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北齊 隋 大唐 |
| | Beiqi Sui Datang
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昔黃帝始經土設井以塞諍端，立步制畝以防不足，使八家為井，井開四道而分八宅，鑿井於中。一則不洩地氣，二則無費一家，三則同風俗，四則齊巧拙，五則通財貨，六則存亡更守，七則出入相司，八則嫁娶相媒，九則無有相貸，十則疾病相救。是以情性可得而親，生產可得而均，均則欺陵之路塞，親則鬥訟之心弭。既牧之於邑，故井一為鄰，鄰三為朋，朋三為里，里五為邑，邑十為都，都十為師，師十為州。夫始分之於井則地著，計之於州則數詳。迄乎夏殷，不易其制。 |
| | In the past, Emperor Huangdi first surveyed and divided the land into wells in order to prevent disputes. He established a system of measuring steps and acres to guard against shortages. He arranged eight families as one well, with four roads opening from the center to divide the area into eight dwellings, and a well was dug at the central point. First, it would not dissipate the earth's qi (vital energy); second, no single family would suffer loss; third, they would share the same customs; fourth, their skills and abilities would be balanced equally; fifth, goods and wealth could circulate freely; sixth, in times of survival or crisis, they would guard for one another; seventh, when entering or leaving, they would watch over each other; eighth, marriages would be arranged through mutual mediation among them; ninth, there would be no need to borrow from others; tenth, in cases of illness or disaster, they would support and rescue one another. Therefore, human feelings and dispositions could be nurtured to foster closeness, and production could be distributed evenly. When distribution is even, the paths for exploitation and bullying are blocked; when people are close, the desire for conflict and litigation is eliminated. When people are governed within the administrative unit of a "Yi," each well constitutes one neighbor (Lin), three neighbors form one friend-group (Peng), three friend-groups make up one Li, five Lis constitute an Yi, ten Yis form a Du, ten Dus compose a Shi, and ten Shis make up a Zhou. When land is first divided according to the well system, it becomes clearly attached to specific plots; when calculated at the level of the Zhou (state), the numbers become detailed and precise. Up until the Xia and Yin dynasties, this system remained unchanged.
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周制：大司徒令五家為比，使之相保；五比為閭，使之相受；四閭為族，使之相葬；五族為黨，使之相救；五黨為州，使之相賙；五州為鄉，使之相賓。及三年則大比，大比則受邦國之比要。遂人掌邦之野，以土地之圖經田野，造縣鄙形體之法。五家為鄰，五鄰為里，四里為酇，五酇為鄙，五鄙為縣，五縣為遂，皆有地域溝樹之。使各掌其政令刑禁，以歲時稽其人民，而授之田野，簡其兵器，教之稼穡。里有序而鄉有庠，序以明教，庠則行禮而視化焉。 |
| | The Zhou dynasty system: The Grand Tutor (Da Siku) ordered five families to form a Bi unit and made them responsible for guaranteeing each other's conduct; five Bi units formed one Lü, and they were made responsible for supporting and assisting one another; four Lü units formed a Zu, and they were responsible for burying each other according to mutual obligation; five Zu units formed a Dang, and they were required to assist and rescue one another in times of need; five Dang units formed a Zhou, and they were expected to provide mutual support and relief; five Zhou units formed a Xiang, and they were required to treat each other as guests in a spirit of courtesy. When three years had passed, a great census (Da Bi) was conducted. During this great census, the key records of all states and regions were received. Sui Ren was in charge of the wilds (Ye) of the state. Using maps of the land, they surveyed the fields and established regulations for the forms and structures of counties (Xian) and border regions (Bi). Five families formed a Lin, five Lins formed a Li, four Lis formed a Zuan. Five Zuan units formed one Bi, five Bis formed a Xian, and five Xians formed a Sui; each of these had designated territories with ditches and trees planted around them. They were responsible for managing the administrative orders, punishments, and prohibitions of their respective areas. At appropriate times of the year, they inspected the population, allocated fields to them, examined their weapons, and taught them agricultural practices such as sowing and harvesting. Each Li had a Xu, and each Xiang had an Xiang; the Xu was used to clarify instruction, while in the Xiang rituals were performed and moral transformation was observed.
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齊桓公用管仲，管仲曰：「夫善牧者，非以城郭也，輔之以什，司之以伍。伍無非其里，什無非其家，故奔亡者無所匿，遷徙者無所容。不求而得，不召而來，故人無流亡之意，吏無備追之憂。故主政可行於人，人心可繫於主。」是以制國，郊內則以五家為軌，軌十為里，里四為連，連十為鄉，鄉五為帥，國內十五鄉，自五至帥。郊外則三十家為邑，邑十為卒，卒十為鄉，鄉三為縣，縣十為屬。屬有五，自五至屬各有官長，以司其事，以寓軍政焉。而齊遂霸。 |
| | Duke Huan of Qi employed Guan Zhong, who said: "A good administrator does not rely solely on city walls and fortifications; he supports governance through groups of ten families and oversees them through units of five. Each Wu unit consists entirely of people from the same Li, and each Shi group is composed entirely of families. Therefore, those who fled or ran away had nowhere to hide, and those who moved or migrated found no place to be accepted. Without the need to search for them, they could be found; without summoning them, they would come on their own. Thus, people had no intention of fleeing or wandering, and officials had no worry about having to prepare for pursuits. Therefore, the ruler's policies could be effectively implemented among the people, and the people's hearts could remain loyal to their leader." Therefore, in governing the state, within the suburbs five families formed a Gui, ten Guis formed a Li, four Lis made up one Lian, ten Lians constituted an Xiang, and five Xiangs formed a Shuai. Within the capital there were fifteen Xiangs, ranging from groups of five to the level of Shuai. Outside the suburbs, thirty families formed an Yi, ten Yis made up a Zu, ten Zus constituted an Xiang, three Xiangs formed an Xian, and ten Xians composed a Shu. There were five Shus in total; from the level of groups of five up to the Shu, each had its own officials and leaders responsible for overseeing their affairs, thereby integrating military administration. And thus Qi became a hegemon.
