| Chinese Text Project |
《禮七 - Rites 7》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
《天子宗廟 - Imperial Ancestral Temples 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 天子宗廟: | 唐 虞 夏 殷 周 漢 後漢 魏 晉 東晉 宋 齊 梁 陳 後魏 北齊 後周隋 大唐 |
| Tang Yu Xia Yin Zhou Han Houhan Wei Jin Dongjin Song Qi Liang Chen Houwei Beiqi Houzhou Sui Datang | ||
| 2 | 天子宗廟: | 昔者先王感時代謝，思親立廟，曰宗廟。廟，貌也。宗廟者，先祖之尊貌也。因新物而薦享，以申孝敬。遠祖非一，不可遍追，故親盡而止。 |
| In the past, the former kings, moved by the passing of generations, wished to honor their ancestors by establishing temples, which were called ancestral temples. Temple, is for appearance. Ancestral temple, is the revered image of ancestors. Offering new items for sacrifice and homage, to express filial piety and respect. Distant ancestors are numerous, so they cannot all be traced; therefore, the veneration stops when the blood relation ends. | ||
| 3 | 天子宗廟: | 唐虞立五廟。鄭玄按禮緯元命苞云：「天子五廟，二昭二穆，以始祖而五。」其祭尚氣，先迎牲，殺於庭，取血告於室以降神。然後奏樂，尸入，王祼以鬱鬯。血腥爓祭，用氣者也。尚謂先薦之。 |
| Tang and Yu established five ancestral temples. Zheng Xuan, citing the Li Wei Yuanmingbao, said: "The Son of Heaven has five ancestral temples, two Zhaos and two Mus, making five with the founding ancestor." Their sacrifice emphasized spiritual energy; they first welcomed the sacrificial animal, slaughtered it in the courtyard, took its blood to announce in the ancestral hall to summon the spirits. Only then was music played; the shi entered, and the king poured libations with yuchang wine. Blood sacrifice and burning offerings, are for using spiritual energy. "Shang" means to offer first. | ||
| 4 | 天子宗廟: | 夏氏因之。夏太祖無功而不立。自禹與二昭二穆也。 |
| The Xia dynasty followed this practice. The Taizu of the Xia dynasty had no merit and was not established. From Yu and the two Zhaos, two Mus as well. | ||
| 5 | 天子宗廟: | 殷制，七廟。商書云：「七世之廟，可以觀德。」王制云「天子七廟。」鄭玄復云：「殷制六廟，自契及湯，二昭二穆。」 |
| The Yin dynasty system had seven ancestral temples. The Shang Shu says: "The ancestral temples of seven generations allow one to observe virtue." Wang Zhi says, "The Son of Heaven has seven ancestral temples." Zheng Xuan further said: "The Yin system had six ancestral temples, from Qi to Tang, two Zhaos and one Mu." | ||
| 6 | 天子宗廟: | 周制，小宗伯掌建國之神位，左宗廟。庫門內，雉門外之左。王立七廟，一壇一墠。曰考廟，曰王考廟，曰皇考廟，曰顯考廟，曰祖考廟：皆月祭之。遠廟為祧，有二祧，享嘗乃止。去祧為壇，去壇為墠。壇墠，有禱焉祭之，無禱乃止。去墠曰鬼。王、皇，皆君也。顯，明也。祖，始也。名先人以君明始者，所以尊本之意。祧之為言超也，超然上去意也。封土曰壇，除地曰墠。天子遷廟之主，以昭穆合藏於二祧之中。 |
| In the Zhou dynasty system, the Xiao Zongbo was in charge of establishing the positions of state gods, with ancestral temples on the left. To the left outside the Kumen and inside the Zhimen. The king established seven ancestral temples, one altar and one open courtyard for sacrifice. They were called the Kao Temple, Wangkao Temple, Huangkao Temple, Xiankao Temple, and Zuokao Temple; all of them were sacrificed to monthly. Distant temples became tiao; there were two tiaos, where sacrifices ceased after tasting the offerings. Removing from tiao became an altar, and removing from the altar became a courtyard for sacrifice. Sacrifices at altars and courtyards were made only when prayers were offered; if no prayers, sacrifices ceased. Beyond the courtyard was called "gui." Wang and Huang are both terms for a ruler. Xian means brightness. Zu means beginning. Naming ancestors with terms for rulers, brightness, and beginnings reflects the intention to honor the root. Tiao means "to surpass," implying a sense of rising above. Mound of earth is called an altar; cleared ground is called a courtyard for sacrifice. The ancestral tablets from the Son of Heaven's relocated temples were jointly stored in the two tiaos according to their Zhaomu status. | ||
| 7 | 天子宗廟: | 鄭玄云：「周制七廟，太祖及文王、武王之祧與親廟四，并而七。」太祖，后稷。王肅云：「尊者尊統於上，故天子七廟。其有殊功異德，非太祖而不毀，不在七廟之數，其禮與太祖同，則文武之廟是。」按玄注王制據禮緯元命苞云「唐虞五廟，殷六廟，周七廟」。又注祭法云：「天子遷廟之主，以昭穆合藏於二祧之中。」王肅非之曰：「周之文武，受命之主，不遷之廟。殷之三宗，宗其德而存其廟，並不以為常數也。凡七廟者，不稱周室，不及文武，而曰天子諸侯，是同天子諸侯之名制也。孫卿子曰：『有天下者事七廟。有一國者事五代，所以積厚者流澤廣，積薄者流澤狹也。』祭法云『遠廟曰祧』，親盡之上，猶存二廟也。文武百代不遷者，祭法不得云『去祧為壇』。又曰『遷主所藏曰祧』，『先公遷主藏后稷之廟，先王遷主藏文武之廟』，是為三祧，而祭法云『有二祧』焉。祭法親廟四與太祖皆月祭之，二祧享嘗乃止，是后稷月祭，文武則享嘗，非禮意也。祭法又曰『王下祭殤五，嫡子、嫡孫、嫡曾孫、嫡玄孫、嫡來孫』。此為下祭五代來孫，則無親之孫也，而上祭何不及無親之祖乎？」馬昭非王曰：「喪服小記『王者立四廟』，王制曰『天子七廟』。是則立廟之正，以為親限不過四也。親盡為限，不過四也。親盡之外，有大功德，可祖宗者也。有其人則七，無其人則少。故夏氏無太祖則五，殷人祖契而宗湯則六，周尊后稷、文、武則七。禮器『周旅酬六尸』，一人發爵，周則七廟矣。肅言文武不得稱遠廟，不得為二祧者，凡別遠近以親為限，親內為近，親外為遠，文武適在親外當毀，故言遠廟。自非文武，親外無不毀者。」孔晁曰：「夫無功德則以親遠近為名。文武以尊重為祖宗廟，何取遠近。故后稷雖極遠，以為太祖，不為遠也。」 |
