectfully request that the three pieces within refined court music—Puzhen, Qingshan, and Shangyuan dances—be revised and adjusted to ensure their length corresponds appropriately with ritual requirements, so as to facilitate proper proceedings. Puzhen music symbolizes martial affairs, while Qingshan music represents literary achievements. According to ancient rites of the Six Dynasties, there were dances such as Yunmen, Daxian, Dayao, and Daxia, which represented ancient literary dances; the Yin dynasty's Dahu and the Zhou dynasty's Da Wu were ancient martial dances. According to traditions passed down by earlier Confucian scholars, if a state gains power through courtesy and yielding, the literary dance should be performed first; if it is gained through military conquest, then the martial dance should precede. We respectfully request that on days when both dances are performed, Shengong Puzhen music be played first, followed by Gongcheng Qingshan. Previously, according to imperial decree, on days of sacrifices at the round altar (Huanqiu), square marsh (Fangze), and the Grand Ancestral Temple, Shangyuan dance was used. According to current rites in practice, I wish to perform the libation and return to position before Tianhuang the revered title of Gao Huang while he was reigning. afterward, perform Kai'an with six variations and stop the music. As for the three pieces—Shengong Puzhen, Gongcheng Qingshan, and Shang Yuan dance—they should be revised and adjusted accordingly; once completed, they may then be performed in sequence, allowing both new and old practices to coexist harmoniously and proceed in proper order." The imperial decree approved this. | ||
| 12 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 開元八年九月，瀛州司法參軍趙慎言論郊廟用樂表曰： |
| In the ninth month of the eighth year of Kaiyuan, Zhao Shenyan, a judicial officer in Yingzhou, submitted a memorial on the use of music at suburban and temple sacrifices: | ||
| 13 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 祭天地宗廟，樂合用商音。又周禮三處大祭，俱無商調。鄭玄云：「此無商調者，祭尚柔，商堅剛也。」以臣愚知，斯義不當。但商音，金也；周德，木也。金能剋木，作者去之。今皇唐土王，即殊周室。五音損益，須逐便宜，豈可將木德之儀，施土德之用？又說者以商聲配金，即作剛柔理解，殊不知聲無定性，音無常主，剛柔之體，實由其人，人和則音和，人怒則聲怒，故禮稱「怒心感者，其聲麤以厲；愛心感者，其聲和以柔。」秖如宮聲為君，商聲為臣，豈以臣位配金，金為臣道，便為剛乎？其三祭並請加商調，去角調。 |
| When sacrificing to Heaven, Earth, or ancestral temples, Shang tone should be used for music. Moreover, in the Zhou Li (Rites of Zhou), three major sacrifices did not employ the Shang mode. Zheng Xuan said: "The reason these do not use the Shang mode is that sacrifices emphasize gentleness, while Shang represents firmness and rigidity." In my humble opinion, this interpretation seems inappropriate. But the Shang tone corresponds to metal; the virtue of the Zhou dynasty was associated with wood. Since metal can overcome wood, it is omitted in their composition. Now the current dynasty of Tang rules with the virtue of earth, which differs from that of the Zhou dynasty. The five tones and their adjustments must be adapted to practical needs; how can rituals associated with the virtue of wood be applied to those of earth? Furthermore, some argue that the Shang tone is associated with metal and thus represents rigidity or gentleness. However, they fail to realize that tones have no fixed nature and music has no constant ruler; whether a sound is rigid or gentle depends entirely on the person performing it. When people are harmonious, their music will be harmonious; when angry, their tone becomes harsh. Hence, the Rites state: "When one's heart is filled with anger, the resulting sound is coarse and fierce; when one's heart is full of love, the resulting tone will be harmonious and gentle." For example, if the Gong tone represents a ruler and Shang tone symbolizes a minister, does that mean because ministers are associated with metal, which is considered to represent subordinates, it must also be rigid? Therefore, for these three sacrifices, we respectfully request the addition of Shang mode and the removal of Jue mode. | ||
| 14 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 又郊廟二舞人，不依古制，未協人神。按周禮：「以樂舞教國子，舞雲門、大咸、大護、大武。」是知古之舞者，即諸侯子孫，容服鮮麗，故得神祇降福，靈光燭壇。今之舞人，並容貌蕞陋，屠沽之流，用以接神，欲求降福，固亦難矣。有隋之際，猶以品子為之，號為「二舞郎」，逮乎聖朝，遂變斯制。誠願革茲近誤，考復古道。其二舞人，望取品子年二十以下，顏容修正者充。令太常博士主之，準國子學給料。行事之外，習六樂之道，學五禮之儀。十周年，量文武授散官，號曰「雲門生」。 |
| Moreover, the two groups of dancers at suburban and temple sacrifices do not follow ancient regulations, which is inconsistent with harmonizing human and divine realms. According to the Zhou Li: "Use music and dance to educate the nobles, teaching them Yunmen, Daxian, Dahu, and Da Wu." This indicates that in ancient times, dancers were the descendants of feudal lords; they wore bright and colorful costumes, which is why deities would descend to bestow blessings and divine light illuminated the sacrificial altar. Nowadays, dancers are mostly of poor appearance and lowly status—merchants or butchers. To use such people to connect with deities and seek blessings is indeed difficult. During the Sui dynasty, they still used descendants of noble families for this role, known as "Erwula." However, since the present dynasty came to power, this system has changed. I sincerely hope that these recent errors may be corrected and ancient practices restored through careful examination. As for the two groups of dancers, I respectfully suggest selecting descendants from noble families who are under twenty years old and have proper appearance and demeanor to serve in this role. Let the Taichang bo shi (doctor of rites) oversee them, providing stipends according to the standards for students at the Guozijian academy. In addition to performing their duties, they should study the six types of music and learn the five rites' ceremonies. After ten years, they may be awarded civil or military honorary ranks based on their performance, with the title "Yunmen Sheng." | ||
| 15 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 又按周禮：「奏太蔟，歌應鍾，以享地祇。」注云：「地祇，謂神州、社稷也。」太蔟，陽也，位在寅。應鍾，陰也，位在亥。故斗建亥，則日月會於寅；斗建寅，則日月會於亥。是知聖人之制，取合於陰陽；歌奏之儀，用符於交會。今之祭社，即乖古法，乃下奏太蔟，上歌黃鍾。但太蔟、黃鍾，俱是陽律，上下歌奏不異，乃是陽合於陽，非特違其禮經，抑亦乖於會合。其社壇歌黃鍾，請改為應鍾均。 |
| Furthermore, according to Zhou Li: "Play Taicu music and sing Yingzhong songs to offer sacrifices to the Earth deities." The commentary states: "Earth deities refer to Shen Zhou (the Central Land) and Sheji (deities of land and grain)." Taicu is yang in nature, corresponding to the hour Yin. Yingzhong represents yin and corresponds to the hour Hai. Therefore, when the Big Dipper points at Hai (the tenth earthly branch), the sun and moon converge in Yin (the third earthly branch); when it points to Yin, the sun and moon meet again in Hai. This shows that the sages' system was designed to harmonize with yin and yang; the rituals of singing and playing music were intended to correspond with these celestial conjunctions. Nowadays, when sacrificing to She (the deity of land), the practice deviates from ancient methods; instead of playing Taicu below and singing Huangzhong above, it is done in reverse. However, both Taicu and Huangzhong belong to yang tones; playing and singing them in the same order above and below results in yang harmonizing with yang. This not only violates ritual classics but also contradicts the principle of celestial conjunctions. Therefore, regarding the She altar's singing of Huangzhong, we respectfully request it be changed to Yingzhong mode. | ||
| 16 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 又五郊，工人、舞人衣服合依方色。按周禮：「以蒼璧禮天，以黃琮禮地，以青珪禮東方，以赤璋禮南方，以白琥禮西方，以玄璜禮北方。」是知五天帝德，色玉不同；四時文物，各隨方變。冀以同色相感，同事相宜，陰陽交泰，莫不由此。今祭器茵褥，總隨於五方，五郊衣服，獨乖於方色，舞者常持皁飾，工人恆服絳衣。以臣愚知，深為不便。其工人、舞人衣服，請各依方色。其宗廟黃色，仍各以所主色褾袖。 |
| Moreover, for the five suburban sacrifices, the clothing of musicians and dancers should follow directional colors. According to Zhou Li: "Use the green jade bi disk to worship Heaven, the yellow cong tube to honor Earth, the blue gui tablet for the East, the red zhang tablet for the South, the white hu-shaped jade for the West, and the black 璜 (huang) for the North." This shows that the virtues of the Five Heavenly Emperors are represented by different colored jades; the cultural symbols and rituals of the four seasons each change according to their directional associations. It is hoped that through similar colors, things will resonate harmoniously; and by aligning with appropriate practices, yin and yang can achieve balance—this principle underlies all such matters. Now, the sacrificial vessels and mats are all arranged according to the five directions; however, the clothing for the Five Suburban Sacrifices alone deviates from directional colors. Dancers always wear black decorations, while musicians constantly wear red robes. In my humble opinion, this is highly inconvenient. Therefore, I respectfully request that the clothing of musicians and dancers be adjusted to follow directional colors accordingly. lodash For ancestral temple rituals involving yellow color, sleeves should still be bordered with the respective directional colors as appropriate. | ||
| 17 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 又以樂治身心，禮移風俗，請立樂教以化兆民。周禮曰：「以樂教國子中、和、祗、庸、孝、友。」其國子諸生請教以樂經，同於禮傳，則人人知禮，家家知樂，自然風移俗易，災害不生。其樂經章目雖詳，稍乖旨要，請委通明博識修撰訖，然後頒下。二十五年，太常卿韋縚令博士韋逌、直太樂李尚沖、樂正沈元福、郊社令陳虔、申懷操等，詮敘前後所行用樂章，為五卷，以付太樂、鼓吹兩署，令工人習之。時太常舊相傳有讌樂五調歌詞各一卷，或云貞觀中侍中楊恭仁妾趙方等所詮集，詞多鄭、衛，皆近代詞人雜詩。至是，縚又令太樂令孫玄成更加整比，為七卷。 |
| Furthermore, since music can cultivate one's mind and body, and rites can transform customs, we respectfully request the establishment of a system for musical education to civilize the people. The Zhou Li states: "Use music to teach the nobles about centrality, harmony, reverence, diligence, filial piety, and brotherly affection." Therefore, we respectfully request that all students at the Guozixue be taught music theory alongside rites and classics. If so, then everyone will understand propriety and every household will know music; naturally, customs will improve, and disasters will not arise. Although the chapters of music theory are detailed, they slightly deviate from essential principles; we respectfully request that learned and knowledgeable officials be entrusted to revise and complete them before issuing them for implementation. TwentyIn the fifth year, Taichang Qing Wei Zuo ordered the doctor of rites Wei You, Taiyue official Li Shangchong, music director Shen Yuanfu, Jiaoshe Ling Chen Qian, Shen Huicao and others to compile all previously used musical compositions into five volumes, which were then given to both the Taiyue and Guchui offices for musicians to study. At that time, the Taichang institution had traditionally passed down five volumes of banquet music songs in different modes. Some claimed they were compiled by Zhao Fang, a concubine of Yang Gongren, the chancellor during the Zhenguan period; many of these lyrics originated from Zheng and Wei regions and consisted mainly of miscellaneous poems written by contemporary poets. At this time, Zuo also ordered Taiyue Ling Sun Xuancheng to further revise and organize them into seven volumes. | ||
| 18 | 郊廟宮懸... : | 開元二十九年六月，太常奏：「東封太山日所定雅樂，其樂曰：元和六變以降天神，順和八變以降地祇，皇帝行用太和之樂，其封太山登歌奠玉幣用肅和之樂，迎俎用雍和之樂，酌福飲福酒用福和之樂，送文迎武用舒和之樂，亞獻、終獻用凱安之樂，送神用夾鍾元和之樂，禪社首送神用林鍾宮順和之樂，享太廟迎神用永和之樂，獻祖宣皇帝酌獻用光大之舞，懿祖光皇帝酌獻用長發之舞，太祖景皇帝酌獻用大政之舞，代祖元皇帝酌獻用大成之舞，高祖神堯皇帝酌獻用大明之舞，太宗文武皇帝酌獻用崇德之舞，高宗天皇大帝酌獻用鈞天之舞，中宗孝和皇帝酌獻用太和之舞，睿宗大聖真皇帝酌獻用景雲之舞，徹豆用雍和之舞，送神用黃鍾宮永和之樂。臣以樂章殘缺，積有歲時。自有事東巡，親謁九廟，聖情慎禮，精祈感通，皆祠前累月，考定音律。請編入史冊，萬代施行。」乃下制曰：「王公卿士，爰及有司，頻詣闕上言，請以唐樂為名者。斯至公之事，朕安得而辭焉！然則大咸、大韶、大護、大夏，皆以大字表其樂章。今依所請，宜曰大唐樂。」 |