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徐偉長中論曰：「夫治平在庶功興，庶功興在事役均，事役均在民數周，民數周為國之本也。先王周知其萬民眾寡之數，乃分九職焉。九職既分，則劬勞者可見，勤惰者可聞也，然而事役不均者未之有也。事役既均，故上盡其心而人竭其力，然而庶功不興者未之有也。庶功既興，故國家殷富，大小不匱，百姓休和，下無怨疾焉，然而治不平者未之有也。故泉有源，治有本，道者審本而已矣。故周禮，孟冬，司寇獻民數於王，王拜受之，登於天府，內史、司會、冢宰貳之。其重之也如是。今之為政者，未之知卹已也。譬猶無田而欲樹藝，雖有農夫，安能措其強力乎！是以先王制六鄉六遂之法，所以維持其民而為之綱目也。使其鄰比相保愛，賞罰相延及，故出入存亡臧否逆順可得而知也。及亂君之為政也，戶口漏於國版，夫家脫於聯伍，避役逋逃者有之，棄損者有之，浮食者有之。於是姦心競生而偽端並作，小則濫竊，大則攻劫，嚴刑峻令不能救也。人數者，庶事之所自出也，莫不取正焉。以分田里，以令貢賦，以造器用，以制祿食，以起田役，以作軍旅，國以建典，家以立度，五禮用修，九刑用措，其唯審人數乎？」 |
| | Xu Weichang Zhonglun said: "The key to good governance and peace lies in the flourishing of various state functions; the flourishing of these functions depends on equitable distribution of labor duties; equitable distribution of labor relies upon a complete and accurate population census; therefore, an accurate record of the people is the foundation of the state. The ancient kings thoroughly understood the numbers of their millions of people and thus established nine official roles accordingly. Once these nine roles were assigned, those who worked diligently could be recognized and those who were lazy or neglectful could be identified. Thus, there had never been a case of unequal distribution of labor duties. With the equitable assignment of labor, rulers could fully devote their minds and people would exert all their strength. Thus, there had never been an instance where various state functions failed to flourish. With the flourishing of these various state functions, the country became prosperous and wealthy; both large and small resources were abundant. The people lived in peace and harmony, with no resentment or grievances among them. Thus, there had never been any case where governance failed to bring about stability and order. Therefore, just as a spring has its source, good governance has its foundation; the essence of the Way lies in carefully examining this foundation alone. Therefore, according to the Rites of Zhou, in the first month of winter (Mengdong), the Sikou (Minister of Justice) presented the population records to the king. The king solemnly accepted them and had them recorded in the Tianfu (Imperial Treasury). The Neishi (Ministry of Internal Affairs), Sihui (Ministry of Finance), and Zongcai (Grand Administrator) kept duplicate copies. How greatly they valued it was thus demonstrated. Those who govern today do not yet understand or care about this. It is like having no fields but wishing to cultivate crops; even if there are farmers, how could they apply their strength effectively! Therefore, the ancient kings established the system of six Xiang and six Sui units as a framework to maintain their people and provide them with structure. This ensured that neighbors and groups would guarantee and care for one another, and rewards or punishments would extend to those connected. Thus, whether people entered or left, lived or died, were virtuous or corrupt, loyal or rebellious, all could be known. However, when corrupt rulers governed, household registrations were missing from the state records; families and individuals escaped their assigned groups. Some evaded duties and fled, some abandoned their responsibilities, and others lived off unearned means without contributing to society. As a result, deceitful intentions arose and fraudulent activities multiplied; on a small scale, there was rampant theft, and on a large scale, attacks and robberies occurred. Even severe punishments and strict orders could not remedy the situation. Population records are the foundation from which all state affairs originate; nothing is more essential than ensuring their accuracy. They are used to divide fields and neighborhoods, to assign tributes and taxes, to produce tools and supplies, to regulate salaries and food rations, to conscript labor for land projects, and to raise military forces. The state establishes its institutions based on this, families set their standards accordingly; the Five Rites are practiced properly, and the Nine Punishments are applied appropriately—could it not all depend solely on accurately examining population records?"
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東晉哀帝興寧二年三月庚戌，天下所在土斷。 |
| | In the third month, Gengxu day of the second year of Xingning during the reign of Emperor Ai of the Eastern Jin dynasty (March 25, 364 AD), a land registration and population census was conducted throughout the empire.
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孝武時，范甯陳時政曰：「昔中原喪亂，流寓江左，庶有旋反之期，故許其挾注本郡。自爾漸久，人安其業，丘壟墳柏，皆以成行，無本邦之名，而有安土之實。今宜正其封疆，土斷人戶，明考課之科，修閭伍之法。難者必曰：『人各有桑土之懷，下役之慮。』斯誠并兼之所執，而非通理之篤論也。古者失地之君，猶臣所寓之主，列國之臣，亦有違適之禮。隨會仕秦，致稱春秋；樂毅宦燕，見褒良史。且今普天之人，原其氏出，皆隨代移遷，何至於今而獨不可。」帝善之。 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Xiao Wu, Fan Ning presented his views on current governance and said: "In the past, when chaos broke out in Zhongyuan (Central Plains), people fled to Jiangzuo (the left bank of the Yangtze River). At that time, it was expected that they would eventually return home; therefore, they were allowed to register under their original native commanderies. Since then, over time, people have become settled in their new occupations; fields and cemeteries with rows of mulberry trees and cypress have all been established. Though they no longer bear the names of their native regions, they now enjoy the reality of stable land and homes. Now it is appropriate to clearly define territorial boundaries, conduct a land registration and household census, establish clear criteria for performance evaluations, and revise the system of neighborhood groups. Those who oppose this will surely say: "Each person has an emotional attachment to their native land, and there are concerns about being conscripted for labor service." This is indeed the argument of those who cling to narrow interests; it is not a sound or rational view. In ancient times, even rulers who had lost their land were still regarded as the lords of those under them; ministers from different states also observed proper etiquette when moving or adapting to new circumstances. Sui Hui served in Qin and was praised in the Spring and Autumn Annals; Yue Yi served Yan and was commended by historians of virtue. Moreover, considering all the people under heaven, tracing their surnames and origins, they have all moved and changed over generations. Why should it be that only today is such movement considered unacceptable?" The emperor approved of this view.