| Zheng Xuan said: "The Zhou system had seven ancestral temples, including the Taizu and the tiaos of Wenwang and Wuwang, along with four temples for close ancestors, making a total of seven." Taizu was Houji. Wang Su said: "Respect for the revered is maintained above, hence the Son of Heaven has seven ancestral temples. Those with extraordinary merit and virtue, though not the Taizu, are not destroyed; they do not fall within the count of seven ancestral temples. Their rites are equal to those for the Taizu—this refers to the temples of Wenwang and Wuwang. According to Zheng Xuan's commentary on Wang Zhi, citing the Li Wei Yuan Ming Bao: "Tang and Yu had five ancestral temples; Yin had six; Zhou had seven." Also annotated in the Jifa: "The tablets from the Son of Heaven's relocated temples are jointly stored according to their Zhaomu classification within two tiaos." Wang Su refuted this, saying: "The Wenwang and Wuwang of the Zhou dynasty were sovereigns who received their mandate; their temples are not relocated. "The three ancestors of Yin, honored for their virtue and whose temples remained standing, were not counted as part of the regular number." In general, when referring to seven ancestral temples, if one does not mention the Zhou royal house or Wenwang and Wuwang but instead says "Son of Heaven and feudal lords," it equates their titles and systems. Sun Qingsi said: "He who rules the world serves seven ancestral temples." "He who rules one state serves five generations; this is because accumulated virtue brings broad influence, while shallow virtue results in narrow influence."' The Jifa says, "A distant temple is called tiao"—even above the point where blood relation ends, two temples are still preserved. Since Wenwang and Wuwang's temples remain undisturbed for a hundred generations, the Jifa cannot say "removing from tiao becomes an altar." It also says, "The relocated tablets are stored in tiao," and "the tablets of former kings were stored in Houji's temple, while those of previous sovereigns were stored in the temples of Wenwang and Wuwng"—this makes three tiaos, yet the Jifa mentions only "two tiaos." According to the Jifa, four temples for close ancestors and the Taizu were sacrificed monthly; two tiaos received only occasional offerings. Thus, Houji was sacrificed monthly, while Wenwang and Wuwang received only tasting sacrifices—this is not in line with ritual principles. The Jifa also says, "The king sacrifices to 殇 five generations below him: the legitimate son, legitimate grandson, legitimate great-grandson, legitimate great-great-grandson, and legitimate great-great-great-grandson." This means sacrificing to five generations of descendants below, including those with no blood relation; if the lower generations include unrelated descendants, why does sacrifice upward not extend to ancestors without a direct blood connection?" Ma Zhao criticized Wang by saying: "The 'Xiao Ji' section of the Sange Fu says, 'A ruler establishes four ancestral temples,' while the Wang Zhi states, 'The Son of Heaven has seven temples.' This indicates that the proper number for establishing temples is limited to four generations. The limit of blood relation does not exceed four generations. Beyond the limit of direct kinship, those with great virtue and merit may be honored as ancestors or founders. If such a person exists, there can be seven; if not, the number is fewer. Therefore, the Xia dynasty had five temples since it lacked a Taizu; the Yin people honored Qi as ancestor and Tang as zongwang, resulting in six; the Zhou revered Houji, Wenwang, and Wuwang, leading to seven. The Li Qi says, "In the Zhou dynasty, six shi were offered wine in a ritual tour," with one person initiating the offering—this implies seven ancestral temples for the Zhou. Su argued that Wenwang and Wuwang could not be called distant temples, nor could they become two tiaos. The distinction between near and far is based on blood relation: within the family line is considered close, outside it is distant. Since Wenwang and Wuwang were just beyond this limit and should have been destroyed, hence they are referred to as distant temples. "Unless one is Wenwang or Wuwang, no temple outside the blood relation remains undestroyed." Kong Chao said: "Those without virtue and merit are named according to their closeness or distance in kinship. Wenwang and Wuwang established ancestral temples based on reverence, so why should they be judged by nearness or distance? Therefore, although Houji was extremely distant in time, he was honored as Taizu and thus not considered far." | ||
| 8 | 天子宗廟: | 試評曰：禮有以多為貴，王制云：『天子七廟，諸侯五廟。』祭法云：『遠廟為祧，有二祧焉，享嘗乃止。』而鄭玄以文武之廟曰祧，不亦疏乎！若以天子之祖功德則不立二祧，二祧不廟數，與諸侯同，何以為降殺哉！虞喜云：『七廟不始於周，伊尹已言七代之廟矣。』成王六年制禮，七廟亦已有見數。文王為祖，武王為禰，祖非遠廟也。周官掌宗廟而職曰守祧，周公不稱祖禰為遠祧也。當須逆數成，然後廟得別出，不可於成王之代以文武逆云為遷主所藏矣。 |
| A tentative evaluation says: Rituals sometimes value quantity. The Wang Zhi states: "The Son of Heaven has seven ancestor temples, and feudal lords have five." The Jifa says: "A distant temple becomes a tiao; there are two tiaos, and sacrifices cease after tasting offerings." Yet Zheng Xuan regarded the temples of Wenwang and Wuwu as tiao—was this not overly hasty! If the Son of Heaven honored his ancestors for virtue and merit, then two tiaos should not be established. If tiao are excluded from temple counts and treated equally with feudal lords, how can distinctions in ritual be maintained! Yu Xi said: "The system of seven ancestral temples did not originate with the Zhou; Yi Yin already spoke of temples for seven generations." In the sixth year of King Cheng's reign, when rites were established, there was already a precedent for the number seven in ancestral temples. Wenwang was honored as zu, and Wuwang as ni; thus, zu is not considered a distant temple. The Zhou officials in charge of ancestral temples were called Shou Tiao; the Duke of Zhou did not refer to zu and ni as distant tiaos. One must count backward from the current generation to determine which temples are established; therefore, during King Cheng's time, it was inappropriate to claim that Wenwang and Wuwang's tablets were relocated for storage. | ||