| In the sixth month of the twenty-ninth year of Kaiyuan, Taichang presented a report: "The refined court music established for the imperial eastern sacrifice to Mount Tai was as follows: Yuanhe with six variations to summon Heaven deities; Shunhe with eight variations to summon Earth deities. The emperor used Taihe music when proceeding. During the ceremony of ascending Mount Tai, the solemn and harmonious music (Suhuo) was played for offering jade and silk, Yonghe for welcoming sacrificial vessels, Fuhe for drinking the blessing wine, Shuhe for transitioning from literary to martial rites, Kai'an for the second and final offerings, Jiazhong Yuanhe for sending off deities. At the Chanshe ceremony (the accompanying sacrifice at She Field), Linzhong Gong Shunhe was used for sending off spirits. In ancestral temple sacrifices, Yonghe was played upon welcoming deities; Guangda dance accompanied the libation to Emperor Xuan of the Xianzu lineage; Changfa dance for Emperor Guang of Yizu; Dazheng for Emperor Jing of Taizu; Dacheng for Emperor Yuan of Dai Zu; Daming for Emperor Shenyao of Gao Zu; Chongde for Emperor Taizong Wenwu; Juntian for Emperor Gaozong Tianhuang Dadi; Taihe for Emperor Zhongzong Xiaohuo Huangdi; Jingyun for Emperor Ruizong Dasheng Zhen Huangdi. Yonghe was used when removing sacrificial vessels, and Huangzhong Gong Yonghe to send off deities." Ministers have long noted that the musical compositions are incomplete, with gaps accumulating over many years. Since preparations began for the eastern pilgrimage and the emperor personally visited the Nine Temples, His Majesty's reverence for rites and meticulous prayers have deeply moved heaven. Months before each ceremony, careful attention was given to determining musical tones. We respectfully request that these be recorded in historical annals so they may be implemented for generations to come." The imperial decree then stated: "Princes, ministers, and officials, as well as relevant departments, have repeatedly petitioned the court to name Tang dynasty music. This is a matter of great public significance; how could I possibly refuse it! However, Daxian, Dayao (Yao's music), Dahu (Hun's music), and Daxia all used the character "Da" to denote their musical compositions. Now following your request, it should be named Da Tang Yue." |
《郊廟不奏樂廟諸室別舞議 - Debate on Not Playing Music and Separate Dances for Different Chambers in Suburban and Ancestral Temple Rites 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 郊廟不奏... : | 宋 大唐 |
| Song Datang | ||
| 2 | 郊廟不奏... : | 宋顏竣七旬反議曰：「郊之有樂，蓋生周易、周官，歷代著議，莫不援準。夫『掃地而祭，器用陶匏』，唯質與誠，以章天德，文物之備，理固不然。孝經云：『郊祀后稷以配天，宗祀文王於明堂，以配上帝。』則豫之作樂，非郊天也。大司樂職：『奏黃鍾，歌大呂，舞雲門，以祀天神。』鄭注：『天神，五帝及日月星辰也。』王者以夏正月，祀其所受命之帝於南郊，則二至之祀，又非天地。考之眾經，郊祀有樂，未見明證。宗廟之禮，事炳載籍。爰自漢元，迄於有晉，雖時或更制，大抵相因，其惟不襲名號而已。今樂典淪滅，知音代寡，改作之事，臣聞其語。正德、大豫，禮容具存，宜殊其徽號，飾而用之。以正德為宣化之舞，大豫為興和之舞，庶足以光表世烈，悅彼後昆。前漢祖宗，廟處各異，主名既革，舞號亦殊。今七廟合食，殿庭共所，舞蹈之容，不得廟有別制。後漢東平王蒼已議之矣。又王肅、韓祗以王者德廣無外，六代四夷之舞，金石絲竹之樂，宜備奏宗廟。愚謂蒼、肅之議，合於典禮，適於當今。」 |
| Song Yanjun Qi Xunfan argued, "The use of music in sacrificial rites at the suburbs originated from the Book of Changes and the Rites of Zhou. Throughout history, prominent discussions have always cited these as standards. "The idea that 'one should sweep the ground for sacrifice and use earthenware and gourds as ritual vessels' emphasizes simplicity and sincerity to demonstrate heavenly virtue. However, the presence of elaborate ceremonial objects is not inherently unreasonable." The Classic of Filial Piety states: "In the suburban sacrifice, Houji is honored to be paired with Heaven; in ancestral rites at the Hall of Brightness, King Wen is venerated to be matched with the Supreme Deity." Therefore, making music during Yu's time was not for sacrificing to Heaven. The duties of the Grand Master of Music state: "Play Huangzhong, chant Dali, and perform Yunmen dance to worship heavenly deities." Zhang Zhu annotated: "Heavenly deities refer to the Five Emperors as well as the sun, moon, and stars." A sovereign sacrifices at the southern suburbs in the first month of Xia calendar to the emperor from whom he received his mandate. Therefore, the rites held on the solstices are not for Heaven and Earth. Upon examining various classics, there is no clear evidence that music was used in suburban sacrifices. The rites of ancestral temples are clearly recorded in historical documents. Since the reign of Emperor Yuan of Han up to the Jin dynasty, although systems were occasionally revised over time, they generally followed previous practices, differing only in titles and names. Now the musical canon has been lost or destroyed, and those who understand music are few; to alter and create new forms is something I have heard discussed. The rites of Zhengde and Dayu still exist in their entirety; it would be appropriate to distinguish their titles, embellish them, and use them. Let Zhengde be named the Xuanhua Dance and Dayu the Xinghe Dance; this should adequately honor past achievements and please future generations. In Former Han, ancestral temples were arranged differently for each emperor; since the names of the deified emperors changed, their dance titles also differed. Now that the seven ancestral temples are combined for sacrificial rites and share a common hall and courtyard, the forms of dance cannot vary from temple to temple. The Eastern Han Prince of Dongping Cang had already discussed this matter. Wang Su and Han Zhi also argued that since a sovereign's virtue is vast and reaches all regions, dances from the Six Dynasties representing the Four Barbarians, as well as music played on metal, stone, silk, and bamboo instruments, should be fully performed in ancestral temples. I believe that the discussions of Cang and Su conform to ritual principles and are suitable for today's circumstances." | ||
| 3 | 郊廟不奏... : | 左僕射建平王宏又議：「竣據周禮、孝經，天與上帝，連文重出，故謂上帝非天，則易之作樂，非為祭天也。按易稱『先王以作樂崇德，殷薦之上帝，以配祖考』。尚書云『肆類于上帝』。春秋傳曰：『告昊天上帝』。凡上帝之言，無非天也。天尊不可以一稱，故或謂之昊天，或謂之上帝，或謂之昊天上帝，不得以天有數稱，便謂上帝非天。徐邈推周禮『國有故，則旅上帝』，以知禮天，旅上帝，同是祭天。言禮天者，謂常祀也；旅上帝者，有故而祭也。孝經稱『嚴父莫大於配天』，故云『郊祀后稷以配天，宗祀文王於明堂以配上帝』。既以配天為義，則上帝猶天益明也。不欲使二天文同，故變言上帝耳。周禮祀天之言再見，故鄭注以前天神為五帝，後冬至所祭為昊天。竣又云『二至之祀，又非天地』。未知天地竟應以何時致享？記云：『掃地而祭，器用陶匏。』旨明所用質素，無害以樂降神。荀萬秋謂郊宜有樂，事有典據。竣又云『東平王蒼以為前漢諸祖別廟，是以祖宗之廟可得各有舞樂。至於祫祭始祖之廟，則專用始祖之舞。故謂後漢諸祖，共廟同庭，雖有祖宗，不宜人人別舞』。此誠一家之意，而未統適時之變也。後漢從儉，故諸祖共廟，猶以異室存別廟之禮。晉氏以來，登歌頌美，諸室繼作。至於祖宗樂舞，何獨不可迭奏？苟所詠者殊，雖共庭亦非嫌也。魏三祖各有舞樂，豈復是異廟邪？」眾議並同。 |
| The Left Pushe Jianping Wang Hong also argued: "Yanjun cited the Rites of Zhou and the Classic of Filial Piety, where Heaven (Tian) and the Supreme Deity (Shangdi) are mentioned together repeatedly. Therefore, he claimed that Shangdi is not Tian, and thus the music in the Book of Changes was not composed for sacrificing to Heaven." According to the Book of Changes, it says: "Former kings created music to honor virtue and offered it abundantly to Shangdi in order to match with their ancestors." The Book of Documents states: "Therefore, he made offerings to Shangdi." The Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals says: "He informed Guang Tian Shangdi." All references to Shangdi are none other than Heaven. Heaven is too exalted to be referred to by a single title, so it may be called Guang Tian, Shangdi, or Guang Tian Shangdi. One cannot claim that Shangdi is different from Heaven merely because Heaven has multiple names. Xu Miao interpreted the Rites of Zhou: "When a state has an emergency, it performs the Lü Shangdi rite," to show that sacrificing to Heaven and performing the Lü Shangdi ritual are both sacrifices to Heaven. To speak of "sacrificing to Tian" refers to regular sacrificial rites; to perform the Lü Shangdi rite means sacrificing on account of an extraordinary event. The Classic of Filial Piety says, "To honor a father is most complete when he is matched with Heaven," hence it states, "In the suburban sacrifice, Hou Ji is honored to be paired with Tian; in ancestral rites at the Mingtang Hall, King Wen is venerated as being matched with Shangdi." Since matching with Heaven is the meaning, it becomes even clearer that Shangdi and Tian are one and the same. The term "Shangdi" was used instead to avoid repeating the word for Heaven, thus avoiding redundancy in referring to two celestial entities. The Rites of Zhou mention sacrificing to Heaven twice, so Zhang Zhu annotated that the former "heavenly deities" refer to the Five Emperors, while those sacrificed on the winter solstice are Guang Tian. Yanjun also said, "The rites held at the two solstices do not pertain to Heaven and Earth." It remains unclear when exactly Heaven and Earth should be honored. The Records state: "Sweep the ground for sacrifice, using earthenware and gourd vessels." The intent is clear that simple materials are used; this does not prevent music from being employed to summon spirits. Xun Wanqiu argued that there should be music in the suburban sacrifice, as it is supported by classical references. Yanjun also stated: "Prince Cang of Dongping believed that in Former Han, each ancestor had a separate temple; therefore, the ancestral temples could have their own dances and music." As for the combined sacrifice at the temple of the founding ancestor, only the dance associated with that ancestor should be used. Therefore, it was said that in Later Han, when various ancestors shared the same temple and courtyard, even though there were different ancestors, each should not have a separate dance." This is indeed a family's perspective, but it does not account for changes appropriate to the times. Later Han followed frugality, so although various ancestors shared a temple, they still maintained the rites of separate temples by placing them in different rooms. Since the Jin dynasty, songs and praises have been sung to honor virtue, with each chamber continuing this tradition. As for music and dances of ancestors, why should they not be performed in succession? If the songs sung are different, even if performed in the same courtyard, there is no impropriety. "The Wei dynasty had separate dances and music for its three ancestors; was this not equivalent to having different temples?" All the discussions agreed. | ||
| 4 | 郊廟不奏... : | 大唐貞觀十四年六月，詔曰：「殷薦祖考，以崇功德，比雖加誠潔，而廟樂未稱。宜令所司詳諸故實，制定奏聞。」祕書監顏師古議曰：「伏惟皇祖弘農府君、宣簡公、懿王，並積德累仁，重光襲軌，化覃行葦，慶崇瓜瓞。詩云：『濬哲維商，長發其祥。』言殷之先祖，久有深智，虞、夏二代，發貞祥也。三廟之樂，請同奏長發之舞，其登歌則各為辭。太祖景皇帝，跡肇沮、漆，教漸豳、岐，胥宇之志既勤，靈臺之萌始附。詩云：『君子萬年，永錫祚胤。』言遐遠之期，惟天所命，長與福祚，流於子孫也。廟樂請奏永錫之舞。代祖元皇帝，丕承鴻緒，克紹宏猷，實啟蕃昌，用集寶命。易大有：「彖曰：其德剛健而文明，應乎天而時行。』言德應天道，行不失時，剛健靡滯，文明不犯也。廟樂請奏大有之舞。高祖大武皇帝，膺期馭曆，揖讓受終，奄有四方，仰齊七政，介以景福，申茲多祜，式崇勿替，誕保無疆。易曰：『大明終始，六位時成。』謂終始之道，皆能大明，故不失時，成六位也。詩有大明之篇，稱文王有明德。廟樂請奏大明之舞。文德皇后，厚德載物，凝暉麗天。易曰：『含弘光大，品物咸亨。』言坤道至靜，柔順利貞，資生庶類，皆暢達也。廟樂請奏光大之舞。」 |