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安帝義熙九年，宋公劉裕緣人居土，上表曰：「臣聞先王制理，九土攸序，分境畫野，各安其居。故井田之制，三代以崇。秦革其政，漢遂不改，富強兼并，於是為弊。在漢西京，大遷田、景之族，以實關中。即以三輔為鄉閭，不復係之於齊、楚。九服不擾，所託成舊。自永嘉播越，爰託淮、海，朝運匡復之算，人懷思本之心，經略之圖，日不暇給。是以寧人綏理，猶有未遑。及至大司馬桓溫，以人無定本，傷理為深，庚戌土斷，以一其業。於時財阜國豐，實由於此。自茲迄今，彌歷年載，畫一之制，漸用頹弛。雜居流寓，閭伍不修，王化所以未純，人瘼所以猶在。自非改調，無以濟理。夫人情滯常，難與慮始。謂父母之邦以為桑梓者，誠以生焉，敬愛所託。請依庚戌土斷之科，庶存其本，稍與事著。然後率之以仁義，鼓之以威聲，超大江而跨黃河，撫九州而復舊土。則戀本之志，乃速申於當年，在始暫勤，要終必易。」於是依界土斷，唯徐、兗、青三州人居晉陵者，不在斷限。諸流寓郡縣，多被併省。 |
| | In the ninth year of Yixi during the reign of Emperor An, Song Gong Liu Yu, based on people's residential land, submitted a memorial stating: "Your servant has heard that in ancient times, wise rulers established order by dividing the nine regions and arranging them properly; they demarcated boundaries and fields so that each person could live in peace. Therefore, the well-field system was highly esteemed during the Three Dynasties. The Qin dynasty changed this policy, and the Han dynasty did not alter it; as a result, wealth and power became concentrated in the hands of the few, leading to widespread problems. During the Western Han dynasty, large-scale relocations of the Tians and Jings families were carried out in order to populate Guanzhong. They established Xiang and Lü units within the three Fu regions, no longer linking them to Qi or Chu. The nine regions remained undisturbed, and their new settlements became permanent. Since the time of Yongjia's dispersal, people took refuge in Huai and Hai regions. Although the court planned for restoration, the people still longed to return home; plans for governance were so pressing that there was no time to spare. Therefore, even efforts to pacify and manage the populace remained incomplete. It was not until Grand Marshal Huan Wen, who realized that people lacked fixed roots and this deeply harmed governance, that the Gengxu land registration was implemented to stabilize their occupations. At that time, the state's wealth and prosperity were indeed due to this policy. Since then until now, many years have passed; the system of uniformity has gradually declined and become lax. With mixed residency and unsettled populations, neighborhood groups have fallen into disrepair; this is why royal influence remains incomplete and people's hardships persist. Without reform and adjustment, there can be no effective governance. Human nature tends to cling to the familiar; it is difficult for people to consider new beginnings. To regard one's native land as "sangzhi" (mulberry and Chinese parasol tree, symbols of hometown) is indeed because it is where one was born—the place to which feelings of respect and affection are attached. I respectfully request that we follow the regulations of the Gengxu land register, so as to preserve their roots and gradually establish clear records. Only then can we lead them with benevolence and righteousness, inspire them through the power of authority, cross the Yangtze River and span the Yellow River, pacify all nine provinces, and reclaim our lost lands. Then their attachment to their native land will be resolved in the same year; with initial effort, the ultimate outcome will surely become easier." Thus, a land registration was conducted according to territorial boundaries. However, residents from Xu, Yan, and Qing commanderies who lived in Jinling were exempted from this regulation. Many of the displaced people's former native commanderies and counties were merged or abolished.
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宋孝武大明中，王玄謨請土斷雍州諸僑郡縣。 |
| | During the Daming period of Emperor Xiao Wu of the Song dynasty, Wang Xuanmo requested a land registration for all the temporary commanderies and counties in Yongzhou.
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齊高帝建元二年，詔朝臣曰：「黃籍，人之大紀，國之理端。自頃氓偽已久，乃至竊注爵位，盜易年月，或戶存而文書已絕，或人在而反記死叛，停私而云隸役，身強而稱六疾，皆政之巨蠹，教之深疵。比年雖卻改籍書，終無得實。若約之以刑，則人偽已遠；若綏之以德；又未易可懲。諸賢並深明理體，各獻嘉謀，以何科算能革斯弊也？」 |
| | In the second year of the Jianyuan era under Emperor Gao of Qi, an imperial edict was issued to court ministers: "The yellow register is a fundamental record for people and the cornerstone of state governance. In recent times, the people have long been in a state of deception; some have even fraudulently recorded noble ranks, falsified dates, or altered records. Some households still exist but their documents are lost; others remain alive yet are falsely marked as dead or defectors. Some who should be exempt from service claim to be registered for labor, while those physically strong pretend to suffer from six illnesses—all of these are major pests in governance and serious flaws in administration. In recent years, although the household registers have been repeatedly revised, no real results have been achieved. If we impose punishments to regulate this, then people's deceptions will eventually cease; if we pacify them through virtue; it is also difficult to correct the situation. All the virtuous officials deeply understand governance and have each submitted excellent strategies—what regulations or measures can eradicate this corruption?"