| 9 | 天子宗廟: | 漢高帝令諸侯都，皆立上皇廟。高帝崩，孝惠即位，令奉常叔孫通定宗廟儀法。帝東朝太后長樂宮，及間往，數音朔蹕煩人，作複道武庫南。通奏曰：「陛下何自築複道高帝寢，衣冠月出遊高廟，謂從高帝陵寢出衣冠，遊於高廟，每一月為之，其道正值今之所作複道。子孫奈何乘宗廟道上行哉！」帝懼曰：「急壞之。」通曰：「人主無過舉。舉事不當有過失也。今已作，百姓皆知之矣。願陛下為原廟原，重也。先有廟，今更立之，故云重也。渭北，衣冠出遊之，益廣宗廟，大孝之本。」帝乃立原廟。又尊帝廟為太祖廟。景帝尊孝文廟為太宗廟，所常幸郡國各立太祖、太宗廟。至宣帝本始二年，復尊孝武廟為世宗廟，凡所巡狩亦立焉。凡祖宗在郡國者六十八，合百六十七所。而京師自高祖下至宣帝，與太上皇、悼皇考各自居陵旁立廟，悼皇考，宣帝之父，即史皇孫也。并為百七十六。又園中各有寢、便殿。凡言便殿便室者，皆非正大之處也。寢者，陵上正殿，若平生路寢矣。便殿者，寢側之別殿。日祭於寢，月祭於廟，時祭於便殿。寢，日四上食；廟，歲二十五祠；漢儀：宗廟一歲十二祠。又每月一太牢，如閏，加一祠，與此共二十五祠也。便殿，歲四祠。又月一游衣冠。而昭靈后、武哀王、昭哀后、孝文太后、孝昭太后、衛思后、戾太子、戾后各寢，與諸帝合，三十一所。凡一歲祠，上食二萬四千四百五十五，用衛士四萬五千一百二十九人，祝宰樂人一萬二千一百四十七人，養犧卒不在數。元帝罷昭靈后、武哀王、昭哀后、衛思后、戾太子、戾后園，皆不奉祠，裁置吏卒守焉。罷郡國廟。時丞相韋玄成等曰：「臣聞唯聖人為能饗帝，孝子為能饗親。立廟京師之居，躬親承事。春秋之義，父不祭於支庶之宅，君不祭於臣僕之家。臣等以為宗廟在郡國，宜勿復修。」奏可。以高皇帝為太祖，孝文皇帝為太宗，孝景皇帝為昭，孝武皇帝為穆，孝昭皇帝與孝宣皇帝俱為昭。皇考廟親未盡。太上、孝惠廟皆親盡，宜毀。太上廟主宜瘞園，孝惠帝為穆，主遷於太廟，寢園皆罷修。玄成等又奏議曰：「禮，王者始受命，諸侯始封之君，皆為太祖。繼太祖以下，五廟而迭毀，毀廟之主藏乎太祖，五年而再殷祭，言一禘一祫也。」禘者，各當其廟而行，祭法始有功之臣，以毀廟之主升於太祖。祫者，毀廟之主皆陳於太祖，未毀廟之主皆升合食於太祖。「父為昭，子為穆，孫復為昭，古之正禮也。」昭，明也；穆，美也；父子易號序也。「禮，廟在大門內，不敢遠親也。臣愚以為高皇帝受命定天下，宜為帝者太祖之廟，代代不毀，承後屬盡者宜毀。今宗廟異處，昭穆不序，宜入就太祖廟，而序昭穆如禮。太上皇、孝惠、孝文、孝景廟，皆親盡宜毀，皇考廟親未盡，如故。」悼皇考於元帝為祖也。大司馬許嘉等以為孝文皇帝除誹謗，去肉刑，躬節儉，宜為太宗之廟。諫大夫尹更始等以為皇考廟上序於昭穆，非正禮，宜毀。帝乃下詔曰：「高皇帝為漢太祖，孝文皇帝為太宗，代代承祀，傳之無窮。孝宣皇帝為孝昭皇帝後，於義一體。」一體者，俱為昭也。禮，孫與祖俱為昭，孝宣於昭為從孫，故云一體也。「孝景皇帝廟及皇考廟皆親盡，其正禮儀」。玄成等又奏以高皇為太祖，文為太宗等，詔從之。王莽制九廟：一曰黃帝太初祖廟，二曰帝虞始祖昭廟，三曰陳胡王統祖穆廟，四曰齊敬王代祖昭廟，五曰濟北愍王王祖穆廟，六曰濟南伯王尊禰昭廟，七曰元城孺王尊禰穆廟，八曰陽平頃王昭廟，九曰新都顯王穆廟。殿皆重屋。太祖廟東西南北各四十丈，高十七丈，餘廟半之。為銅薄櫨，飾以金銀琱文，窮極百工之巧。工費數百鉅萬，卒徒死者萬數。 |
| Emperor Gaozu of Han ordered all feudal lords in their capitals to establish temples for the Shang Huang (the emperor above him). After Emperor Gaozu died and Emperor Hui ascended the throne, he ordered Fengchang Shusun Tong to establish ritual regulations for ancestral temples. The emperor paid homage to Empress Dowager at the Changle Palace in the east, and on occasion visited; this frequent pronounced Shuo procession was burdensome for people, so a covered passage was built south of the Wuku. Shusun Tong presented a proposal, saying: "Your Majesty, why should you build a covered passage from the tomb of Emperor Gaozu? The ritual of wearing his robes and hat to tour the Gao Temple monthly meaning following the clothes and hats from Emperor Gaozu's tomb to visit the Gao Temple each month; this path is exactly where the new covered passage has been built. How can descendants ride along the road of ancestral temples?!" The emperor was alarmed and said, "Hurry up and destroy it." Shusun Tong said: "A ruler has no unnecessary actions. Undertaking matters should not involve mistakes. It has already been built, and the people know about it. I wish Your Majesty to build a Yuan Temple Yuan means "duplicate." There was already an ancestral temple; now another is being established, hence the term "duplicate." At Weibei, the emperor may conduct processions wearing the clothes and hats of ancestors; this will further expand ancestral temples and establish the foundation for great filial piety." The emperor then established a Yuan Temple. He also honored the emperor's temple as the Taizu Temple. Emperor Jing elevated the temple of Emperor Wen to that of Taizong, and in each commandery or kingdom where he frequently visited, temples for Taizu and Taizong were established. By the second year of the Ben Shi era under Emperor Xuan, he further elevated the temple of Emperor Wu to that of Shizong; temples were also established in all regions visited during imperial tours. In total, there were 68 ancestral temples located in commanderies and kingdoms, making a combined total of 167 temples. In the capital, from Emperor Gaozu down to Emperor Xuan and including the Taishang Huang and Douhuangkao, each had a temple built beside their mausoleum. Douhuangkao was Emperor Xuan's father, namely Shi Huangsun. This totaled 176 temples altogether. Each mausoleum also had its own qin and bian dian (chambers for rest and convenience). Any mention of "bian dian" or "bian shi" refers to places that are not the main or grand halls. The qin is the main hall on top of the mausoleum, akin to a living chamber in life. A bian dian is an auxiliary hall located beside the qin. Daily sacrifices were held in the qin, monthly ones in the temple, and seasonal ones in the bian dian. In the qin, four meals were offered daily; at the temple, 25 sacrifices were held annually; Han dynasty ritual: ancestral temples had twelve annual ceremonies. Additionally, one taolao sacrifice was held each month; in a leap year, an extra ceremony was added, making the total 25 ceremonies. The bian dian had four annual sacrifices. There was also a monthly ritual of visiting the clothing and headdress (yiguan). The qin of Empress Zhao Linghou, King Wu'ai, Empress Zhao Ai, Grand Empress Dowager Xiao Wen, Grand Empress Dowager Xao Zhao, Empress Wei Si, Crown Prince