| In the sixth month of the fourteenth year of the Zhenguan era in Da Tang, an edict was issued: "Offering to ancestors is meant to honor virtue and merit. Although sincerity and purity have been increased recently, the temple music still does not measure up." It should be ordered that the relevant officials carefully examine past precedents and formulate regulations to be reported for approval." Yan Shigu, the Director of the Secretariat, argued: "I humbly consider that His Majesty's ancestors, Lord Hongnong, Gong Xuanjian, and Prince Yi, all accumulated virtue and benevolence, continued illustrious legacies, spread civilization as widely as reeds, and their blessings grew like gourds on a vine. The Book of Songs says: "Profound wisdom belongs to Shang; its auspiciousness will flourish for long." This means that the ancestors of Yin had profound wisdom for a long time, and during the Yu and Xia dynasties, they already displayed virtue and auspicious signs. The music for the three ancestral temples should be performed together with the Changfa Dance, while the ascending songs should have separate lyrics. Grand Ancestor Jing Huangdi's endeavors began in Ju and Qi, his teachings gradually spread to Bin and Qi. His tireless efforts for a proper dwelling laid the initial foundation for the sacred terrace. The Book of Songs says: "May the gentleman live ten thousand years, and may Heaven's blessings be bestowed upon his descendants forever." This means that distant hopes depend solely on the mandate of Heaven, and enduring blessings will flow to future generations. The temple music should perform the Yongxi Dance. The Progenitor Emperor Yu Huangdi greatly inherited the grand legacy, successfully continued the great strategies, truly initiated prosperity and flourishing, thus gathering Heaven's precious mandate. The Book of Changes (Yi Jing) in the Da You hexagram says: "Tuan commentary states: His virtue is strong and vigorous yet cultivated, responding to Heaven's will and proceeding with the seasons." This means that virtue corresponds to the principles of Heaven, actions do not miss their proper timing; strength and vigor are unimpeded, while civilization is practiced without transgression. The temple music should perform the Da You Dance. The Emperor Ta Wu of the Gaozu, bearing Heaven's mandate and ruling over history, received power through courtesy and abdication. He controlled all directions, elevated the seven celestial phenomena in harmony, was blessed with great fortune, extended abundant blessings, upheld reverence without decline, and ensured boundless protection. The Book of Changes says: "Great clarity begins and ends the cycle; the six positions are formed in their proper times." lodash It means that those who understand the principles of beginning and end can achieve great clarity, thus never missing the right time to complete the six positions. The Book of Songs has a chapter titled "Daming," which praises King Wen for his virtuous clarity. The temple music should perform the Daming Dance. Empress Wende, with her profound virtue bearing all things, radiated brilliance and beauty to the heavens. The Book of Changes says: "Containing vastness and radiating grandeur, all things flourish in harmony." This means that the Dao of Kun is profoundly tranquil, gentle, and yielding, yet it supports life for all beings, allowing them to thrive and flourish. The temple music should perform the Guangda Dance." | ||
| 5 | 郊廟不奏... : | 給事中許敬宗議曰：「臣聞七廟觀德，義冠於宗祀；三祖在天，式彰於嚴配。前聖所履，莫大於茲。鍾律革音，播鏗鏘於享薦；羽籥成列，申蹈厲於蒸嘗。爰制典司，加崇稱號，循聲覈實，敬闡尊名。謹備樂章，式昭彝範。皇祖弘農府君、宣簡公、懿王廟樂，請同奏長發之舞。太祖景皇帝廟樂，請奏大階之舞。代祖元皇帝廟樂，請奏大成之舞。高祖大武皇帝廟樂，請奏大明之舞。文德皇后廟樂，請奏光大之舞。七廟登歌，請每室別奏。」詔曰：「可。」 |
| Xu Jingzong, an Attendant-in-Ordinary, argued: "I have heard that the seven ancestral temples for observing virtue hold a status superior to other ancestral rites; the three ancestors in Heaven are honored through their solemn pairing. The achievements of former sages were none greater than this. Changes in the pitch and tuning of bells and pipes spread resonant sounds during sacrificial offerings; rows of feathered flutes formed, reiterating the vigorous steps of ancestral rites. Thus, regulations were established by the responsible officials to elevate titles; they followed the sounds and verified facts with reverence to clarify and honor names. With care, musical compositions are prepared to clearly demonstrate exemplary models. For the temple music of His Majesty's ancestors Lord Hongnong, Gong Xujian, and Prince Yi, it is requested that they perform together the Changfa Dance. For the temple music of Grand Ancestor Jing Huangdi, it is requested to perform the Dajie Dance. For the temple music of Progenitor Emperor Yu Huangdi, it is requested to perform The Great Completion Dance. For the temple music of Emperor Ta Wu of Gaozu, it is requested to perform Daming Dance. For the temple music of Empress Wende, it is requested to perform Guangda Dance. The ascending songs for the seven ancestral temples should be separately performed in each chamber." The edict said: "Approved." |
《祭日不宜篱舞六代樂議 - A Discussion on Why Six Dynasties' Music Should Not Be Performed Throughout Sacrifices to the Sun 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 祭日不宜... : | 梁 陳 |
| Liang Chen | ||
| 2 | 祭日不宜... : | 梁武帝時，太常任昉奏：「據魏王肅議，周禮，賓客皆作備樂。況天地宗廟，事之大者。周官『以六律、六同、五聲、八音、六舞大合樂，以致鬼神，以和邦國』。請依王肅，祀祭郊廟備六代樂。」帝曰：「按言『大合樂』者，是使六律與五聲克諧，八音與舞蹈合節耳，豈謂致鬼神祇用六代樂也。其後即言『乃分樂而序之，以祭以享以祀』，此則曉然已明，肅則失其旨矣。推檢記載，初無宗廟郊禋遍舞之文。唯明堂位云：『以禘禮祀周公於太廟，朱干玉戚，冕而舞大武，皮弁素積，裼而舞大夏。納夷蠻之樂於太廟，言廣魯於天下也。』按所以舞大武、大夏者，止欲備其文武二舞耳，非兼用六代也。夏以文受，周以武功，所以兼之。而不用護者，護，武舞也。周監於二代，質文乃備。納蠻夷樂者，此明功德所須，蓋止施禘祭，不及四時也。今四時之祭而不遍舞者何？夫祭尚於敬，不欲使樂繁禮縟。故季氏逮闇而祭，日不足繼之以燭，雖有強力之容，肅敬之心，皆倦怠矣。有司跛彼義反倚乙利反以臨祭，其為不敬大矣。他日祭，子路與焉，質明而始行事，晏朝而退。孔子聞之，曰：『誰謂由也而不知禮乎！』儒者知子頹宴享猶舞六代，不知有司跛倚，不敬已大。若依肅議，用六代樂者，郊堂既有迎神之樂，又登歌各頌功德，遍以六律，繼以出入，方待樂終，然後罷祭者，此則乖仲尼韙晏朝之旨。若三獻禮畢，即便卒事，則無勞於遍舞也。」 |
| During the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang, Tai Chang Ren Fang presented a memorial stating: "According to Wei Wang Su's opinion, according to the Rites of Zhou, for guests and visitors, all preparations should include music. How much more so is this true for ancestral temples dedicated to Heaven and Earth, which are matters of the greatest importance? "The Zhou Officials said: 'Use the Six Laws, Six Tones, Five Sounds, Eight Instruments, and Six Dances to greatly unite music, thereby summoning spirits and harmonizing the state.'" "I request that we follow Wang Su's suggestion and prepare the six dynasties' music for sacrifices at the altars of Heaven and ancestral temples." The emperor said: "According to the statement that 'greatly uniting music' means making the Six Laws harmonize with the Five Sounds and having the Eight Instruments and dances follow rhythm, it certainly does not mean summoning spirits by using only the six dynasties' music." It then goes on to say, 'Then the music is divided and arranged in order for sacrifice, enjoyment, and worship,' which clearly explains it; thus Wang Su has misunderstood its meaning. Investigating historical records, there is originally no text stating that ancestral temples and sacrifices to Heaven involved dancing throughout the entire ceremony. Only in Mingtang Wei is it stated: "Offering the Di sacrifice to Duke Zhou at the Grand Ancestral Temple, with red halberds and jade 戚 (a type of weapon), wearing a ceremonial cap and dancing Da Wu; wearing a leather 弁 (cap) and plain robe, uncloaking to dance Da Xia." "Including the music of the Yi and Man peoples in the Grand Ancestral Temple means promoting Lu's influence throughout the world." According to this, the reason for dancing Da Wu and Da Xia was merely to include these two dances representing culture and martial virtue; it did not mean using music from all six dynasties simultaneously. Shang used cultural virtues to receive the mandate, while Zhou achieved success through military merit—thus both were combined. And the reason why Hu was not used is that Hu refers to a martial dance. The Zhou dynasty took lessons from the two previous dynasties, and thus both simplicity (Zhi) and culture (Wen) were fully prepared. Including the music of barbarian tribes was clearly a requirement for virtue and merit, but this applied only to the Di sacrifice; it did not extend to sacrifices held in the four seasons. Now, why is music and dance not performed throughout all four seasonal sacrifices? Sacrifices emphasize reverence; one does not wish for the rituals to be overwhelmed by excessive music or elaborate ceremonies. Therefore, when the Ji family conducted sacrifices until it was dark and had to continue with candles because daylight was insufficient, even those with strong physical endurance would feel their respectful hearts grow weary. The officials in charge, limping Bi Yi Fan and leaning Yi Li Fan, presiding over the sacrifice—this would be a great sign of disrespect. On another day, when a sacrifice was held and Zilu participated in it, the rituals began at dawn and ended late into the morning. Confucius heard about this and said: "Who would say that You (Zilu) does not know the rites?" Scholars of Confucianism know that during banquets, even when six dynasties' dances are performed, they do not realize that officials limping and leaning represent a great lack of reverence. If we follow Wang Su's proposal and use the music of six dynasties, then at the altar for sacrifices to Heaven there would already be music to welcome the spirits, followed by ascending songs praising virtue and merit in each case, using all Six Laws throughout, continuing with processions in and out, waiting until the music ends before concluding the sacrifice. This clearly contradicts Master Kongzi's (Confucius') emphasis on finishing sacrifices early enough for an orderly morning court session. "If the three offerings are completed and the rituals concluded immediately, then there would be no need to exhaustively perform all dances," he said. | ||
| 3 | 祭日不宜... : | 陳武帝欲設備樂，有司議以梁武帝議為非。時碩學名儒，朝端在位者，咸希上旨，並即注同。祠部侍郎姚察乃博引經籍，獨違群議，據梁樂為是。當時驚駭，莫不慚服。 |
| Emperor Wu of Liang wanted to prepare full musical accompaniment, but the officials in charge argued that Emperor Wu's previous proposal was incorrect. At that time, prominent scholars and renowned Confucianists who held high positions in the court all followed imperial intent and agreed with this view. Cishi Shilang Yao Cha, however, cited extensive references from classical texts, defied the majority opinion alone, and maintained that Liang's musical system was correct. At the time, people were astonished; no one failed to feel ashamed and convinced. |
《舞佾議 - Debate on Ritual Dances 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 舞佾議: | 宋 |
| Song | ||
| 2 | 舞佾議: | 宋文帝元嘉十三年，司徒彭城王義康於東府正會，依舊給伎。總章工馮大列：「相承給諸王伎十四種，其舞伎三十六人。」太常博士傅崇議以為：「未詳此人數所由。唯杜氏注左傳佾舞云，諸侯六六三十六人，以為非也。夫舞者所以節八音也，八音克諧，然後成樂，故樂必以八人為列，自天子至士，降殺以兩，兩者，減其二列耳。杜以為一列又減二人，至士止餘四人，豈復成樂？按服虔注左傳云：『天子八八，諸侯六八，大夫四八，士二八。』其議甚允。今諸王不復舞佾，其總章舞伎，即古之女樂也。殿庭八八，諸王則應六八。春秋、鄭伯納晉悼公女樂二八，晉以一八賜魏絳，此樂以八人為列之證也。若如議者，唯天子有八，則鄭應納晉二六，晉應賜絳一六也。自天子至士，其文物典章，尊卑差級，莫不以兩。未有諸侯既降二列，又一列輒減二人，近降太半，非唯八音不具，於兩義亦乖。」 |
| In the thirteenth year of Yuangjia reign period of Emperor Wen of Song (436 AD), the Grand Tutor and Prince of Pengcheng, Yi Kang, held a formal assembly at the Eastern Office and continued to provide entertainers as before. Zong Zhang Gong Feng Daliel said: "According to tradition, fourteen types of entertainers are provided for the various kings, including thirty-six dancers." Tai Chang bo shi Fu Chongyi believed: "The origin of this number is not clear. Only Du Shi's annotation on the Zuo Zhuan mentions that the ritual dance for feudal lords consists of six rows of six, totaling thirty-six people; I consider this view to be incorrect." Dancers are used to regulate the eight kinds of musical instruments. When these eight tones harmonize, music is then completed; therefore, music must be arranged in rows of eight people. From the Son of Heaven down to commoners, each rank reduces by two rows, meaning that two rows are simply subtracted. Du believed that one row should be further reduced by two people, so that commoners would have only four left; how could such a number still constitute music? According to Fu Qian's annotation of the Zuo Zhuan: "The Son of Heaven has eight rows of eight, feudal lords have six rows of eight, officials have four rows of eight, and commoners have two rows of eight." This argument is very reasonable. Now, the various kings no longer perform ritual dances; the female entertainers of Zong Zhang are the same as the ancient female musicians. Eight rows of eight in the palace court, and six rows of eight for the various kings. In Chunqiu, Duke Zheng received sixteen female entertainers (two rows of eight) from the daughter of King Dao of Jin; Jin later granted one row of eight to Wei Jiang. This is evidence that music was arranged in groups of eight people per row. If following the opinion that only the Son of Heaven has eight, then Zheng should have received twelve female entertainers (two rows of six) from Jin, and Jin should have granted Wei Jiang one row of six. From the Son of Heaven down to the commoners, all cultural objects and ceremonial regulations reflect hierarchical distinctions in rank, each differing by two. "There is no precedent for feudal lords, after reducing by two rows, to further reduce one row by two people each; this would result in a reduction of nearly half. Not only would the eight tones be incomplete, but it also contradicts the principle of difference by two." |