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虞玩之上表曰：「宋元嘉二十七年八條取人，孝建元年書籍，眾巧之所始也。元嘉中，故光祿大夫傅崇，年出七十，猶手自書籍，躬加隱校。崇何必有石建之慎，高柔之勤，蓋以時屬休明，服道修身故耳。古之共理天下，唯良二千石，今欲求理取正，其在勤明令長。凡受籍，縣不加檢勘，但封送州。州檢得實，方卻歸縣。吏貪其賂，人肆其奸，奸彌深而卻彌多，賂逾厚而答逾緩。自泰始三年至元徽四年，揚州等九郡黃籍，共卻七萬一千餘戶。於今十一年矣，而所正者猶未四萬。神州奧區，尚或如此，江、湘諸郡，倍不可念。愚謂宜以元嘉二十七年籍為正。人惰法既久，今建元元年書籍，宜更立明科，一聽首悔。迷而不返，依制必戮。使官長審自檢校，切令明洗，然後上州，永以為正。若有虛昧，州縣同咎。今戶口多少，不減元嘉，而版籍頓闕，弊亦有以。自孝建以來，入勳者眾，其中操干戈衛社稷者，三分殆無一焉。尋蘇峻平後，庾亮就溫嶠求勳簿，而嶠不與，以為陶侃所上，多非實錄。物之懷私，無代不有，宋末落紐，此巧尤多。又有改注籍狀，詐入仕流，昔為人役者，今反役人。又生不長髮，便謂為道。或抱子并居，竟不編戶。遷徙去來，公違土斷。屬役無滿，流亡不歸。法令必行，自然競反。為理不患無制，患在不行，不患不行，患在不久。」帝省表，納之。乃別置校籍官，置令史，限人一日得數巧，以防懈怠。 |
| | Yu Wan's presented a memorial stating, "In the twenty-seventh year of Yuanjia in the Song dynasty, eight criteria were used to assess people; and during the first year of Xiaojian, household records were compiled—this marked the beginning of widespread deceit. During the middle years of Yuanjia, the late Guanglu 大夫 Fu Chong, who was over seventy years old, still personally handled the household records and carefully reviewed them in person. Why must Fu Chong have possessed the caution of Shi Jian or the diligence of Gao Rou? It was simply because in those times, people enjoyed a peaceful and enlightened era, and they naturally adhered to moral principles and cultivated personal virtue. In ancient times, governing the world together relied solely on virtuous magistrates of the second thousand rank; today, if we wish to achieve good governance and uphold integrity, it must begin with diligent and wise local officials. All household registers were submitted by the county without being examined or verified; they were simply sealed and sent to the prefecture. Only after the prefectural authorities confirmed their accuracy would the records be returned to the county. Corrupt officials accepted bribes, and common people committed fraud with impunity; the deeper the deceit, the more frequent the rejections, and the heavier the bribes, the slower the responses. From the third year of Taishi to the fourth year of Yuanhui, a total of 71,000 households in nine commanderies including Yangzhou were rejected from the yellow register. This has been going on for eleven years now, yet fewer than 40,000 cases have been corrected. Even in this central and fertile region of the empire, such problems persist; as for the commanderies along the Jiang and Xiang rivers, their conditions are even more dire. I believe we should take the household register of the twenty-seventh year of Yuanji as the standard. Since people have grown complacent and lax in following laws for a long time, I suggest that the household register of the first year of Jianyuan should be revised with clear regulations, allowing all to confess and repent. Those who remain deluded and refuse to return will inevitably face punishment according to law. Officials should carefully examine and verify the records themselves, thoroughly ensuring their accuracy before submitting them to the prefecture; this will then be permanently established as correct. If any falsification or concealment is found, both the prefectural and county officials shall share equal blame. Nowadays, the number of households and people has not decreased compared to Yuanjia's time, yet household records are suddenly incomplete—there must be a reason for this problem. Since the Xiaojian era, many have been granted military ranks, but among them, those who actually wielded weapons to defend the state are scarcely one in three. After Su Jun was defeated, Yu Liang requested the military merit records from Wen Qiao, but Wen Qiao refused to provide them, believing that those submitted by Tao Kan were largely inaccurate. Personal greed and selfishness have existed in every generation; during the late Song dynasty, when records became disorganized, such deceptions were especially rampant. Some even altered their household records to fraudulently enter official ranks; those who once served others now turn around and command them. Others, merely because they do not grow out their hair, claim to be Daoists. Some live together with their children and are never registered as households. They move about freely, openly violating the land registration regulations. Those under labor service never complete their terms; those who have fled remain in exile and do not return. If laws and decrees are strictly enforced, people will naturally compete to return. Good governance does not suffer from a lack of regulations, but from failure in enforcement; it does not suffer from failure in enforcement, but from inconsistency over time." The emperor read the memorial and accepted its recommendations. He then established a separate office for household register verification, appointed clerks, set daily quotas to be completed by each person, in order to prevent negligence.
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至武帝永明八年，謫巧者戍緣淮各十年，百姓怨咨。帝乃詔曰：「既往之愆，不足追咎，自宋昇明以前，皆聽復注。其有謫役邊疆，各許還本。自此後有犯，嚴加其罰。」 |
| | By the eighth year of Yongming under Emperor Wu, those found guilty of fraud were sentenced to ten years' military service along the Huai River, causing widespread resentment and complaints among the people. The emperor then issued an edict: "Past offenses need not be punished retroactively; all cases prior to the Shengming era of the Song dynasty are hereby allowed to resume their original household registrations. Those who have been sentenced to labor service in border regions may now return to their places of origin. From this point onward, any further violations will be met with strict punishment."