Li, and Queen Li, together with those of the various emperors, totaled 31 in all. All annual sacrifices involved 24,455 offerings of food and drink, requiring 45,129 guards, 12,147 priests, butchers, and musicians, without counting the personnel responsible for raising sacrificial animals. Emperor Yuan abolished the mausoleums of Empress Zhao Linghou, Prince Wu'ai, Empress Ai, Empress Wei Si, and Crown Prince Li and Queen Li; none were honored with sacrifices anymore, only officials and soldiers were stationed there for guarding. The temples in the commanderies and states were abolished. At that time, Chancellor Wei Xuancheng said: "Ministers have heard that only a sage can offer sacrifices to the emperor, and only filial sons can offer sacrifices to their parents. Establishing temples in the capital city allows one personally to perform the rites. According to the principles of Spring and Autumn Annals, a father does not offer sacrifices at the residence of his collateral descendants, nor does a ruler perform sacrifices in the home of a subject or servant. We believe that ancestral temples located in commanderies and states should no longer be maintained," said they. The proposal was approved. Emperor Gaozu was honored as Taizu, Emperor Wen as Taizong, Emperor Jing as Zhao, Emperor Wu as Mu, and Emperors Zhao and Xuan were both posthumously named Zhao. The temple for the late emperor is still within the period of filial devotion. The temples of Taishang and Emperor Hui are beyond the period of filial duty, so they should be destroyed. The shrine of Taishang should be buried in the mausoleum; Emperor Hui was posthumously named Mu, and his shrine was moved to the Grand Temple. All maintenance for his qin (mausoleum) and temple was discontinued. Xuancheng et al. further submitted a proposal stating: "According to rites, when a king first receives the mandate of heaven, and when feudal lords are first enfeoffed, their founding ancestors are all honored as Taizu (Great Ancestor). Those succeeding the Taizu, with five ancestral temples in succession and alternating destructions; the shrines of destroyed temples are enshrined at the Taizu. Every five years there is a double grand sacrifice, meaning one di (a major ancestral rite) and one xia (a combined ancestral rite)." The di sacrifice is conducted at the respective temple of each ancestor. The ritual system begins by honoring meritorious ministers, and the shrines from destroyed temples are elevated to the Taizu's shrine. The xia sacrifice involves placing all shrines from destroyed temples before the Taizu, and elevating those from undestroyed temples to join in a combined offering at the Taizu's shrine. "The father is named Zhao, the son Mu, and the grandson again Zhao; this is the proper ancient rite." Zhao means brightness; Mu means beauty; this is the sequence of changing titles between father and son. "According to rites, temples are located within the main gate; this shows that one dares not distance oneself from close relatives. In my humble opinion, Emperor Gaozu received the mandate and established the empire; he should be honored as the Great Ancestor of emperors. His temple should never be destroyed from generation to generation, while those whose descendants have all passed away should have their temples destroyed. Now the ancestral temples are in different locations, and the order of Zhao and Mu is not followed; they should be moved to join the Taizu Temple, arranging their titles according to rites. The temples of Emperor Taishanghuang, Emperor Hui, Emperor Wen, and Emperor Jing have all exceeded the period of filial piety and should be destroyed; however, the temple for the late emperor still falls within the mourning period and should remain as it is." Diao Huangkao was a grandfather to Emperor Yuan. Grand Marshal Xu Jia and others believed that Emperor Wen abolished slander, removed corporal punishment, and personally practiced frugality; he should be honored with a Taizong Temple. Counselor-in-Attendance Yin Gengshi and others believed that the temple of the late emperor was improperly ranked among Zhao and Mu, which violated proper rites; it should be destroyed. The emperor then issued an edict: "Emperor Gaozu is the Taizu of Han, and Emperor Wen is the Taizong. Their worship will be passed down from generation to generation without end. Emperor Xuan succeeded Emperor Zhao; they are considered as one in terms of filial rites." Being "one body" means both were posthumously named Zhao. According to rites, a grandson and his grandfather are both designated as Zhao; Emperor Xuan is the collateral great-grandson of Zhao, hence they are referred to as "one body." "The temples of Emperor Jing and the late emperor have both exceeded the mourning period; their rites should be carried out according to proper rituals." Xuancheng and others again submitted a proposal designating Emperor Gaozu as Taizu, Emperor Wen as Tai Zong, etc., and the emperor issued an edict approving it. Wang Mang established nine ancestral temples: 1. The Huangdi Taichu Zu Temple, 2. The Emperor Yu Shizu Zhao Temple, 3. The Chen Huwang Tongzu Mu Temple, 4. The Qi Jingwang Dai Zu Zhao Temple, 5. The Jibei Minwang Wang Zu Mu Temple, 6. The Jinan Bowang Zunni Zhao Temple, 7. The Yuancheng Ruwang Zunni Mu Temple, 8. The Yangping Qingwang Zhao Temple, and 9. The Xindu Xianwang Mu Temple. All the halls were built with double-roofed structures. The Taizu Temple was 40 zhang wide in all directions—east, west, south, and north—and 17 zhang high; the other temples were half that size. They made bronze thin eaves, decorated with gold and silver carvings, exhausting the ingenuity of all craftsmen. The cost of labor amounted to hundreds of millions, and thousands of convicts died in the process. | ||