《宗廟迎送神樂議 - Discussion on the Music for Welcoming and Sending Off Spirits in Ancestral Temple Rites 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 宗廟迎送... : | 宋 梁 |
| Song Liang | ||
| 2 | 宗廟迎送... : | 沈約宋書曰：「東晉及宋，太祝唯送神而不迎神。近議者或云廟以居神，恆如在也，不應有迎送之事，意以為並乖其衷。立廟居靈，四時致享，以申孝思之情。夫神升降無常，何必恆安故處？故祭義云『樂以迎來，哀以送往』。鄭注云：『迎來而樂，樂親之來；送往而哀，哀其享否不可知也。』尚書曰：『祖考來格。』漢書安世房中歌曰：『神來宴娭。』詩云『三后在天』，又云『神保遹歸』，注曰歸於天也。此蓋言神有去來，則宜有送迎明矣。即周肆夏之名，備迎送之樂。古以尸象神，故儀禮有迎尸送尸。今近代雖無尸，豈可無迎送之禮？又傅玄有迎神送神歌辭，明江左不迎，非舊典也。」 |
| Shen Yue's Song Shu states: "During the Eastern Jin and the Liu Song dynasties, the Tai Zhu official only sent off the deities but did not welcome them. Recent commentators have sometimes argued that temples are where the deities reside, always as if they were present, and thus there should be no need for ceremonies of welcoming or sending off the deities. They believe this view to be entirely contrary to the true meaning. Temples are established as dwellings for spirits, and offerings are made throughout the four seasons to express filial devotion and thoughts of reverence. The deities' ascents and descents are not constant; why should they always remain in their original place? Therefore, the Ji Yi says: "Joy is used to welcome them, and sorrow is used to send them off." Zhang Zhu said: "Welcoming with joy means rejoicing at the coming of loved ones; "sending them off with sorrow is because one laments not knowing whether they will partake in the offerings." The Shangshu says: "Ancestors come to accept the sacrifice." The Hanshu, Anshi Fangzhong Ge, states: "The spirits come to feast and enjoy themselves." The Shi Jing says, "Three later ancestors are in heaven," and also states, "The divine guardian returns," with a note explaining that this means returning to heaven. This clearly indicates that since the spirits have departures and arrivals, there should naturally be ceremonies of sending them off and welcoming them back. Thus, the Zhou dynasty's Si Xia music was established to provide complete musical rites for both welcoming and sending off. In ancient times, the shi (a substitute representing the deity) symbolized the spirit; therefore, the Yi Li includes rites for welcoming and sending off the shi. Nowadays, although there is no longer a shi, how can one possibly dispense with the rites of welcoming and sending off? Furthermore, Fu Xuan composed hymns for welcoming and sending off deities, which clearly indicates that in the Jiangzuo region they did not perform the rite of welcoming the spirits, a practice inconsistent with ancient precedents." | ||
| 3 | 宗廟迎送... : | 梁有司議曰：「漢禮樂志云：『太祝迎神於廟門，奏嘉至，猶古降神之樂也。』宋孝建則奏肆夏，元徽則奏昭夏。魏晉無文。齊則因宋。按周禮：『尸出入則令奏肆夏，牲出入則令奏昭夏。』二者尸、牲所奏，本無迎送之義。郊特牲曰：『殷以樂降神，周以鬯降神。』殷尚質，據天而起，先聲樂乃灌地；周尚文，據地而生，先灌地乃擊樂。以殷而言，止施郊壇。清廟嚴閟，此唯靈宅，主安於龕，神若是依。既無出入，何事迎送？歌陽而迎，彌非降神之敬。儒者云，周祀，尸出入，奏肆夏；今無復尸，即以迎神。尸非神，神非尸，迴此迎神，失之已遠。宗廟則應省迎送樂。」武帝制曰：「禮云：『祭之日，樂與哀半。樂以迎來，哀以送往。』尚書有『高宗肜日』之文，詩著絲衣『繹賓尸』之作。故儒者說：『言今日之祭，明日又祭。殷曰肜，周以為繹。』肜繹之祭，在乎門傍，名以為祊，此豈不以神靈不測，於此庶或遇之？殷人求陽，周人求陰。今既絕灌地之禮，宜在求陽之義。尸非神，神非尸，今可得言主非神，神非主。以不若爾，主雖安於龕室，神則無所不之。送迎之樂彌會，陰陽不測之理。前儒之議，如似可安，今隨人所用。」 |
| The Liang dynasty's officials debated, saying: "According to the Han dynasty's Li Yue Zhi: 'The Tai Zhu official welcomed the deities at the temple gate and performed Jia Zhi music; this was akin to the ancient rites for summoning spirits through music.'" During the Liu Song dynasty, in the Xiaojian era, Si Xia was performed; during the Yuanhui era, Zhao Xia was played. The Wei and Jin dynasties had no records on this matter. The Southern Qi dynasty followed the practices of the Liu Song. According to the Zhou Li: "When the shi enters or exits, the Si Xia is played; when the sacrificial animals enter or exit, the Zhao Xia is performed." These two pieces of music were originally associated with the shi and the sacrificial animals, not with rites for welcoming or sending off. The Jiao Te Sheng states: "The Yin dynasty used music to summon the spirits; the Zhou dynasty used chang liquor to summon them." The Yin valued simplicity, and summoned spirits by invoking heaven first, followed by pouring libations on earth after playing music; the Zhou valued ritual propriety, and summoned spirits from the earth, so they poured libations first before striking the instruments. In terms of Yin practice, this was applied only at the sacrificial altar for heavenly worship (the jiao tan). The Qing Miao temple is solemn and secluded; this is merely the dwelling of spirits, where the host rests in its shrine, and the spirit resides there accordingly. Since there are no entries or exits, what need is there for rites of welcoming or sending off? Singing and welcoming the spirits is even less a demonstration of reverence in summoning them. Confucian scholars say that during Zhou dynasty sacrifices, when the shi entered or exited, Si Xia was played; now there is no longer a shi; thus, it has been used for welcoming deities. The shi was not the deity itself, and the deity is not the shi; to apply this rite of welcoming spirits in such a way has strayed far from its original meaning. Therefore, temple rites should dispense with music for welcoming and sending off." Emperor Wu issued an edict stating: "The Li says: 'On the day of sacrifice, joy and sorrow are equally present. Joy is used to welcome the deities; sorrow is used to send them away.'" The Shangshu contains the passage "Gaozong Rong Ri," and the Shi Jing includes the poem Si Yi, which mentions "Yi Bin Shi." Therefore, Confucian scholars explain: "This means that today's sacrifice is followed by another one the next day. The Yin called it Rong; the Zhou referred to it as Yi." The sacrifices of Rong and Yi took place by the gate, where it was called Bening. Is this not because the spirits are unpredictable, and one might possibly encounter them there? The Yin people sought yang; the Zhou people sought yin. Now that the rite of pouring libations on the earth has been abandoned, it should align with the Yin's principle of seeking yang. The shi is not a deity, and the deity is not a shi; now it can be said that the host is not a deity, nor is the deity the host. Therefore, even though the host may rest in the shrine room, the spirits can go anywhere they wish. The music for sending and welcoming is especially appropriate, reflecting the unpredictable nature of yin and yang. Earlier Confucian discussions seem reasonable enough; now we should follow what people use." |
《散齋不廢樂議 - A Discussion on Not Abandoning Music During Sanzai Fasting 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 散齋不廢... : | 後漢 |
| Later Han | ||
| 2 | 散齋不廢... : | 後漢仲長統論散齋可宴樂。御史大夫郗慮奏改國家齋日從古制，諸祭祀皆十日，致齋七日，散齋三日。致齋、散齋之日內，有嘉慶之事，或言可賀會宴樂，或言不可。尚書令荀彧與臺郎董遇議曰：「禮志云：『三日齋，一日用之，猶恐不敬。二日伐鼓，何居。』音姬。又云：『君致齋於外，夫人致齋於內。』散齋則是事之漸。然則散齋未絕外內與宴樂之事也。今一歲之內，大小祭祀，齋將三百日，如此，無復用樂之時。古今之制，當各從所宜。若外張多日，而內實犯禮，乃所以廢齋也。散齋宜從得會宴樂。」 |
| Zhang Changtong of the Later Han discussed whether Sanzhai could be used for banquets and entertainment. Yushi Daifu Xi Lü submitted a memorial proposing to change the national fasting days according to ancient regulations, stating that all sacrifices should be preceded by ten days of preparation, seven days of strict fasting (zhizhai), and three days of relaxed fasting (sanzhai). During the days of zhizhai and sanzai, if there were joyful celebrations or events, some argued that banquets and entertainment could be held, while others argued against it. Shangshu Ling Xun Yu and Tailang Dong Yu discussed, saying: "The Rizhi states: 'Even with three days of fasting, using one day for it is still feared to be disrespectful.' 'How can two days be used for beating drums [in celebration]?' " Yin Ji. It also says: 'The ruler observes zhizhai outside, and the lady of the house observes zhizhai inside.' " Sanzhai is a gradual approach to the matter. Therefore, during sanzai, one has not yet completely cut off external and internal matters of banquets and entertainment. In a single year, for major and minor sacrifices, fasting will amount to nearly three hundred days; if this is the case, there will be no time left for using music. The regulations of ancient and modern times should each follow what is appropriate. If the outside appearance shows prolonged fasting, but in reality one violates ritual internally, this is precisely how fasting becomes meaningless. Sanzhai should allow for participation in banquets and entertainment." |
《臨軒拜三公奏樂議 - A Discussion on Playing Music for the Ceremony of Conferring the Three Excellencies before the Emperor's Xuan Platform 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 臨軒拜三... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 臨軒拜三... : | 晉博士張放議，臨軒遣使應作樂。放引：「泰始間，皇太子冠，太子進而樂作，位定而樂止。王者、諸侯，尊卑雖殊，至於禮秩，或有同者。冠之與拜，俱為嘉禮，是以準昔儀注，謂宜作樂。今符云：『至尊受太子拜時，無鐘磬之樂也。』又按泰始三年，有司奏：『皇太子明膺休命，光啟嘉祚，宜依漢魏故事大會。』武帝詔曰：『情懷哀慘，每歲正會，以四方集，故不從心耳，此日可不會。』循如前典，無不應會。但時有險夷，故禮異耳，非謂斯時不應會也。」太常蔡謨等言：「拜三公應有樂，宿設懸於殿庭。今門下云，非祭享則無樂。按冠禮有樂。傳曰：『國卿，君之貳也。』是以命使之日，御親臨軒，百僚陪位，此即敬事之意也。古者，天王饗下國之使，命將帥，遣使臣，皆有樂。故詩敘曰：『皇皇者華，君遣使臣也。』『歌采薇以遣之，出車以勞還，杕杜以勤歸』。皆作樂而歌之。今命大使，拜輔相，比於下國之臣，輕重殊矣。輕誠有之，重亦宜然。博士考古，以事義相準，故謂臨軒遣使，宜有金石之樂。至於隨時之宜，或樂制未備，非守禮之官所裁。」詔曰：「三公鼎司，皇帝有拜興之禮，何以不設樂？又正位南面，何以不服冕？」尚書顧和又言：「臨軒拜三公不應有樂，禮無其文。按衛宏所撰漢儀，拜丞相亦無樂。古之燕饗有樂者，以暢賓之歡耳。今拜三公，事畢於庭階，禮成於拜立，歡宴未交，無庸於樂。」 |
| The Jin dynasty's Doctor Zhang Fang argued that an envoy should be sent to perform music before the emperor. Fang cited: "During the Taishi period, when the Crown Prince was given the capping ceremony, the Crown Prince advanced and music began to play; once his position was established, the music stopped. Although kings and feudal lords differ in rank, their rites and protocols may have some similarities. The capping ceremony and the act of paying homage are both joyous rituals; therefore, following past ceremonial records, it is deemed appropriate to perform music. The current regulation states: "When the Son of Heaven receives a bow from the Crown Prince, there should be no music with bells and stone chimes." Furthermore, according to the third year of Taishi, an official submitted a proposal: "The Crown Prince is clearly endowed with a glorious mandate and should hold a grand assembly in accordance with the precedents of the Han and Wei dynasties." Emperor Wu issued an edict: "I am filled with sorrow and grief. Every year at the New Year's grand assembly, because people from all directions gather, I do not follow my heart's desire; on this day, a gathering may be held." Following previous precedents, there is no reason to hold a gathering. "But circumstances may be perilous or peaceful, hence the rites differ; it does not mean that a gathering should not be held at this time." Tai Chang Cai Mo and others stated: "When the Three Excellencies pay homage, music should be performed; instruments should be prepared in advance and hung in the palace courtyard. Now, the Menxia officials say that if it is not a sacrifice or banquet, there should be no music. According to records, the capping ceremony includes music. The Classic says: "A state's high minister is the deputy of the ruler." Therefore, on the day a high official is appointed, the Son of Heaven personally appears at the xuan (a ceremonial platform), with all officials in attendance; this demonstrates respect and reverence. In ancient times, when the Son of Heaven entertained envoys from vassal states, appointed generals, or sent emissaries, music was always performed. Hence the Odes state: "The bright and resplendent flower, this is when a ruler sends an envoy." "Sing 'Cai Wei' to send them off, 'Chu Che' to welcome their return, and 'Di Du' to encourage their coming back." Music was performed and songs were sung on all these occasions. Now, when a great envoy is appointed or an assistant prime minister is conferred, this ranks far higher than the envoys of vassal states. While it is indeed lighter in some respects, it should also be considered heavier in others. The doctors of the classics examined ancient records and compared them with the meaning of the occasion, hence they argued that when an envoy is sent before the emperor's xuan platform, music with bells and stone instruments should be performed. "As for adjustments according to circumstances, if the musical system is not yet complete, it is not within the authority of officials who uphold rites to decide." The edict said: "The Three Excellencies hold crucial positions; when the emperor performs the bowing and rising ceremony for them, why is music not arranged?" "Moreover, since they sit facing south in their official position, why are they not allowed to wear the ceremonial cap (miǎn)?" The Minister of Works Gu He also stated: "There should be no music when the Three Excellencies are conferred at the emperor's xuan platform; there is no such provision in the rites. According to Wei Hong's records of Han dynasty ceremonies, when a Chancellor was conferred, music was also not performed. Ancient banquets and entertainments included music merely to express the joy of the guests. Now, when conferring the Three Excellencies, the ceremony concludes in the courtyard and is completed with the bowing and standing; there has been no banquet or exchange of joy, so music is unnecessary." |