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梁武帝時所司奏，南徐、江、郢逋兩年黃籍不上。尚書令沈約上言曰：「晉咸和初，蘇峻作亂，版籍焚燒。此後起咸和三年以至乎宋，並皆詳實，朱筆隱注，紙連悉縫。而尚書上省庫籍，唯有宋元嘉中以來，以為宜檢之日，即事所須故也。晉代舊籍，並在下省左人曹，謂之晉籍，有東西二庫。既不係尋檢，主者不復經懷，狗牽鼠齧，雨濕沾爛，解散於地，又無扃縢。此籍精詳，實宜保惜，位高官卑，皆可依按。宋元嘉二十七年，始以七條徵發。既立此科，苟有迴避，姦偽互起，歲月滋廣，以至於齊。於是東堂校籍，置郎令史以掌之，而簿籍於此大壞矣。凡粗有衣食者，莫不互相因依，競行姦貨，落除卑注，更書新籍，通官榮爵，隨意高下。以新換故，不過用一萬許錢，昨日卑微，今日仕伍。凡此姦巧，並出愚下，不辨年號，不識官階。或注義熙在寧康之前，或以崇安在元興之後。此時無此府，此年無此國。元興唯有三年，而猥稱四年。又詔書甲子，不與長曆相應。如此詭謬，萬緒千端。校籍諸郎亦所不覺，不才令史更何可言。且籍字既細，難為眼力，尋求巧偽，莫知所在，徒費日月，未有實驗。假令兄弟三人，分為三籍，卻一籍父祖官，其二初不被卻，同堂從祖以下固自不論，諸如此例，難可悉數。或有應卻而不卻，不須卻而卻。所卻既多，理無悉當。懷冤抱屈，非止百千，投辭請訴，充曹牣府，既難領理，交興人怨。於是悉聽復注，普停洗卻，既蒙復注，則莫不成官。此蓋核籍不精之巨弊也。臣謂宋齊二代，士庶不分，雜役減闕，職由於此。自元嘉以來，籍多假偽。景平以前，既不係檢，凡此諸籍，得無巧換。今雖遺落，所存尚多，宜有徵驗，可得信實。其永初、景平籍，宜移還上省。竊以為晉籍所餘，須加寶愛，若不切心留意，則還復散失矣。不識冑胤，非謂衣冠，凡諸此流，罕知其祖。假稱高曾，莫非巧偽，質諸文籍，姦事立露，懲覆矯詐，為益實弘。又上省籍庫，雖直郎題掌，而盡日料校，唯令史獨入，籍既重寶，不可專委群細。若入庫檢籍之時，直郎、直都，應共監視。寫籍皆於郎、都目前，並加掌置，私寫私換，可以永絕。事畢郎出，仍自題名。臣又以為，巧偽既多，並稱人士，百役不及，高臥私門，致命公私闕乏，是事不舉。宜選史傳學士諳究流品者，為左人郎、左人尚書，專共校勘。所作卑姓雜譜，以晉籍及宋永初景平籍在下省者，對共讎校。若譜注通籍有卑雜，則條其巧謬，下在所科罰。」帝以是留意譜籍，詔御史中丞王僧孺改定百家譜。由是有令史書吏之職，譜局因此而嚴。 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Wu of Liang, officials reported that in Nan Xu, Jiang, and Ying commanderies, household registers had not been submitted for two years. Shen Yue, the Shangshu Ling, stated: "In the early years of Xianhe in the Jin dynasty, Su Jun rebelled and household records were burned. From the third year of Xianhe until the Song dynasty, all subsequent records were detailed and accurate; they were annotated in red ink, with pages sewn together for completeness. However, the household records stored in the Shangshu Shangsheng were only from the middle years of Yuanjia in the Song Dynasty onward; this was considered appropriate for inspection because it was what was needed at that time. The old household registers from the Jin dynasty were all stored in the lower office of Zuo Ren Cao, known as "Jin Ji," and kept in two warehouses, eastern and western. Since these records were not regularly examined, the custodians no longer paid attention to them. Dogs dragged them away and rats gnawed on them; rain damaged and rotted the documents, which then scattered across the ground, with no locks or seals to protect them. These records are detailed and accurate; they should be preserved carefully. Both high-ranking officials and lowly clerks can refer to them for verification. In the twenty-seventh year of Yuangjia in the Song dynasty, seven criteria were first established for conscription and mobilization. After these regulations were implemented, if people attempted to evade them, fraud and deception arose in turn; over the years, this problem grew increasingly widespread, eventually reaching the time of Qi. Thus, household records were reviewed in the Dongtang Hall, with appointed officials and clerks to oversee them; yet at this point, the records became greatly corrupted. Anyone with even a modest amount of clothing and food would rely on each other, competing to commit fraud; they falsified records by removing lowly entries and rewriting new household registers, granting themselves official ranks and noble titles at will. They replaced old records with new ones for no more than about ten thousand coins; yesterday they were lowly and insignificant, but today they are officials. All these fraudulent acts originated from the ignorant and uneducated lower classes, who could not distinguish between reign titles or recognize official ranks. Some falsely recorded Yixi as occurring before Ningkang, while others placed Chong'an after Yuanxing. At that time, these offices did not exist; in those years, such states had not yet been established. Yuanxing lasted only three years, yet they fraudulently claimed a fourth year. Moreover, the calendar dates in imperial edicts did not correspond with the official long-term calendar records. Such deceptions and errors were countless and varied beyond measure. The various clerks responsible for verifying the household registers did not even notice these problems; as for incompetent officials, what more can be said? Moreover, since the characters in the household registers are small and difficult to read, it is hard for even sharp eyes to detect fraud; searching for falsifications yields no results, only wasting time without achieving any real verification. Even if three brothers were divided into three separate household registers, and only one register was rejected for false claims about their father or grandfather's official status, the other two remained unchallenged. As for those who shared a common ancestor in the same family but were not examined at all—such cases are too numerous to count. Some records that should have been rejected remained untouched, while others that did not need rejection were wrongly dismissed. With so many rejections taking place, it was impossible for all of them to be entirely accurate. The number of people suffering from unjust rejections and grievances was not limited to hundreds or thousands; petitions and complaints filled the offices, overwhelming the departments. It became difficult to handle these cases, leading to widespread public resentment. Thus, all were allowed to resume their household registrations and the practice of reviewing and rejecting records was universally halted. Once they regained registration, many immediately became officials. This is precisely a major flaw caused by the imprecise verification of household registers. I believe that during the Song and Qi dynasties, officials and commoners were not clearly distinguished; labor service was inconsistently assigned or reduced—this