| 10 | 天子宗廟: | 後漢光武皇帝建武二年，立高廟於雒陽。高帝為太祖，文帝為太宗，武帝為世宗，如舊。三年正月，立親廟雒陽，祀父南頓君以上至舂陵節侯。節侯名買，買生鬱林太守外，外生鉅鹿都尉回，回生南頓令欽，欽即光武父。時寇賊未平，祀儀未設。至十九年，議立平、哀、成、元帝廟，代今親廟。兄弟以下，使有司祠。宜為南頓君立皇考廟，祭上至舂陵節侯，群臣奉祠。時五官中郎將張純、太僕朱浮等奏議：「禮，為人之子事大宗，降其私親。當除今親廟四。孝宣皇帝以孫後祖，為父立廟於奉明，曰皇考廟，獨群臣侍祠。願下有司議先帝四廟當代親廟者，及皇考廟事。」下公卿議，時從大司徒戴涉奏。詔曰：「以宗廟處所未定，且祫祭高廟。其成、哀、平且祠祭長安故高廟。其南陽舂陵歲時各且因故園廟祭祀。園廟去太守理所遠者，在所令長行太守事侍祠。宗廟在章陵，南陽太守稱使者往祭。不使侯王祭者，諸侯不得祖天子，凡臨祭宗廟，皆為侍祠。惟孝宣帝有功德，其上尊號曰中宗。」於是雒陽高廟四時加祭孝宣、孝元，凡五帝。其西廟成、哀、平三帝主，四時祭於故高廟。東廟京兆尹侍祠，冠衣車服如太常祠陵廟之禮。皇考南頓君以上至曾祖祭，皆就園廟。張純又云：「禮，三年一祫，五年一禘。毀廟之主，陳於太祖。未毀廟之主，皆升合食於太祖。父為昭，南向；子為穆，北向。父子不並坐，而孫從王父。」後以三年冬祫五年夏禘之時，但就陳祭毀廟之主而已，謂之殷。太祖東面，惠、文、武、元帝為昭，景、宣帝為穆。惠、景、昭三帝，非殷祭時不祭。按周制三年一禘，五年一祫，至此則革周制。 |
| In the second year of Jianwu reign (26 AD) during the Later Han dynasty, Emperor Guangwu established a temple for Emperor Gaozu in Luoyang. Emperor Gao was honored as Taizu, and Emperor Wen as Taizong; Emperor Wu was posthumously named Shizong, following the old system. In the first month of the third year (February 26 AD), a temple for his ancestors was established in Luoyang, honoring Emperor Guangwu's father, Nandun Jun, up to Chunling Jiehou. Jiehou's name was Mai; Mai had a son named Wai, who became the Tai Shou of Yulin. Wai had a son Hui, who served as Du Wei of Ju Lu. Hui had a son Qin, who was the Ling (magistrate) of Nandun. Qin was Emperor Guangwu's father. At that time, bandits and rebels had not yet been pacified, so the sacrificial rites were not established. It was not until the nineteenth year (43 AD) that discussions began on establishing temples for Emperors Ping, Ai, Cheng, and Yuan to replace the current temple of Emperor Guangwu's ancestors. For brothers and those below them, officials were assigned to conduct sacrifices. It was appropriate to establish a temple for Nandun Jun as the late emperor's father, with ancestral worship extending up to Chunling Jie Hou. All ministers were to conduct the sacrifices. At that time, Zhang Chun, a Zhonglangjiang of the Five Officials, and Zhu Fu, Tai Pu, submitted a proposal: "According to rites, as a son one serves the senior branch of the family, lowering the status of one's own relatives. Four temples for close relatives should be abolished. Emperor Xuan, as a grandson succeeding his grandfather, established a temple for his father in Fengming, calling it the Huangkao Temple. Only ministers were allowed to serve at the sacrifices. We respectfully request that officials be instructed to deliberate on which of the four temples for previous emperors should replace the temple for close relatives, as well as matters concerning the Huangkao Temple." The emperor referred the matter to the ministers and high officials for discussion, and at that time followed the proposal of Daitu Dai She. The edict stated: "Since the location of the ancestral temples has not yet been finalized, for now a xia sacrifice should be held at the Gao Temple. The temples for Emperors Cheng, Ai, and Ping should temporarily conduct sacrifices at the old Gao Temple in Chang'an. As for Nanyang Chunling, seasonal sacrifices should continue to be held annually and seasonally at their existing ancestral temples. For mausoleums and temples located far from the seat of a Tai Shou (governor), local magistrates or county officials should assume the duties of a Tai Shou to oversee the sacrifices. The ancestral temples were located in Zhangling, and the Tai Shou (Governor) of Nanyang was referred to as an envoy when going there for sacrifices. Dukes and kings were not allowed to conduct the main sacrifices themselves, as feudal lords could not claim descent from the Son of Heaven. Whenever they attended ancestral temple rituals, they served only in a supporting capacity as attendants at the sacrifice. Only Emperor Xuan had virtue and merit; his posthumous honorific title was elevated to Zhongzong." Thus, at the Gao Temple in Luoyang, additional sacrifices for Emperors Xuan and Yuan were added to the four seasonal offerings, making a total of five emperors honored. The shrines for Emperors Cheng, Ai and Ping in the western temple were offered seasonal sacrifices at the old Gao Temple. At the eastern temple, the Jingzhao Yin (governor of Jingzhao) served as an attendant at the sacrifice, wearing ceremonial robes and hats, using carriages and attire in accordance with the rites for sacrifices conducted by Taichang at mausoleums. Sacrifices to Nandun