《三朝行禮樂失制議 - A Discussion on the Loss of Proper Ritual Music for Homage to Three Successive Dynasties 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 三朝行禮... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 三朝行禮... : | 晉司律中郎將陳頎云：昔杜夔傳舊雅樂四曲，一曰鹿鳴，二曰騶虞，三曰伐檀，四曰文王，皆古聲辭。太和中，左延年改夔騶虞、伐檀、文王三曲，更自作聲節，其名雖存，而聲實異。唯因夔鹿鳴，全不改易也。魏代正朝大會，太尉奉璧，群后行禮，東廂雅樂常作者是也。後又改三篇，第一曰於赫篇，詠武帝，聲節與古鹿鳴同；第二曰巍巍篇，詠文帝，用左延年所改騶虞聲；第三曰洋洋篇，詠明帝，亦用延年所改文王聲；第四復用鹿鳴。鹿鳴之聲重用，而除古伐檀。及晉初，食舉亦用鹿鳴。按左傳：「穆叔如晉，晉侯享之，工歌鹿鳴之三，三拜。『鹿鳴，所以嘉寡君也，敢不拜嘉』？」毛詩云：「鹿鳴，燕群臣嘉賓也。既飲食之，又實幣帛筐篚，以將其厚意，然後忠臣嘉賓得盡其心也。」詩、傳並無行禮。又叔孫通所製漢儀，復無別行禮事。荀氏云：「魏氏行禮、食舉，再取周詩鹿鳴以為樂章。又鹿鳴以宴嘉賓，無取於朝，考之舊聞，未知所應。」荀勖乃除鹿鳴舊歌，更作行禮詩四篇，先陳三朝朝宗之義。食舉樂歌詩十二篇。三元肇發，群后奉璧，趨步拜起，莫非行禮，豈容別設一樂謂之行禮邪？荀譏鹿鳴之失，似悟昔謬，還製四篇，復襲前軌。 |
| Jin Shilü Zhonglangjiang Chen Qi said: "In the past, Du Kui transmitted four old elegant musical pieces, one called Luming, two called Zouyu, three called Fatan, and four called Wenwang; all were ancient melodies with lyrics." In the middle of Taihe, Zuo Yannian revised three pieces from Du Kui's Zouyu, Fatan, and Wenwang, altering their melodies. Although their names remained, their actual sounds were different. Only the Luming piece inherited from Du Kui was left completely unchanged. During grand court assemblies in the Wei dynasty, when the Taiwei presented jade and the concubines performed rituals, this was the elegant music regularly played in the eastern pavilion. Later, three pieces were revised again; the first was called Yuhe Pian, praising Emperor Wu, with a melody and rhythm identical to the ancient Luming. The second was Weiwei Pian, eulogizing Emperor Wen, using the Zouyu melody revised by Zuo Yannian; The third was Yangyang Pian, praising Emperor Ming, also using the Wenwang melody revised by Yannian. The fourth piece reused Luming again. The Luming melody was used repeatedly, while the ancient Fatan was abandoned. By the early Jin dynasty, the Luming was also used in feasts and offerings. According to Zuo Zhuan: "Mu Shu went to Jin, where the Duke of Jin entertained him. The musicians sang the three verses of Luming, and he bowed three times." "'Luming is sung to honor my lord; how could I dare not bow in gratitude'?" The Mao Shi says: "Luming, a song for entertaining ministers and distinguished guests." "After providing food and drink, they also filled baskets with silk and cloth to express their sincere intentions; only then could loyal ministers and honored guests give their full devotion." Neither the Shi nor the Zhuan mention performing rituals. Moreover, the Han dynasty rites formulated by Shusun Tong also did not include separate ritual performances. Xun Shi said: "The Wei dynasty, during its rituals and feasts, twice adopted the Zhou dynasty poem Luming as a musical piece. "Moreover, Luming was used to entertain distinguished guests and had no place in court ceremonies; examining old records, it is unclear what this should correspond to." Xun Xu then abolished the old Luming song and composed four new ritual poems, first presenting the meaning of homage to three successive dynasties. Twelve musical songs for feasts and offerings were composed. The three origins began, the concubines presented jade, they hurriedly walked and bowed; none of this was separate from ritual. How could there be a different piece of music specifically called "Ritual Music"? Xun criticized the mistake in using Luming, seemingly realizing a past error, and created four new pieces, once again following previous practices. |
《三朝上壽有樂議 - A Discussion on Music for Longevity Wishes during Three Reigns 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 三朝上壽... : | 禮記但有獻酬，無上壽文。唯詩雅云：「武拜稽首，天子萬壽。」豳風云：「為此春酒，以介眉壽。」雖非灼然明文，要是髣彿其事。古者詩工皆歌之，故可得而言也。漢興，叔孫通定禮儀。七年，長樂宮成，諸侯朝，禮畢，復置法酒，侍坐殿上皆伏，以尊卑次起上壽。漢故事「上壽四會曲」，注言「但有鐘鼓，而無歌詩」。魏初作四會，有琴筑，但無詩。雅樂郎郭瓊云：「明帝青龍二年，以長笛食舉第十二古大置酒曲代四會，又易古詩名曰羽觴，行用為上壽曲，施用最在前，鹿鳴以下十二曲名食舉樂，而四會之曲遂廢。」漢故事、鄧、吳及瓊等食舉之曲，與時增損。張華上雅樂詩表云：「魏上壽、食舉詩及漢氏所施用，其文句長短不齊，皆未合於古雅。」漢故事則云「上壽四會曲」，華亦言有歌辭，其注當是闕文。晉代歌詩，傅玄述具存。 |
| The Book of Rites contains only accounts of offerings and toasting, but no texts about presenting longevity wishes. Only in the Odes: Ya section is it stated: "Wu kowtowed repeatedly and paid homage, may the Son of Heaven live ten thousand years." The Bin Feng states: "We have made this spring wine to bestow longevity upon eyebrows (i.e., long life)." Although not clearly explicit wording, it is still vaguely indicative of the matter. In ancient times, poets and musicians all sang these verses; therefore, they can be quoted and spoken of. After the Han dynasty was founded, Shusun Tong established ritual protocols. In the seventh year, when the Changle Palace was completed, feudal lords paid homage. After the ceremonies were concluded, ritual wine was served again; those seated in attendance on the palace dais all knelt down, and according to their ranks of seniority and status, they rose in turn to present longevity wishes. According to the old Han practice, "the four gatherings of presenting longevity wishes" are mentioned; a note states that "there were only bells and drums, but no songs or poems." At the beginning of the Wei dynasty, four gatherings were held with qin and zhu instruments, but there were still no poems. Ya Yue Lang Guo Qiong said: "In the second year of Qinglong under Emperor Mingdi, the twelfth ancient grand wine-serving tune 'Daji' was used to replace the four gatherings. The name of an old poem was changed to 'Yushang,' and it was adopted as a longevity-wishing song. It was implemented first; following this, twelve musical pieces named after 'Luming' were designated for use in food-offering music, and thus the tunes of the four gatherings fell into disuse." The Han dynasty's old stories, as well as the food-offering musical pieces by Deng, Wu, and Qiong, were modified over time. Zhang Hua, in his memorial table on the Odes of Ya Yue, stated: "The poems for presenting longevity wishes and food-offering rituals during the Wei dynasty, as well as those used by the Han dynasty, have lines of unequal length; they are all inconsistent with ancient elegance." The old Han records mention "the four gatherings' longevity-wishing songs," and Hua also stated that there were song lyrics; therefore, the note must be an omission. The songs and poems of the Jin dynasty are fully recorded by Fu Xuan. |
《三朝不宜奏登歌議 - Debate on Ascending Songs Not Being Suitable for Performance on Three Occasions 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 三朝不宜... : | 禮記燕居：「入門而金作，示情也；升歌清廟，示德也；下管象武，示事也。是故古之君子，不必親相與言也，以禮樂以相示。」郊特牲云：「奠酬而工升歌，發德也。歌者在上，匏竹在下，貴人聲也。」明堂位云：「升歌清廟，下管象武。」太師職云：「大祭祀，帥瞽登歌，令奏擊拊。」小師職云：「大祭祀，登歌擊拊。」尚書大傳云：「古者，帝王升歌清廟之樂，大琴練絃達越，大瑟朱絃達越，以韋為鼓，竽瑟之聲亂人聲。清廟升歌，先人功烈德深也。周公升歌文王之功烈德深，苟在廟中嘗見文王者，愀然如復見文王。故書曰：『搏拊琴瑟以詠，祖考來格。』此之謂也。」按：登歌各頌祖宗之功烈，去鐘徹竽，以明至德。所以傳云：「其歌呼也，曰『於穆清廟』。於者，歎之也。穆者，敬之也。清者，欲其在位者遍聞之也。」檢以經記，悉施郊廟耳，非元日所宜奏也。若三朝大慶，百辟具陳，升工席殿，以歌祖宗，君臣相對，便應涕淚，豈可獻酬舉爵以申歡宴邪？若改辭易旨，苟會一時，則非古人登歌之義。 |
| The Book of Rites, Yanju: "When entering the gate and the bell rings, it shows emotion;" singing hymns in the clear temple while ascending, this demonstrates virtue; the lower bamboo instruments imitate martial valor, this illustrates affairs. Therefore, the ancient gentlemen did not necessarily personally speak to each other; they used rites and music to show their meanings." Jiaote Sheng says: "After the libation is poured, the musicians ascend to sing, which expresses virtue. The singers are above, and the gourds and bamboo instruments are below; this values human voice." Mingtang Wei says: "Singing hymns in the Clear Temple, lower bamboo instruments imitating martial valor." Taishi Zhi says: "In major sacrifices, lead the blind musicians to ascend and sing, and command the performance of striking and patting instruments." Xiaoshi Zhi says: "In major sacrifices, ascend to sing and strike the 拊 instrument." The Great Commentary on the Book of Documents says: "In ancient times, emperors sang the music of the Clear Temple while ascending. Large qins had refined strings reaching across, large ses had red strings reaching across; drums were made of cowhide, and the sounds of yu and se instruments confused human voices. Singing hymns in the Qingmiao Temple signifies that ancestors' meritorious deeds and deep virtue are honored first. Zhou Gong sang the hymns praising King Wen's meritorious deeds and profound virtue; if someone in the temple had once seen King Wen, they would feel solemn as though seeing him again. Therefore, it is recorded: "Striking the fu, playing the qin and se to chant; ancestors come to receive offerings." This is what is meant." According to the commentary: "Singing hymns while ascending praises the ancestors' meritorious deeds; removing bells and stopping yu instruments clarifies supreme virtue." This is why it is said in the commentary: "Their singing calls out, 'O reverent and serene Clear Temple.'" "Yu" expresses an exclamation. "Mù" signifies reverence. "Qing" means that those in power should hear it widely." lø Checking according to the classical records, these are all applied in sacrifices at the suburban altars and temples; they are not suitable for performance on New Year's Day. If it is a grand celebration of the first three days, with all officials present, musicians ascend to the hall, singing praises of ancestors; when ruler and ministers face each other, they should naturally weep with emotion—how could one possibly offer cups and raise them in joyous feasting? If the words are altered and the meaning changed merely to suit a momentary occasion, then it is not in accordance with the original intent of ancient people's ascending songs. |
《徹食宜有樂議 - A Discussion on the Appropriateness of Having Music for Clearing Away After a Meal 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 徹食宜有... : | 周官云：「王大食，三侑，皆令鐘鼓。」漢蔡邕云：「王者食舉以樂。今但有食舉樂，食畢則無樂。按膳夫職『以樂侑食』，禮記云：『客出，以雍徹，以振羽。』論語云：『三家者，以雍徹。子曰：相維辟公，天子穆穆，奚取於三家之堂。』如此，則徹食應有樂，不容同用食舉也。」 |