situation arose precisely from these problems. Since the Yuanjia era, household registers have contained numerous forgeries and falsehoods. Before Jingping, since there was no regular inspection, all these records could easily be fraudulently altered. Nowadays, although some have been lost, many remain; there should still be evidence available to verify and confirm their authenticity. The household registers from Yongchu and Jingping eras should be transferred back to the upper office for safekeeping. I secretly believe that the remaining Jin dynasty household registers must be cherished and protected; if we do not pay close attention, they will inevitably be lost once again. Those who cannot identify their ancestral lineages are not considered members of the gentry; among these people, few know their own ancestors. Claiming illustrious ancestors such as great-grandfathers is nothing but fraud; when verified against official records, these deceptions are immediately exposed. Punishing and correcting such falsifications brings real benefits to governance. Moreover, although the upper office register warehouse is directly managed by a Lang official, throughout the day, only clerks are allowed to enter for verification. Since these records are of great value, they cannot be entrusted solely to low-ranking staff. When entering the warehouse to inspect household registers, the Lang official and the Du official should jointly supervise the process. All copying of records must be done in the presence of the Lang and Du officials, with their approval; this will permanently eliminate private copying or falsification. After the task is completed and the Lang official leaves, he should still personally sign his name as confirmation. I also believe that, given the numerous cases of fraud and false claims to noble status, these people evade all public duties, idly remaining in their private homes. As a result, both state and local needs are neglected, yet no action is taken against this situation. We should select learned scholars well-versed in genealogical records and social ranks to serve as Zuo Ren Lang and Zuo Ren Shangshu, who will be solely responsible for verifying these matters. They should use the low-ranking family records and mixed genealogies, cross-referencing them with the Jin dynasty registers and Song dynasty Yongchu and Jingping-era household records stored in the lower office for verification. If any genealogical entries or household registers contain false or mixed information, they should be documented as fraudulent and submitted to the relevant authorities for punishment." The emperor took this matter seriously and issued an edict appointing Wang Sengru, the Zhongcheng of the Yushi, to revise and standardize the genealogies of a hundred families. From then on, there were official clerks assigned specifically for recording these matters, and as a result, the genealogy office became strictly regulated.
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始晉太元中，員外散騎侍郎賈弼好簿狀，大披群族，所撰十八州百一十六郡，合七百一十二卷，士庶略無遺闕。其子孫代傳其業。宋王弘、劉湛並好其書。弘日對千客，而不犯一人諱。湛為選曹，始撰百家譜以助銓序，傷於寡略。齊王儉復加，得繁省之衷。僧孺為八十卷，東南諸族則為一部，不在百家之數。 |
| | Starting from the middle years of Taiyuan in the Jin dynasty, Yuanwai Sanqi Shilang Jia Bi was fond of compiling genealogical records. He extensively examined various clans and compiled a total of one hundred and sixteen commanderies across eighteen states, amounting to 712 volumes; both officials and commoners were included with little omission or deficiency. His descendants continued the family tradition of this work through successive generations. During the Song dynasty, Wang Hong and Liu Zhan both cherished these records. Wang Hong could converse with a thousand guests each day without ever violating any of their ancestral names or taboos. Liu Zhan, while serving in the personnel office, first compiled genealogies for a hundred families to assist with official appointments; however, his work was criticized as being too narrow and lacking depth. In the Qi dynasty, Wang Jian further expanded upon these records, achieving a balanced approach between comprehensiveness and conciseness. Wang Sengru compiled eighty volumes; the various clans in the southeast were grouped into a single section, not included among the hundred families.
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陳文帝天嘉初，詔曰：「自頃編戶播遷，良可哀惕。其亡鄉失土逐食流移者，今年內隨其適樂，來歲不問僑舊，悉令著籍，同土斷之例。」 |
| | At the beginning of Tianjia era under Emperor Wen of Chen, an imperial edict stated: "In recent times, household records have been widely dispersed and relocated; this is indeed a cause for sorrow and vigilance. Those who have lost their native towns and lands, wandering from place to place in search of food, should this year settle wherever they find suitable and pleasant. Next year, regardless of whether they are immigrants or long-established residents, all must be registered on the household records according to the same example as the local land registration system."
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後魏初不立三長，唯立宗主督護，所以人多隱冒，五十、三十家方為一戶，謂之蔭附。蔭附者皆無官役，豪強徵斂，倍於公賦矣。 |
| | At the beginning of the Later Wei dynasty, there was no establishment of the Sanzhang system; instead, only clan leaders were appointed to supervise and protect their people. As a result, many people concealed or falsely claimed identities, with fifty or thirty families forming a single household record, known as "yin fu." Those under the yinfu system were exempt from official duties and taxes; however, powerful local elites imposed levies upon them that far exceeded public taxation.