Jun, Emperor Guangwu's father and ancestors up to his great-grandfather, were all conducted at their respective mausoleum temples. Zhang Chun also said: "According to rites, there should be a xia sacrifice every three years and a di sacrifice every five years. The shrines of destroyed temples should be placed before the Taizu. The shrines from undestroyed temples are all elevated to join in a combined sacrifice at the Taizu's temple. A father is designated as Zhao and faces south; a son is designated as Mu and faces north. Father and son do not sit together in the same temple, but a grandson follows his grandfather's designation." Later, during the winter xia sacrifice every three years or the summer di sacrifice every five years, only the shrines of destroyed temples were arranged for worship; this was called "Yin." The Taizu faced east, while Emperors Hui, Wen, Wu, and Yuan were designated as Zhao; Emperors Jing and Xuan were designated as Mu. Emperors Hui, Jing, and Zhao were not honored with sacrifices except during the Yin (combined) rituals. According to Zhou dynasty regulations, there was a di sacrifice every three years and xia every five; however, this system had now been changed. | ||
| 11 | 天子宗廟: | 明帝以光武撥亂中興，更為起廟，上尊號曰世祖廟。蔡邕曰：「孝明帝立世祖廟，以明再受命祖有功之義，後嗣遵儉，不復改立，皆藏主其中。聖明所制，一王之法也。自執事之吏，下至學士，莫知所以兩廟之意。」以元帝於光武為穆，故雖非宗，不毀也。後遂為常。明帝遺詔，遵儉無起寢廟，藏主於世祖廟更衣。孝章初，不敢違，以更衣有小別，上尊號曰顯宗廟，間祠於更衣，四時合祭於世祖廟。章帝遺詔，無起寢廟，如先帝故事。和帝初，不敢違，上尊號曰肅宗。後帝承遵，皆藏主于世祖廟，積多無別，是後顯宗但為陵寢之號。靈帝時，京都四時所祭高廟五主，世祖廟七主，少帝三陵，殤、沖、質，三少帝。追尊后三陵，安帝追尊祖妣宋貴人曰敬隱皇后、皇妣左氏曰孝德皇后。順帝追尊皇妣李氏恭愍皇后。凡牲用十八太牢，皆有副倅。故高廟三主親毀之後，亦但殷祭之歲奉祠。毀廟之主，藏於始祖之廟。一世為祧，祧猶四時祭之。二世為壇，三世為墠，四世為鬼，祫乃祭之，有禱亦祭之。祫於始祖之廟，禱則迎主出，陳於壇墠而祭之，事訖還藏故室。迎送皆蹕。 |
| Emperor Ming honored Emperor Guangwu for restoring order and reviving the dynasty, establishing a new temple and bestowing him with the posthumous title of Shizu Temple. Cai Yong said: "Emperor Ming established the Shizu Temple to clarify the meaning of a second mandate from heaven, honoring an ancestor with great achievements. Subsequent descendants followed frugality and did not rebuild or change it; all shrines were enshrined within this temple. This was the system established by a sage ruler, representing the rites of one dynasty." From officials in charge to scholars below, none understood the meaning behind having two temples." Since Emperor Yuan was designated as Mu with respect to Emperor Guangwu, he was not considered a direct ancestor and thus his temple was not destroyed. Later this became the established practice. Emperor Ming's last will instructed to follow frugality, not building a new qin or temple; his shrine was enshrined in the Shizu Temple and placed among the existing shrines. At the beginning of Emperor Zhang's reign, they dared not violate this order. Since there was a slight distinction among the shrines in the gengyi (a room for changing clothes), he received the posthumous title Xianzong Temple and was separately honored with occasional sacrifices at the gengyi, while seasonal combined offerings were conducted at the Shizu Temple. Emperor Zhang's last will followed his predecessors' example and did not build a new qin or temple. At the beginning of Emperor He's reign, they dared not disobey; he was posthumously honored with the title Suzong. Later emperors followed this practice, enshrining their shrines in the Shizu Temple; as they accumulated and became numerous without distinction, from then on Xianzong was merely a title for the mausoleum. During Emperor Ling's reign, the capital city conducted four seasonal sacrifices to five shrines at the Gao Temple and seven shrines at the Shizu Temple, as well as three mausoleums for young emperors: Shang, Chong, and Zhi, the three young emperors. Three additional mausoleums were built for posthumously honored empresses: Emperor An posthumously honored his paternal grandmother, Song Guiren, as Jingyin Empress, and his mother, Lady Zuo, as Xiaode Empress. Emperor Shun posthumously honored his mother, Lady Li, as Gongmin Empress. In total, eighteen taolao (sacrificial offerings) were used for the victims, each with a secondary counterpart. Therefore, after the three shrines in the Gao Temple were destroyed due to their lack of direct lineage, they were also only honored with sacrifices during the years designated for Yin offerings. The shrines from destroyed temples were enshrined in the temple of the founding ancestor. One generation was designated as tiao, and even so, it still received sacrifices four times a year. Two generations were designated as tan, three as shan, and four as gui; they were only honored during the combined sacrifices (xia), but also received offerings if prayers were made. During the combined sacrifices (xia) at the temple of the founding ancestor, if prayers were to be made, their shrines would be brought out and placed on the tan or shan for worship; after the ceremony was completed, they would be returned to their original enshrinement. Their arrival and departure were both accompanied by ceremonial processions. | ||