| The Zhou guan says: "When the king eats heartily, three attendants should all command the bells and drums." Han Cai Yong said: "A sovereign should offer music during meals." Now there is only music for the meal offering, and no music after the meal is finished. According to the Shanyu zhi: "Offer music to accompany the meal." The Rites of Zhou says: "When guests leave, use Yong to clear away [the dishes], and use Zhenyu [to perform]." The Analects says: "The three families used Yong to clear the table." Confucius said: "Ministers and feudal lords assist in solemnity, while the Son of Heaven is dignified. What have the three families' halls to do with this?" Thus, clearing away after a meal should also involve music and cannot be combined with the music of the meal offering." |
《巴渝舞雜武舞議 - A Discussion on the Ba Yu Dance and Its Mixed Martial Dances 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 巴渝舞雜... : | 魏 宋 |
| Wei Song | ||
| 2 | 巴渝舞雜... : | 魏文帝黃初二年，改巴渝舞曰昭武。至明帝景初元年，尚書奏：「考覽三代禮樂遺曲，據功象德，奏作武始、咸熙、章斌三舞，皆執羽籥。」晉又改魏昭武曰宣武舞，羽籥舞曰宣文舞。武帝咸寧元年，詔定祖宗之號，而廟樂乃停宣武、宣文二舞，而同用荀勖所使郭瓊、宋識等所造正德、大豫二舞。 |
| In the second year of Huangchu reign period of Emperor Wen of Wei (221 AD), the Ba Yu dance was renamed as Zhao Wu. By the first year of Jingchu reign period of Mingdi (237 AD), a minister of the Ministry of Rites submitted a memorial: "After examining the surviving musical pieces and rituals of the Three Dynasties, we have composed three dances named Wushi, Xianxi, and Zhangbin to honor virtue and achievement. In these performances, dancers hold feathers and yue." The Jin dynasty renamed Wei's Zhao Wu dance as Xuanwu Dance, and the feather-and-yue dance was renamed Xuanwen Dance. In the first year of Xianning reign period of Emperor Wu (275 AD), an edict was issued to establish ancestral titles, and as a result, the temple music ceased using the Xuanwu and Xuanwen dances. Instead, two new dances named Zhengde and Dayu, created by Guo Qiong and Song Shi under the supervision of Xun Xu, were adopted together. | ||
| 3 | 巴渝舞雜... : | 宋武帝永初元年，改正德舞為前舞，大豫舞為後舞。建武二年，有司奏：「宋承晉氏郊廟之樂，未有名稱，直號前舞、後舞、有乖古制。」於是改前舞為凱容，謂之文舞；後舞為宣烈，謂之武舞。何承天三代樂序云：「正德、大豫二舞，蓋出於二容樂，然則其聲節有古之遺音焉。」晉使郭瓊、宋識等造正德、大豫舞，初不言因革昭業等兩舞，承天空誤二容，竟自無據。按正德、大豫二舞，即出宣武、宣文、魏大武三舞也。何以知之？宣武，魏昭武舞也；宣文，魏文始舞也。魏改巴渝為昭武，五行曰大武。今凱容舞則執籥翟，此即魏文始舞也。宣烈舞有牟弩，有干戚。牟弩，漢巴渝舞也；干戚，周武舞也。宋代止革其辭與名，不變其舞。舞相傳習，至今不改。瓊、識所造，正是雜用二舞，以為大豫耳。夷蠻之樂，雖陳宗廟，不應雜以周舞也，遂皆稱雅正，以為盛德。歷代景行，所差實遠。 |
| In the first year of Yongchu reign period of Emperor Wu of Song (420 AD), the Zhengde dance was renamed Qianwu and the Dayu dance was renamed Houwu. In the second year of Jianwu reign period (421 AD), an official submitted a memorial: "The sacrificial music used in ancestral temples and at altars by our dynasty, inherited from the Jin dynasty, lacks proper names; it is simply called Qianwu, Houwu, which deviates from ancient regulations." As a result, Qianwu was renamed Kaierong and designated as the Wenwu (civil dance); Houwu was renamed Xuanlie and designated as the Wuwu (martial dance). He Chengtian's San Dai Yue Xu states: "The two dances, Zhengde and Dayu were likely derived from the Erong music. Thus, their musical rhythms preserve some remnants of ancient melodies." The Jin dynasty commissioned Guo Qiong, Song Shi and others to create the Zhengde and Dayu dances. Initially, there was no mention of modifying or inheriting the two dances Zhao Ye et al., yet He Chengtian mistakenly attributed them to Erong without any basis. In fact, the two dances Zhengde and Dayu originated from three dances of Wei dynasty: Xuanwu, Xuanwen, and Weidawu. How do we know this? Xuanwu is the Zhao Wu dance of Wei dynasty; Xuanwen is the Wen Shi dance of Wei dynasty. The Wei dynasty renamed Ba Yu as Zhao Wu, and in the Five Elements system it was called Dawa. Now, the Kaierong dance involves holding yue and zhai; this is precisely the Wen Shi dance of the Wei dynasty. The Xuanlie dance includes mou nu (a type of bow), gan qi (spear and axe). Mou Nu is the Han dynasty Ba Yu dance; Gan Qi is the Zhou dynasty Wuwu (martial) dance. The Song dynasty only changed the lyrics and names, without altering the dances themselves. These dances were passed down through generations and have remained unchanged until today. What Guo Qiong, and Song Shi created was essentially a combination of the two dances to form Dayu. Though music from the Yi and Man ethnic groups was performed in ancestral temples, it should not be mixed with Zhou dynasty dances. Thus they were all labeled as "Ya Zheng" (elegant and orthodox), considered to represent great virtue. The practices of successive dynasties, though following the precedent, differed significantly in reality. |
《皇后樂議 - Discussions on Music for Empresses 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 皇后樂議: | 魏 隋 |
| Wei Sui | ||
| 2 | 皇后樂議: | 魏文帝黃初二年，侍中繆襲奏曰：「文昭皇后四懸之樂，當銘顯其均奏次第，依太祖之名，號曰昭廟之具樂。」尚書奏曰：「禮，婦人繼夫之爵，同牢配食者，樂不異文。昭皇后今雖別廟，至於宮懸樂器音均，宜如襲議。」奏可。 |
| In the second year of Huangchu during the reign of Emperor Wen of Wei, Miu Xi, an Attendant-in-Attendance, presented a memorial stating: "The four-tiered music for Empress Wenzhao should be inscribed to clearly indicate its tuning and sequence. Following the name of the Taizu (Grand Ancestor), it may be designated as 'the musical instruments of the Zhaomiao.'" The Minister of Rites presented a memorial stating: "According to ritual, when a woman inherits her husband's rank and is enshrined with him in the ancestral temple for joint offerings, their music should not differ." "Although Empress Zhaohou now has a separate shrine, regarding the tuning and instruments of her court music, they should follow Miu Xi's proposal." The memorial was approved. | ||
| 3 | 皇后樂議: | 隋牛弘修皇后房內之樂。據毛萇、侯苞、孫毓故事，皆有鐘磬，而王肅之意，乃言不可。又陳統云：「婦人無外事，而陰尚柔，以靜為體，不宜用金石。」弘等采肅、統言，以取正焉。煬帝大業元年，祕書監柳顧言增房中樂，益其鐘磬，奏曰：「房內樂者，主為王后絃歌諷誦，以事君子。文王之風，由近及遠，樂以感人，須存雅正。既不設鐘鼓，義無四懸，何以取正於婦道也。磬師職云：『燕樂之鐘磬。』鄭玄曰：『燕樂，房中樂也。』以此而論，房中之樂，非獨絃歌，必有鐘磬也。請以歌磬、歌鐘，各設二廪，土革絲竹並副之。女伎肄習，朝燕則用之。」詔曰：「可。」 |
| In the Sui dynasty, Niu Hong revised the music for the empress's inner quarters. According to the precedents of Mao Chang, Hou Bao, and Sun Yu, there were always bells and stone chimes; however, Wang Su's view was that this should not be done. Chen Tong also said: "Women have no external affairs, and yin values softness; their nature is to be quiet. Therefore, they should not use metal and stone instruments." Hong et al. adopted the views of Su and Tong in order to determine the correct approach. In the first year of Daye during Emperor Yangdi's reign, Liu Guyan, Director of the Secretariat, proposed adding to the music for the inner quarters and increasing its bells and stone chimes. He presented a memorial stating: "The music of the inner quarters is primarily used by the queen to play stringed instruments and chant poetry as a means of serving her lord." "The style of King Wen's music spreads from near to far; in order for the music to touch people, it must preserve elegance and correctness." Since bells and drums are not set up, there is no basis for the four-tiered arrangement; how then can one establish correctness in a woman's conduct? The duties of the stone chime master state: "the bells and stone chimes for yue music." Zhang Xuan said: "Yue music is the music of the inner quarters." By this reasoning, the music of the inner quarters does not consist solely of stringed instruments and singing; it must also include bells and stone chimes. I respectfully request that two sets each of song stones and song bells be established, with earthenware, leather, silk, and bamboo instruments also provided as accompaniment. Female musicians should practice these; they will be used for morning entertainments or court banquets." The imperial edict stated: "Approved." |
《東宮宴會奏金石軒懸及女樂等議 - Discussions on Playing Bell and Stone Music from the Xuanxuan Ensemble and Female Musicians at Eastern Palace Banquets 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 東宮宴會... : | 梁 大唐 |
| Liang Datang | ||
| 2 | 東宮宴會... : | 梁武帝天監六年，東宮新成，皇太子出宮後，於崇正殿宴會。兼殿中郎司馬褧口迥反議謂：「既於崇正殿宴會，太子臨座，其事重，宜依禮會奏金石軒懸之樂。」舊東宮元會儀注，宮臣先入，入時無樂，至上宮客入，方奏樂。天監中，掌賓禮賀瑒議：「按禮，賓入而懸興，示易以敬也。和易以敬，宮人皆然，謂不應有異。愚以宮臣始入，便應奏樂。」制曰：「宜。」瑒又議：「上宮元會，奏大壯武舞、大觀文舞。舊東宮儀注既不奏，問樂府有，恐是舊儀注闕。」制曰：「學者今止云應猶未見，其儀更可議。」議曰：「按禮記云：『天子為樂也，以賞諸侯之有德。其治人勞者，舞行綴遠；其治人逸者，舞行綴短。觀其舞，知其德。』以此而求，諸侯舞時，王之樂可知也。況皇儲養德春宮，式瞻攸屬，謂宜備二舞，以宣文武之德焉。」制曰：「依議。」瑒又議：「上宮元會始作樂，先奏相和五引。今未審東宮元會同不？」制曰：「宜同。」 |
| In the sixth year of Tianjian reign period of Emperor Wu of Liang, after the eastern palace was newly completed and the Crown Prince left the palace, a banquet was held at Chongzheng Hall. Jian Dianzhonglang Sima Jiong kou jiong fan advised: "Since a banquet is held at Chongzheng Hall and the Crown Prince attends, this matter is of great importance. It would be appropriate to follow ritual protocols by performing music with bells and stones from the Xuanxuan ensemble." According to the previous eastern palace's Yuanhui ceremony protocols, palace officials entered first, and no music was played at that time. Only when the guests from the upper palace arrived did the music begin. In the middle of Tianjian, Zangbin Li Hezhang proposed: "According to ritual protocols, when guests enter, the music ensemble should be raised, demonstrating a change and showing respect. Harmony and ease in showing respect apply to all palace attendants as well; it is said that there should be no difference." "I believe that once the palace officials first enter, music should immediately be played." The imperial decree stated: "This is appropriate." Hezhang further proposed: "At the upper palace's Yuanhui, perform the Dazhuang Wudance and the Daguan Wendance. "The previous eastern palace ceremony protocols did not include these performances, but upon inquiry, the Music Bureau does have them; it is feared that this may be an omission in the old protocols." The imperial decree stated: "Scholars today merely say they should still not have been seen; this ritual may be further discussed." The proposal stated: "According to the Records of Rites, it says: 'The Son of Heaven creates music to reward marquises who possess virtue. Those who have labored in governing the people perform dances with long intervals between movements; those who govern the people easily perform dances with short intervals between movements." Observing their dance reveals their virtue.'" Based on this principle, when marquises perform dances, the Son of Heaven's music can be understood. How much more so should the Crown Prince, cultivating virtue in the spring palace and being an object of admiration for all, be provided with both dances to demonstrate the virtues of literature and martial prowess?" The imperial decree stated: "Follow the proposal." Hezhang further proposed: "At the beginning of the musical performance during the upper palace's Yuanhui banquet, the Xianghe Wu Yin should be played first. Now it is uncertain whether this applies to the eastern palace's Yuanhui as well?" The imperial decree stated: "It should be the same." | ||
| 3 | 東宮宴會... : | 大唐先天元年正月，皇太子令宮臣就率更寺閱女樂。太子舍人賈曾諫曰：「臣聞作樂崇德，以感人神。韶夏有容，咸英有節，婦人媟黷，無廁其間。昔魯用孔子，幾致於霸，齊人懼之，饋以女樂，魯君既受，孔子遂行。戎有由余，兵強國富，秦人反間，遺之女妓，戎王耽悅，由余乃奔。斯則大聖名賢，嫉之已久矣。良以婦人為樂，必務冶容，哇姣動心，蠱惑喪志。上行下效，淫俗將成，敗國亂人，實由茲起。殿下監撫餘閑，宴私多適，後庭妓樂，古或有之；至於所司教習，章示群僚，慢妓淫聲，實虧睿化。伏願並令禁斷。」 |