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孝文太和十年，給事中李沖以三正理人，所由來遠，於是刱三長之制，曰：「宜準古，五家立一鄰長，五鄰立一里長，五里立一黨長，黨長取鄉人強謹者。鄰長復一夫，里長二，黨長三。所復復征戍，餘若人。三長三載亡愆則陟用之一等。」太后覽而稱善，引見公卿議之。中書令鄭羲、祕書令高祐等曰：「沖求立三長者，乃欲混天下為一法，言似可用，事實難行。」太尉元丕曰：「臣謂此法若行，公私有益。」咸稱方今有事之月，校比人戶，新舊未分，人心勞怨。請過今秋，至冬閑月，徐乃遣使，於事為宜。沖曰：「『人可使由之，不可使知之。』若不因調時，百姓徒知立長校戶之勤，未見均徭省賦之益，心必生怨。宜及課調之月，令知賦稅之均。既識其事，又得其利，因人之欲，為之易行。」著作郎傅思益進曰：「人俗既異，險易不同，九品差調，為日已久，一朝改法，恐成擾亂。」太后曰：「立三長，則課有常準，賦有恆分，苞蔭之戶可出，僥倖之人可止，何為而不可？」遂立三長，公私便之。 |
| | In the tenth year of Tahe under Emperor Xiaowen, Geishi Zhong Li Chong proposed that the Sanzhang system be used to manage the people, citing its long historical precedent. Thus, he initiated the establishment of the three-level official structure and stated: "We should follow ancient precedents by establishing a Linzhang for every five families, a Lizhang for every five lin, and a Dangzhang for every five li. The Dangzhang should be selected from among the strong and cautious members of the local community. Each Linzhang would be exempted from one laborer, each Lizhang from two, and each Dangzhang from three. Those who were exempted would still be liable for military service and taxation, just like ordinary people. "If the three-level officials serve for three years without any misconduct, they shall be promoted to a higher rank." The empress dowager reviewed the proposal and praised it highly, summoning ministers and high officials for discussion. Zhongshu Ling Zheng Xi, Mishi Ling Gao You and others said: "Li Chong's proposal to establish the Sanzhang system aims to unify the entire realm under a single regulation. His words seem reasonable, but in practice it will be difficult to implement." Taiwei Yuan Pi said: "I believe that if this system is implemented, both the state and private individuals would benefit." All agreed that at present, during a time of affairs, comparing and registering households was causing unrest among the people as distinctions between new and old records had not yet been made. They requested that this be postponed until after the current autumn, to a quiet month in winter, when envoys could be sent out at leisure; they considered this more appropriate for the situation. Li Chong said: "People can be guided to follow a path, but cannot always understand it." "If we do not take advantage of the current tax adjustment period, the common people will only perceive the effort involved in establishing officials and registering households, without yet seeing the benefits of fairer labor distribution and reduced taxation. This would surely lead to resentment among them." It is advisable to proceed during this tax collection period, so that the people may immediately recognize the fairness of the taxation system. Once they understand what is being done and also benefit from it, following their natural inclinations will make this policy easier to implement." Zuo Zuo Lang Fu Siyi added: "Customs and conditions vary among the people; some regions are difficult, others easy. The nine-rank tax system has been in place for a long time. Changing it suddenly may cause disorder." The empress dowager said: "Establishing the Sanzhang system will provide a consistent standard for taxation and ensure fixed shares of levies. Households that have been concealed under protection can now be revealed, and those who have benefited from luck or privilege can no longer do so. Why should this not be done?" Thus the Sanzhang system was established, benefiting both public administration and private interests.
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北齊令人居十家為鄰比，五十家為閭，百家為族黨。一黨之內則有黨族一人，副黨一人，閭正二人，鄰長十人，合有十四人，共領百家而已。至於城邑，一坊僑舊或有千戶以上，唯有里正二人，里吏二人。里吏不常置。隅老四人，非是官府，私充事力，坊事亦得取濟。若論外黨，便是煩多。 |
| | The Bei Qi dynasty ordered that ten households form a linbi, fifty households form a lü, and one hundred households form a cudang. Within each cu, there would be one Dangzu, one Fudang, two Lüzheng, and ten Linzhang, totaling fourteen people to oversee the hundred households. As for urban areas, a single fang might contain more than one thousand immigrant or native households, yet there were only two Lizhang and two Lilv to manage them. The position of Lilv was not permanently established. Four Yulao were appointed, but they were not official government officials; instead, they were privately assigned to assist with affairs and could also help manage matters within the fang. If we consider the outer cu, it would only add complexity and excessive detail.
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時宋孝王撰關東風俗傳，曰：「昔六國之亡，豪族處處而有，秦氏失馭，競起為亂。及漢高徙諸大姓齊、田、楚、景之輩以實關中，蓋所以強本弱末之計也。文宣之代，政令嚴猛，羊、畢諸豪，頗被徙逐。至若瀛、冀諸劉，清河張、宋，并州王氏，濮陽侯族，諸如此輩，一宗近將萬室，煙火連接，比屋而居。獻武初在冀郡，大族蝟起應之。侯景之反，河南侯氏幾為大患，有同劉元海、石勒之眾也。凡種類不同，心意亦異，若遇閒隙，先為亂階。時宋世良獻書，以為『魏氏十姓八氏三十六姓，皆非齊代腹心，請令散配郡國無士族之處，給地與人。一則令其就彼仕宦，全其門戶，二則分其氣勢，使無異圖』。文宣不納。數年之後，乃濫戮諸元。與其酷暴誅夷，未若防其萌漸，分隸諸郡。」 |
| | At that time, Song Xiaowang compiled the Guandong Fengsu Zhuan, stating: "In ancient times after the fall of the Six States, powerful clans existed everywhere. When the Qin dynasty lost control, these clans vied to rise in rebellion. When Emperor Gaozu of Han relocated the major families such as Qi, Tian, Chu, and Jing to Guanzhong in order to populate it, this was essentially a strategy to strengthen the core while weakening the periphery. During the reign of Emperor Wenxuan, government orders were strict and severe; powerful families such as Yang and Bi were largely displaced or driven away. As for the Liu clans of Ying and Ji, the Zhang and Song families of Qinghe, the Wang clan of Bingzhou, and the Hou family of Puyang—clans like these often had nearly ten thousand households in a single lineage, with homes connected by smoke from cooking fires, living house to house. At the beginning of his career in Ji Jun, Xianwu was met with a surge of powerful clans rising up to support him. When Hou Jing rebelled, the Hou clan in Henan nearly became a major threat, comparable to the followers of Liu Yuanhai and Shi Le. Different clans have different customs and intentions; if given an opportunity, they will be the first to cause disorder. At that time, Song Shiliang submitted a memorial suggesting: "The ten surnames, eight clans, and thirty-six families of the Wei dynasty are not loyal to our Qi dynasty. I request that they be dispersed and assigned to commanderies and states where there are no established aristocratic lineages, and given land and people." This would serve two purposes: first, to allow them to pursue official careers there and preserve their family status; second, to divide their influence so that they cannot plot against the state. Emperor Wenxuan did not accept this proposal. Several years later, he proceeded to execute many of the Yuan clan indiscriminately. "It would have been better to prevent their potential unrest at an early stage by dispersing them among the various commanderies, rather than resorting to brutal massacres."