| 12 | 天子宗廟: | 獻帝初平中，董卓與蔡邕等以和帝以下，功德無殊，而有過差，不應為宗，及餘非宗者追尊三后，皆奏毀之。蔡邕論曰：「漢承亡秦滅學之後，宗廟之制，不用周禮。每帝即世，輒立一廟，不止於七，不列昭穆，不定迭毀。孝元帝時，丞相匡衡、御史大夫貢禹始建大議，請依典禮。孝文、孝武、孝宣皆以功德茂盛，為宗不毀。孝宣尊崇孝武，廟稱世宗。中正大臣夏侯勝等猶執異議，不應為宗。至孝成帝，議猶不定。太僕王舜、中壘校尉劉歆，據不可毀，上從其議。古人據正重順，不敢私其君父，若此其至也。後遭王莽之亂，光武受命中興，廟稱世祖。孝明帝聖德聰明，政參文、宣，廟稱顯宗。孝章帝至孝烝烝，仁恩博大，廟稱肅宗。比方前代，得禮之宜。自此以下，政事多釁，權移臣下，嗣帝殷勤，各欲褒崇至親而已。臣下懦弱，莫能執夏侯之直。今聖朝遵古復禮，以求厥中，誠合事宜。元帝世在第八，光武世在第九，故以元帝為考廟，尊而奉之。孝明遵述，亦不敢毀。孝和以下，穆宗、恭宗、敬宗、威宗之號，皆宜省去。五年而再殷祭，合食于太祖，以遵先典。」議遂施行。四時所祭，高廟一祖二宗，及近帝四，凡七帝。 |
| In the beginning of Emperor Xian's reign during the Chuping period, Dong Zhuo and Cai Yong, among others, argued that from Emperor He onward, their achievements and virtues were not exceptional but rather flawed; they should not be considered ancestors. Consequently, they proposed to destroy all shrines for those who had been posthumously honored as empresses of non-ancestors, including the three empresses who had received such honors. Cai Yong remarked: "The Han dynasty, following the collapse of Qin and its destruction of learning, did not adopt Zhou Li (Rites of Zhou) for its system of ancestral temples. Each time an emperor passed away, a new temple was established; there was no limit to seven temples, the order of Zhaomu (distinction between generations) was not arranged, and there was no fixed system for destruction. During the reign of Emperor Yuan, Chancellor Kuang Heng and Grand Censor Gong Yu first proposed a major discussion, requesting that they follow established rituals. Emperors Wen, Wu, and Xuan, due to their outstanding achievements and virtue, were designated as ancestors whose temples would not be destroyed. Emperor Xuan honored Emperor Wu with great reverence, and his temple was posthumously named Shizong. However, upright ministers such as Xiahou Sheng still held differing opinions, arguing that they should not be designated as ancestors. By the time of Emperor Cheng, the discussion remained unresolved. Taifu Wang Shun and Zhonglei Jiao Wei Liu Xin argued that they should not be destroyed, and the emperor followed their opinion. Ancient people adhered to righteousness and emphasized order; they dared not favor their sovereign or father privately—this was the highest principle of such conduct. Later, during Wang Mang's turmoil, Emperor Guangwu received his mandate and revived the dynasty; his temple was posthumously designated as Shizu. Emperor Ming, with his virtuous wisdom and policies comparable to those of Emperors Wen and Xuan, was posthumously honored in the temple as Xianzong. Emperor Zhang, with his utmost filial piety and broad benevolence, was posthumously honored as Suzong in the temple. Compared to previous dynasties, this conformed to proper ritual practices. From then on, however, many political affairs were marred by discord; power gradually shifted to subordinates. Subsequent emperors, with earnest efforts, merely wished to honor their closest relatives to the utmost. Ministers were weak and could not uphold the integrity of Xiahou Sheng. Now, Your Majesty's court follows ancient customs and restores rituals to seek a balanced approach; this is indeed in line with the proper course of action. Emperor Yuan was the eighth generation, and Emperor Guangwu the ninth; therefore, Emperor Yuan's temple was designated as the kao (paternal ancestor) temple and honored with reverence. Emperor Ming followed this precedent and also dared not destroy it. The posthumous titles of Emperor He and those who followed—Muzong, Gongzong, Jingzong, Weizong—should all be removed. Conduct the Yin sacrifices every five years and hold combined ancestral offerings at the Taizu Temple to follow the established rituals of our ancestors." The proposal was then put into effect. During the four seasonal sacrifices, one ancestor and two zong (emperors honored for their virtue) were venerated in the Gao Temple, along with four recent emperors; altogether, seven emperors. | ||
| 13 | 天子宗廟: | 魏文帝受禪，追尊大父曰大皇帝，諱嵩，後漢太尉大長秋曹騰養子也。考曰武皇帝。以洛京宗廟未成，乃祠武帝於建始殿，親執饋奠，如家人禮。按禮，將營宮室，宗廟為先，庶人無廟，則祭於寢。帝者行之，非禮甚矣。明帝太和三年，又追尊高祖大長秋曰高皇，夫人吳氏曰高皇后，並在鄴廟。之所祠則文帝之高祖處士、沛國譙人曹萌。曾祖高皇、萌之子騰。祖大皇帝共一廟，考太祖武皇帝特一廟，百代不毀，然則所祠止於親廟四室也。其年十一月，洛京廟成，則以親盡遷處士主置園邑，使宗正曹恪持節迎高皇以下神主，共一廟，猶為四室而已。景初元年六月，群公更奏定七廟之制，曰武皇帝肇建洪基，為魏太祖。文帝繼天革命，為魏高祖。上集成大命，宜為魏烈祖。於太祖廟北為二祧，其左為文帝廟，號曰高祖昭祧，其右擬明帝，號曰烈祖穆祧。其明帝時見存，造廟及稱祖，當時之制，非前代舊規也。三祖之廟，萬世不毀。其餘四廟，親盡迭遷，一如周后稷、文、武廟祧之禮。吳孫權不立七廟，以父堅嘗為長沙太守，乃於臨湘縣立堅廟，依後漢奉南頓故事，令太守奉祠。後又尊堅廟曰始祖廟，而不在京師。又以吳芮冢材為屋，未之聞也。於建業立兄長沙桓王策廟朱雀橋南。權疾，令太子禱焉。子亮立，明年於宮東立權廟曰太祖廟，既不在宮南，又無昭穆之序。蜀劉備稱帝號於成都，立宗廟。備雖紹代而起，亦未辨繼何帝為禰，亦無祖宗之號。及劉禪面縛降魏，北地王諶哭於昭烈之廟，則備廟別立也。 |