| In the first month of the Yantian first year of Datang, the Crown Prince ordered palace officials to go to Suiyang Temple to review female musicians. Jia Ceng, a Shiren of the Crown Prince, advised: "I have heard that creating music honors virtue and moves both people and spirits. The Shao and Xia styles are dignified, the Xianyin style has rhythm; women of loose morals should not be included among them. In the past, when Lu employed Confucius, it was nearly brought to dominance. The people of Qi feared this and sent female musicians as a gift. After the ruler of Lu accepted them, Confucius left immediately. The Rong state had Youyu; its military was strong and the country wealthy. The people of Qin, fearing this, sent female entertainers as an act of subterfuge. When the Rong king became indulgent and delighted by them, Youyu fled to Qin. This shows that great sages and renowned virtuous men have long been wary of such things. Indeed, when women are used for entertainment, they must focus on beautifying themselves; their coquettish charm stirs the heart and bewitches one's will. When those above set an example, those below follow; licentious customs will arise, leading to the downfall of a state and disorder among its people—this is truly how it begins. Your Highness, while overseeing affairs in your leisure time and indulging in private banquets for comfort, having female entertainers and music in the rear palace—this may have existed in ancient times; when it comes to official instruction and practice, demonstrating this to all officials, the presence of vulgar entertainers and licentious music truly undermines wise governance. I humbly request that these be entirely prohibited." |
《皇帝幸東宮鼓吹作議 - Discussion on Playing Drum and Bugle Music When the Emperor Visits the Crown Prince's Residence 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 皇帝幸東... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 皇帝幸東... : | 晉武帝時，儀昔關皇太子：「某月某日納妃，依禮，舊不作樂。未審至尊明幸東宮，應作鼓吹與不？」輿曹郎虞龢議謂：「輿駕度宮，雖為婚行，跡實遊情求治，作鼓吹非嫌。」 |
| During the reign of Emperor Wu of Jin, the Crown Prince was advised: "On a certain day of a certain month when taking in a concubine, according to ritual, music should not be played as per tradition." It is uncertain whether, upon the Son of Heaven's gracious visit to the Crown Prince's residence, drum and bugle music should be played or not?" Yu Cao Lang Yu He proposed: "When the imperial procession passes through the palace, although it is for a wedding ceremony, in reality it resembles an outing seeking governance; playing drum and bugle music would not be inappropriate." |
| 16 | 樂七: | 國哀廢樂議 |
《遏密不設懸議 - Discussion on Not Displaying Musical Instruments During Court Mourning Silence 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 遏密不設... : | 晉 大唐 |
| Jin Datang | ||
| 2 | 遏密不設... : | 晉有司下太常曰：「朝廷遏密則素會」。時云「應懸而不樂」。博士孔恢議曰：「素會宜都去懸。設樂為作，不作則不宜懸也。孟獻子懸，自是應作而不作耳，故夫子曰『加於人一等』，非為不應作而應懸也。國諱尚近，謂金石不可陳於庭也。」於時不從恢議，正朝自懸而不作。 |
| The Jin officials in charge issued an order to the Taichang, saying: "When the court observes mourning and silence, there should be a plain assembly." At that time it was said, "Banners should be displayed but no music played." The doctor of the court, Kong Hui, argued: "For a plain assembly, all banners should be removed. If music is set up for performance, then if no performance takes place, it would not be appropriate to display the musical instruments either." Meng Xianzi displayed the musical instruments, which was appropriate for a performance but no performance actually took place; hence Confucius said, "He is one rank above others," not because he should display the instruments when there was no occasion for music. "The national mourning period is still recent; it means that bronze and stone objects cannot be displayed in the court." At that time, they did not follow Kong Hui's proposal, and during official ceremonies, instruments were displayed but no music was performed. | ||
| 3 | 遏密不設... : | 大唐貞觀二十三年，高宗即位，詔宜以來年正月二日受朝，其樂懸及享群臣並停。永徽元年正月，有司言：「依禮，享祀郊廟並奏宮懸。比停教習，恐致廢忘。伏尋故實，漢魏祗祔之後，庶事如舊。國之大禮，祠典為先。今既逾年，理宜從吉。若不肄習，實慮不調，誠敬有虧，致招罪責。」並從之。 |
| In the twenty-third year of the Zhenguan era of the Datang dynasty, Gaozong ascended the throne and issued an edict stating that he should receive court homage on the second day of the first month in the following year. The display of musical instruments and the banquet for officials were both suspended. lòng In the first month of the Yonghui First Year, the officials in charge stated: "According to ritual regulations, music with suspended instruments should be performed during sacrifices at the altars for Heaven and ancestral temples. If instruction and practice are stopped, it is feared that this will lead to neglect and forgetting." We have examined past precedents; after the rites of consolidation in the Han and Wei dynasties, all matters were resumed as usual. The great rituals of a state take sacrificial ceremonies as the foremost priority. Now that more than one year has passed, it is reasonable to follow the customs of peace and joy. If no practice takes place, there will indeed be a risk of disarray; sincerity and reverence would be compromised, leading to blame and censure." The proposal was accepted. | ||
| 4 | 遏密不設... : | 大曆十四年十二月，禮儀使、吏部尚書顏真卿奏：「謹按周禮大司樂職云：『諸侯薨，令去樂。大臣死，令弛樂。』鄭注云：『去，謂釋下也。』是知哀輕者釋，哀重者藏。又晉元后秋崩，武帝咸寧元年饗萬國，不設樂。晉博士孔恢議，朝廷遏密，懸而不樂。恢以為：『宜都去懸。設樂為作，不作則不宜懸。國哀尚近，謂金石不可陳於庭。』伏請三年未畢，朝會都不設懸。如有大臣薨歿，則量事輕重，懸而不作。」敕付所司。 |
| In the twelfth month of the fourteenth year of the Dali era, Liyi Shi (ritual commissioner) and Minister of Personnel Yan Zhenqing submitted a memorial: "Carefully examining the Zhou Li (Rites of Zhou), it states in the duties of the Da Siyue (Grand Master of Music): 'When a feudal lord dies, orders are given to remove music. When a high-ranking official dies, orders are issued to relax the music.' Zheng Zhu explained: 'Qu' means to remove and lower them.'" This indicates that for lighter mourning, the instruments are merely released, while for heavier mourning, they should be stored away. Moreover, in the autumn when the empress dowager of Jin died, during the first year of Xinning era under Emperor Wu, a banquet for all nations was held without music. The Jin doctor Kong Hui argued that in times of court mourning and silence, the musical instruments should be displayed but not played. Kong Hui believed: "All suspended instruments should be removed." Setting up the music is for performance; if no performance takes place, then it would not be appropriate to have them displayed. "The national mourning period is still recent, meaning that bronze and stone instruments should not be displayed in the courtyard." We respectfully request that until three years of mourning have been completed, no musical instruments be set up at court assemblies. If a high-ranking official passes away, then the display and performance should depend on the level of mourning—displaying them without playing." An imperial decree was issued to the relevant officials. |
《大喪而弟嗣位未三年廢樂議 - Discussion on Abolishing Music after a Great Funeral When a Younger Brother Assumes the Throne before Three Years Have Passed 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 大喪而弟... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 大喪而弟... : | 晉懷帝永嘉元年冬，惠帝三年制未終。司徒左長史江統議，二年正會不宜作樂，以為：「自古帝王相承，雖生及有異，而受重同禮。禮，王侯尊殊，得臣諸父兄弟。故以僖嗣閔，左氏謂之逆祀。雖代變時殊，質文不同，至於受重尊祖敬宗，其義一也。書稱遏密諒闇之事，或以縗麻卒禮，或以心喪終制。故周景王有后嫡子之喪，既葬，除服而宴樂，叔向曰『王宴樂已早』。二年正會，不宜作樂。」 |
| In the first year of Emperor Huai of Jin's Yongjia era (winter), the edicts from the third year of Emperor Hui had not yet been completed. Jiang Tong, the Left Chancellor of the Simu, argued that music should not be performed at the New Year's ceremony in the second year, stating: "Since ancient times, emperors have succeeded one another; although their circumstances and differences may vary, they all bear great responsibilities and are honored with the same rites. According to ritual propriety, kings and marquises hold distinct ranks of respect and are entitled to serve as subjects to their uncles and brothers. Therefore, when Xi succeeded Min, the Zuo Zhuan referred to it as an improper sacrifice. Although dynasties change and times differ, and although the nature of rituals may vary between simplicity and sophistication, when it comes to bearing great responsibilities, respecting ancestors, and honoring the clan, their meaning remains one. The Book records matters of mourning and seclusion, where some completed rites in sackcloth and hemp, while others observed a heart-sorrow period until the end of the mourning term. Therefore, when King Jing of Zhou mourned for his legitimate son, after the burial he removed his mourning attire and held a banquet with music. Shu Xiang said, "The king has already held the banquet and music too early." "Therefore, during the New Year's ceremony of the second year, music should not be performed." |
《大喪在寇梓宮未返廢樂議 - Discussion on Abolishing Music Due to a Great Mourning: The Imperial Coffin Has Not Yet Returned While in Captivity 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 大喪在寇... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 大喪在寇... : | 晉愍帝建興元年十二月，元帝時為丞相，在建業。主簿熊遠議以：「懷帝梓宮未返，正會不宜作樂。謹按尚書，堯崩，四海遏密八音。禮，凶年，天子徹樂減膳。孝懷皇帝崩於虜廷，梓宮未返，人神同忿，兆庶怨嗟。公與國同體，憂容未歇。如矜黎庶塗炭之困，以廢歡悅伎樂之事，謂宜設饌，以賜群下而已。」 |
| In the first year of Jianxing reign period of Emperor Min of Jin (December 313 AD), Yuan Di, who was then Chancellor, was in Jianye. Zhu Bu Xiong Yuan proposed that "the coffin of Emperor Huai has not yet returned; therefore, music should not be played at the formal court gathering. Carefully referring to the Book of Documents, when Yao died, all musical instruments were silenced throughout the four seas for eight days. According to rites, in years of misfortune, the Son of Heaven should discontinue music and reduce his meals. Emperor Xiaohuai died in captivity at the hands of the Hu, and his coffin has not yet returned. Both humans and spirits share indignation, while the common people express resentment and sighs. Your Excellency shares one body with the state; your sorrowful expression has not yet subsided. If we show compassion for the suffering of the common people in their distress, then we should abandon joyful entertainments and musical performances. It would be appropriate to merely set a banquet to bestow upon all subordinates." | ||
| 3 | 大喪在寇... : | 大將軍王敦時，南閣祭酒范堅白事云：「伏見每宴會，眾樂備奏，倡伎兼作，愚淺多蔽，竊有未安。今國恥未雪，梓宮幽遐，不應備樂。」敦使州府博議。參軍周武議云：「禮古今不同，謂宜取則於朝廷。」敦從之。 |
| At that time, Grand General Wang Dun was in office; Nange Jiaoshi Fan Jian reported a matter saying: "I have observed that at every banquet, all kinds of music are performed and entertainers also perform. My shallow understanding is often obscured, and I secretly feel uneasy about this. Now that the national humiliation has not yet been avenged, and the coffin lies in a distant place, music should not be performed." Dun ordered the prefectures and states to hold extensive discussions. Cenjun Zhou Wu proposed: "Rites have changed from ancient times to now; it is said that we should take the court as our example." Dun followed his suggestion. |
《皇后崩服未終廢樂議 - Discussion on Ceasing Music During Empress's Mourning Period Before Completion 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 皇后崩服... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 皇后崩服... : | 晉符問：「章皇后雖哀限未終，后主已入廟，當作樂不？」博士徐虔議引：「周景王有后嫡子之喪，既葬，除服，而晏樂，叔向猶譏之。今宜不懸。」虔又引：「周禮『有憂則弛懸』。今天子蒙塵，攝主不宜作樂。但先人血祀不可廢耳。魯莊公主已入廟，閔公二年吉禘，猶曰『未可以吉』，是不係於入廟也。謂不宜設樂。」 |
| Jin Fu asked, "Although Empress Zhang's period of mourning has not yet ended, the Later Sovereign has already been enshrined in the ancestral temple. Should music be played?" The Doctor of Literature Xu Qian cited, "King Jing of Zhou had the mourning for his empress and legitimate son. After burial, he removed his mourning attire and held a banquet with music, yet Shuxiang still criticized him." It is now advisable not to hang [the musical instruments]." Qian also cited, "The Rites of Zhou state, 'If there is sorrow, the musical instruments should be removed.'" "Now that the Son of Heaven has suffered disgrace, the regent should not engage in music." "But the ancestral sacrifices through blood offerings cannot be abandoned." Empress Zhuang of Lu had already been enshrined in the temple, yet during the second year of Min Gong's reign for the sacrificial ceremony (ji di), it was still said, "It is not yet appropriate for a joyous occasion," indicating that this does not depend on being enshrined in the temple. "It means that music should not be set up." |