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隋文帝受禪，頒新令：五家為保，保五為閭，閭四為族，皆有正。畿外置里正，比閭正，黨長比族正，以相檢察。蘇威奏置五百家鄉正，令理人閒詞訟。李德林以為：「本廢鄉官判事，為其里閭親識，剖斷不平，今令鄉正專理五百家，恐為害更甚。且今時吏部總選人物，天下不過數百縣，於六七百萬戶內銓簡數百縣令，猶不能稱才，迺欲於一鄉之內選一人能理五百家者，必恐難得。又即要荒小縣有不至五百家者，復不可令兩縣共管一鄉。」飭內外群官，就東宮會議。自皇太子以下，多從德林議。蘇威又言廢郡，德林語之云：「修令時，公何不論廢郡為便。令纔出，其可改乎！」然高熲同威之議，遂置之。十年，虞慶則等於關東諸道巡省使還，並奏云：「五百家鄉正專理詞訟，不便於人，黨與愛憎，公行貨賄。」乃廢之。 |
| | When Emperor Wen of Sui accepted the abdication, he issued new decrees: five households formed a bao; five baos formed a lü; four lüs formed a zu. Each unit had an official in charge. Outside the capital region, Lizhang were appointed and ranked similarly to Lüzheng; Dangzhang were comparable in rank to Zuzheng, so as to supervise one another. Su Wei recommended the appointment of Xiangzheng for every five hundred households, tasked with handling civil disputes among the people. Li Delin argued: "The original reason for abolishing local officials to handle cases was because the people in their neighborhoods were personally acquainted, leading to unjust rulings. Now appointing Xiangzheng to exclusively manage five hundred households may cause even greater harm." Moreover, at present the Ministry of Personnel oversees appointments for officials throughout the realm. With only a few hundred counties in the entire country, selecting capable county magistrates from among six or seven million households is already difficult enough; now to expect that one person per village can be found who is competent to manage five hundred families will surely prove impossible. Furthermore, in remote and sparsely populated counties where there are fewer than five hundred households, it would also be inappropriate to have two counties jointly administer a single village. The emperor summoned officials from both the central and local governments for a meeting at the Eastern Palace. From the Crown Prince downward, many followed Li Delin's proposal. Su Wei also proposed abolishing commanderies, but Li Delin said to him: "When we were revising the decrees, why did you not argue that abolishing commanderies would be beneficial? "Now that the decree has just been issued, how can it possibly be changed!" However, Gao Jiong supported Su Wei's proposal, and so the plan was implemented. In the tenth year, Yu Qingze and others, upon returning from their inspection tours in various regions east of Guan, all reported: "Having a Xiangzheng exclusively responsible for handling civil disputes within five hundred households is inconvenient for the people. Factions formed based on favoritism and enmity openly engaged in bribery." The system was then abolished.
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大唐令：諸戶以百戶為里，五里為鄉，四家為鄰，五家為保。每里置正一人，掌按比戶口，課植農桑，檢察非違，催驅賦役。在邑居者為坊，別置正一人，掌坊門管鑰，督察姦非，並免其課役。在田野者為村，別置村正一人。其村滿百家，增置一人，掌同坊正。其村居如滿十家者，隸入大村，不須別置村正。天下戶為九等，三年一造戶籍，凡三本，一留縣，一送州，一送戶部。常留三比在州縣，五比送省。諸里正，縣司選勳官六品以下白丁清平強幹者充。其次為坊正。若當里無人，聽於比鄰里簡用。其村正取白丁充，無人處，里正等並通取十八以上中男、殘疾等充。 |
| | In the Da Tang code: all households are grouped into li of one hundred families, and five li form a xiang. Four households constitute a lin, and five households form a bao. One Lizhang is appointed for each li. The Lizhang was responsible for registering household records, supervising agricultural and sericulture production, inspecting misconduct or violations, and urging the collection of taxes and labor services. In urban areas, residential quarters were designated as fang, each of which had a separately appointed Fangzheng. The Fangzheng was responsible for managing the gates and keys of the fang, supervising criminal activities or misconduct within it, and was exempt from tax and labor obligations. In rural areas, villages were designated as cun, each of which had a separate Cunzheng appointed. If the village contained more than one hundred households, an additional person was added; their duties were the same as those of the Fangzheng. If a village had fewer than ten households, it was incorporated into a larger village and did not require the separate appointment of a Cunzheng. Households throughout the empire were classified into nine ranks, and household registers were compiled every three years. Three copies of each register were made: one was kept in the county office, another sent to the prefecture, and a third submitted to the Ministry of Revenue. Three previous records were retained at the prefectural and county levels, while five copies were submitted to the provincial administration. The Lizhang were selected by the county authorities from among commoners of clean character and strong capability, who held no official rank or were officials ranked below the sixth grade in the system of military merit. Those not chosen for Lizhang became Fangzheng instead. If no suitable person could be found within a particular li, one might be selected from neighboring lls. The Cunzheng were to be filled by commoners; in areas where no suitable candidates could be found, the Lizhang and others might jointly appoint men aged eighteen or older who were physically disabled or otherwise unsuitable for other duties.
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