《太后父喪廢樂議 - Discussion on Ceasing Music for the Empress Dowager's Father's Funeral 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 太后父喪... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 太后父喪... : | 晉征北將軍褚裒薨，皇太后之父。未葬，太后居喪。符問：「皇帝元會，當作樂不？」尚書王彪之議：「今若鐘懸鼓吹皆可以作者，其餘羽毛絲竹，奚為廢之？竊所未喻。元皇后秋崩，武帝咸寧元年饗萬國，設樂；恭皇后夏崩，成帝咸康八年饗萬國，不盡徹樂。未詳二帝故事，孰得孰失？且恭皇后崩，垂向周月，朝行權制，六宮煥然，故以即吉經時，雖尊於萬國，然於帝為卑，不盡徹樂之詔，或指在於斯也。縱令咸康末不盡徹樂以為合禮，亦非所以證今明喻也。禮云：『母有喪聲聞焉，則不舉樂。』夫人之事親尊，自王者達於庶人，不以貴賤異禮也。皇太后始居至哀，縗服在躬，號哭無時，鼓鐘歌簫之音，實聞於內殿，非禮所謂『不舉樂』之說。今所欲存者輕，所為廢者重，略輕崇重，附禮合情，敦於體訓，於是乎在。意如前議，謂應設鼓懸鐘而不作。」 |
| The Jin general of the northern expedition, Chu Pouch, died. Father-in-law of the empress dowager. Before his burial, the empress dowager observed mourning rites. Fu Wen asked: "At the emperor's New Year audience, should music be performed?" Shangshu Wang Biaozhi argued: "If now the bells, suspended instruments, and drum music can all be performed, then why should we abandon the rest such as feathers, silk, bamboo, and other musical instruments?" I personally do not understand. Empress Yuan died in autumn, and during the first year of Wudi's Xinning era, a banquet was held for all nations with music performed; Empress Gong died in summer, and during the eighth year of Chengdi's Xiangkang era, a banquet was held for the nations but music was not completely suspended. The anecdotes of these two emperors are unclear; who was right and who was wrong? Moreover, after Empress Gong's death, the mourning period was nearly a month. During this time, provisional regulations were observed in court, and the six palaces remained bright and orderly. Therefore, when resuming normalcy after some time, although the emperor held a higher status than all nations, he was considered inferior to his late empress; thus, the imperial decree not to completely suspend music might have been referring precisely to this situation. Even if it was considered appropriate and in accordance with rites that at the end of the Xiangkang period music was not completely suspended, this still does not serve as a valid precedent to justify the current situation. The Rites say: "If one hears of a mother's mourning, then music should not be performed." A wife's duty to her husband and parents is the same for rulers as it is for commoners; rites do not differ according to rank or status. The empress dowager was in the deepest sorrow, wearing mourning clothes on her body, wailing and weeping without ceasing. The sounds of drums, bells, songs, and flutes were indeed heard within the inner palace—this is not what the rites refer to as "not performing music." What we wish to preserve is trivial, while what we are discarding is significant. By neglecting the light and honoring the heavy, adhering to rites and aligning with sentiment, and emphasizing moral instruction, this principle lies right here. The intention is as previously discussed: it should be considered that drums, suspended instruments, and bells should remain in place but not played." |
《皇后母喪廢樂議 - Discussion on Suspending Music for the Empress's Mother's Funeral 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 皇后母喪... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 皇后母喪... : | 晉時，廣昌鄉君喪，御史中丞熊遠表宜廢小會。遠言：「被符，冬至後小會。廣昌鄉君喪殯日淺。禮，大夫死，廢一時之祭。祭猶可廢，況餘事乎？冬至唯宜群下奉賀而已，未宜便小會。」有詔，以遠表示太常賀循，曰：「咸寧二年武皇帝故事，三朝發哀，踰月舉樂；一朝發哀，三日不舉樂。今舊事明文，卿詳疑處答。」循言：「臣按禮雜記，『君於卿大夫，比卒哭不舉樂』。今雖降而無服，三月之內，猶錫縗以居，不接吉事，如遠所啟。咸寧詔書雖不合古義，然隨時立宜，已為定制，誠非群下所得誚論。」 |
| During the Jin dynasty, when Lady Guangchang passed away, Yu Shi Zhongcheng Xiong Yuan submitted a memorial stating that small gatherings should be abolished. Yuan stated: "I received the edict permitting minor assemblies after the winter solstice." The mourning period for Lady Guangchang had not yet passed. According to ritual, when a high-ranking official dies, sacrifices during that season should be suspended. If sacrifices can still be suspended, how much more so for other matters? "On the winter solstice, only the subordinates should offer congratulations; minor gatherings are not appropriate at that time." An imperial edict was issued, forwarding Yuan's memorial to Taichang He Xun, stating: "In the second year of Xianning, following the precedent of Emperor Wu, mourning was declared for three days, and music resumed after a month; one day of mourning, no music for three days." "Now that the precedent is clearly recorded, you should carefully address any uncertainties in your response." He Xun stated: "I have examined the Miscellaneous Records of Rites, which say, 'When a ruler mourns for an official or high-ranking minister, music should not be performed until after the final mourning rites.'" Now, although her rank has been lowered and there is no formal mourning attire, within the three months, she should still wear plain clothes and refrain from participating in joyous affairs, as Yuan suggested. "Although the Xianning edict does not conform to ancient principles, it was established as a regulation based on contemporary circumstances and has already become an official decree; it is indeed not something that subordinates may criticize or debate." |
《公主喪廢樂議 - Discussion on Discontinuing Music for a Princess's Funeral 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 公主喪廢... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 公主喪廢... : | 晉穆帝升平元年，冬至節小會。廬陵公主未葬，符問應作樂不？博士荀訥、曹耽等言：「君於卿大夫，比卒哭不舉樂。公主加有骨肉之親，宜闕樂。」太常王彪之引晉武帝詔應作樂：「按武皇詔，三朝舉哀者，三旬乃舉樂；其一朝舉哀者，三日則舉樂。泰始十年春，長樂長公主薨，太康七年秋，扶風武王薨，武皇並舉哀三日而已。中興以來，更參論不改此制。今小會宜作樂。」 |
| In the first year of Shengping reign period of Emperor Mu of Jin, a small gathering was held on the Winter Solstice festival. Princess Luling had not yet been buried; Fu Wen asked whether music should be played or not? The scholars Xun Ne and Cao Dan, among others, said: "For a ruler concerning his ministers, after the mourning period for the deceased ends, music should not be performed." "As the princess is further related by blood ties, music should also be omitted." Wang Biao zhi of Taichang cited an edict from Emperor Wu of Jin, stating that music should be performed: "According to the edict of Emperor Wu, for those who mourned during three mourning periods, music could only be resumed after thirty days; those who observed mourning for one period may resume music after three days." In the tenth year of Taishi spring, Changle Changgongzhu passed away; in the seventh year of Taikang autumn, Fufeng Wuwang passed away. Emperor Wu observed mourning for three days in both cases. Since the reign of Zhongxing, this regulation has been repeatedly discussed but not altered. "Therefore, music should be performed at this small gathering." |
《太子所生喪廢樂議 - Discussion on Ceasing Music for the Funeral of a Crown Prince's Biological Mother 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 太子所生... : | 晉 |
| Jin | ||
| 2 | 太子所生... : | 晉惠帝永寧元年冬，愍懷太子母喪，三年制未終。大司馬府參軍江統議，二年正會，不宜舉樂。引「春秋傳曰『母以子貴』。而儒者謂傳重非嫡，服同眾子。經無明據，於義為短。今愍懷太子正位東宮，繼體承業，監國嘗膳，既處其重，無緣復議其輕制也。二年正會，不宜舉樂」。 |
| In the winter of the first year of Yongning in the reign of Emperor Hui of Jin, the mother of Crown Prince Minhuai passed away, and her three-year mourning period had not yet been completed. Jiang Tong, a canjun of the Dashima Fu, argued that music should not be performed at the New Year's ceremony in the second year. He cited: "The Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals says, 'A mother is honored because of her son.'" However, Confucian scholars say that if a mother is not the legitimate wife, the mourning rites should be the same as for other sons. There is no clear evidence in the classics to support this view, and it falls short of moral principles. Now that Crown Prince Minhuai holds the position of Donggong, succeeding to the throne and continuing its legacy, overseeing state affairs and tasting food offered by ministers, he is in a position of great importance; there is no reason to argue for lesser mourning rites. Therefore, music should not be performed at the ceremony on the first day of the second year." |
《大臣喪廢樂議 - Discussions on Suspending Music for Mourning a High Minister 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 大臣喪廢... : | 周 晉 |
| Zhou Jin | ||
| 2 | 大臣喪廢... : | 禮記檀弓曰：「智悼子卒，未葬，平公飲酒，師曠、李調侍，鼓鐘。杜蕢自外來，入寢，歷階而升，酌，曰：『曠飲斯。』又酌，曰：『調飲斯。』降趨而出。平公呼而進之，曰：『爾飲曠何也？』曰：「子卯不樂。智悼子在堂，斯其為子卯也大矣。』」紂以甲子死，桀以乙卯亡，王者謂之疾日，不舉樂。大臣喪重於疾日。 |
| The Book of Rites, Tanguang says: "When Zhi Daosi died, he had not yet been buried when Duke Ping was drinking wine. Shi Kuang and Li Diao were in attendance and played the bells." Du Kui came from outside, entered the sleeping chamber, ascended the steps without stopping at each one, poured a cup of wine, and said: "Kuang should drink this." He poured another cup and said: "Diao should drink this." Then he descended the steps quickly and left. Duke Ping called him back in and asked, "Why did you make Kuang drink?" He replied: "On the days of zi and mao, one should not take pleasure." "Zhi Daosi is in the hall; this is a matter of great mourning, more significant than zi and mao days.'" Zhou died on the day Jiazi, Jie perished on the day Yimao; rulers referred to these as days of calamity and did not hold musical performances. The mourning for a great minister is more significant than that for a day of calamity." | ||
| 3 | 大臣喪廢... : | 晉賀循議曰：「上車騎大將軍未葬表，不應作鼓吹。鼓吹之興，雖本為軍之凱樂，有金革之音，於宮庭發明大節，以此為盛，與樂實同。按禮，於貴臣，比卒哭不舉樂。今車騎未葬，不宜作也。」 |
| Jin Hexun remarked: "Regarding the memorial for the late General Chedui who had not yet been buried, drum and flute music should not be performed. The origin of drum and flute music, although initially for military triumphal music with the sounds of metal and leather, was used in the palace to highlight grand ceremonies. Because of this significance, it is essentially the same as music. According to rites, for a noble minister, no musical performances should be held from the day of death until the completion of mourning rituals. Now that General Chedui has not yet been buried, it is inappropriate to perform them." |
《忌月不廢樂議 - Discussion on Not Abandoning Music During a Mourning Month 》 | 英文翻譯：人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] | 電子圖書館 |
| 1 | 忌月不廢... : | 晉 唐 |
| Jin Tang | ||
| 2 | 忌月不廢... : | 晉穆帝納后用九月，九月是康帝忌月，於時疑不定，下太常禮官。荀訥議稱：「禮只有忌日，無忌月語。若有忌月，即有忌時、忌歲，益無理據。」當時從訥所議。 |
| In the ninth month of Emperor Mudi's reign, since the ninth month was the month of Emperor Kangdi's death anniversary, there were doubts and uncertainties at that time, so they consulted the Taichang officials in charge of rites. Xun Nei argued: "According to ritual traditions, there are only days of mourning anniversaries, but no mention of a month of mourning." "If there is a month of mourning, then there would also be times and years of mourning, which would even less have any basis in reason." At that time, they followed Xun Nei's opinion. | ||
| 3 | 忌月不廢... : | 大唐武太后天冊萬歲二年，清邊道大總管建安王攸宜平契丹凱旋，欲以十二月詣闕獻俘。內史王及善以為：「軍將入城，例有軍樂。今既屬先帝忌月，請備而不奏。」鸞臺侍郎王方慶奏曰：「臣按禮經，但有忌日，而無忌月。軍樂是軍容，與常樂不等。臣謂振作，於事無嫌。」從之。 |
| In the second year of Tianshe Wansui reign of Empress Wu, the Great Director of the Qingbian Dao, Jian'an Wang Youyi, who had pacified the Khitan and returned in triumph, intended to present captured enemies at court in the twelfth month. Neishi Wang Jishan believed: "When a military commander enters the city, there is usually military music by convention." "Since this month happens to be the mourning month of the late emperor, I request that it be prepared but not performed." Langtai Shilang Wang Fangqing presented a memorial stating: "According to the rites I have studied, there are only mourning days, but no mourning months." "Military music is part of military ceremony and differs from regular court music." I believe it is appropriate to proceed with the performance, as there would be no objection in this matter." The suggestion was accepted. |
URN: ctp:tongdian/147