| Emperor Wen of Wei accepted the abdication and posthumously honored his grandfather as Da Huangdi. His name was Song, who was later a foster son of Cao Teng, Taivei Dachangqiu during the Later Han dynasty. His father was posthumously honored as Wu Huangdi. Since the ancestral temples in Luoyang were not yet completed, he conducted sacrifices to Emperor Wu at Jiashi Hall, personally performing the offerings as if following family rituals. According to ritual principles, when constructing palaces and buildings, ancestral temples should be given priority; commoners without a temple would conduct sacrifices in the qin (mausoleum). For an emperor to do so is extremely contrary to ritual. liners In the third year of Tahe during Emperor Ming's reign, he posthumously honored his great-grandfather Dachangqiu as Gaohuang and his grandmother Lady Wu as Gaohou, both enshrined at the Ye Temple. The one being honored was Emperor Wen's great-grandfather Cao Meng, a recluse from Qiao, Pei Guo. Pei Guo Qiao native Cao Meng. His great-grandfather Gaohuang was Teng, the son of Meng. The grandfather Da Huangdi shared one temple; the father, Taizu Wu Huangdi, had a separate and unique temple that would never be destroyed in a hundred generations. Thus, the temples honored were limited to four chambers of the ancestral temple. In the eleventh month of that year, when the Luoyang temple was completed, since the ancestral line had ended, the shrine of Chushiren (recluse) was moved to a mausoleum town. The Minister of Rites Cao Ke, bearing an imperial decree, welcomed the shrines of Gaohuang and those below him into one temple, which still consisted of only four chambers. In the first year of Jingchu, on the sixth month, the ministers proposed and established a system of seven temples. It was stated that Emperor Wu had initiated great foundations and was thus honored as Taizu of Wei. Emperor Wen succeeded to the mandate, revolutionized the dynasty, and was posthumously titled Gaizu of Wei. The late emperor consolidated great destiny; he should be honored as Liezu of Wei. Two tiao temples were built to the north of the Taizu Temple: on the left was Emperor Wen's temple, titled Gaizu Zhaotiao; on the right was a proposed temple for Emperor Ming, titled Liezu Mutiao. At that time, Emperor Ming was still alive; building a temple and bestowing the title of zu (ancestor) during his lifetime was an innovation of the era, not following the established customs of previous dynasties. The temples of the three ancestors would never be destroyed for all generations to come. The remaining four temples, when their ancestral line ended, were successively moved and honored in accordance with the Zhou dynasty's rituals for the temples of Houji, Emperor Wen, and Emperor Wu. The Wu ruler Sun Quan did not establish seven temples. Since his father, Sun Jian, had once served as Taishou of Changsha, he built a temple for Sun Jian in Linxiang Xian, following the Later Han precedent of honoring Emperor Guangwu's birthplace at Nandun, and ordered the Taishou to conduct sacrifices. Later, Sun Jian's temple was further honored as the Shizu Temple (Temple of the Founding Ancestor), but it was not located in the capital. Additionally, using materials from Wu Rui's tomb for construction has never been heard of before. In Jianye, a temple was built for his elder brother, Changsha Huwang Cai, located south of Zhuque Bridge. When Sun Quan fell ill, he ordered the crown prince to pray there. After his son Liang ascended the throne, in the following year a temple for Sun Quan was built to the east of the palace and named Taizu Temple. However, it was neither located south of the palace nor arranged according to the Zhaomu order (distinction between generations). In Chengdu, Liu Bei declared himself emperor and established ancestral temples. Although Liu Bei rose to power as a successor, he did not clarify which emperor's lineage he continued for the mi (younger ancestor), nor did he bestow titles of zu or zong. When Liu Shan surrendered to Wei with his hands bound, Wang Chan of Beidi wept at the temple of Emperor Zhao Lie (Liu Bei), indicating that a separate temple had been established for Liu Bei. | ||
| 14 | 天子宗廟: | 晉武帝即位，追尊皇祖宣王為宣皇帝，伯考景王為景皇帝，考文王為文皇帝，權立一廟。初有司奏置七廟，帝重其勞役，權立一廟。後用魏廟追祭征西將軍、名鈞，字升平。章郡府君、鈞之子，名景，章郡太守，字公度。章郡上一字，為代宗廟諱除也。潁川府君、景之子，名雋，潁川太守，字元異。京兆府君，雋之子，名防，京兆尹，字建公，生宣帝。與宣帝、景帝、文帝為三昭三穆。群臣奏曰：「上古清廟一宮，尊遠神祇。逮至周室，制為七廟，以辨宗祧。聖旨深弘，遠跡上世，捨七代之繁華，尊一宮之遠旨。昔舜承堯禪，受終文祖，遂陟帝位，蓋三十載，月正元日，又格於文祖，此則虞氏不改唐廟。可依虞氏故事，即用魏廟。」奏可。是時宣皇未升，太祖虛位，所以祠六代，與景帝為七廟。其禮據王肅說。廟制，於中門外之左，通為屋，四阿。殿制，堂高三尺，隨見廟數為室，代滿備遷毀。太常博士孫毓議云：「考工記『左祖右社』。孔子曰：『周人敬鬼神而遠之，近人而忠焉。』禮，諸侯三門，立廟宜在中門外之左。宗廟之制，外為都宮，內各有寢廟，別有門垣。太祖在北，左昭右穆，次而南。今宜為殿，皆如古典。」太康元年，靈壽公主修麗祔於太廟。按周漢未有其准，至魏明帝則別立平原主廟，晉又異魏也。六年，廟陷，當改修創，群臣議奏曰：「古者七廟異所，自宜如禮。」詔又曰：「古雖七廟，自近代以來，皆廟七室，於禮無廢，於情為敘，亦隨時之宜也。」 |
| When Emperor Wu of Jin ascended the throne, he posthumously honored his granduncle Xuan Wang as Xuan Huangdi, his paternal uncle Jing Wang as Jing Huangdi, and his father Wen Wang as Wen Huangdi; a single temple was temporarily established for them. Initially, the officials proposed to establish seven temples, but the emperor considered the labor and burden too great and temporarily established only one temple. Later, sacrifices were conducted at the Wei Temple to honor Zhengxi Jiangjun (General of the Western Expedition). His name was Jun, courtesy name Shengping. Zhang Jun Fu Jun (Lord of Zhang Jun), the son of Jun, named Jing, who served as Taishou (Governor) of Zhang Jun and was courtesy name Gongdu. The first character "Zhang" in the title "Zhang Jun" was changed to avoid using a character that coincided with the temple name of Emperor Daizong. Yingchuan Fu Jun, the son of Jing, named Jun, who served as Taishou of Yingchuan and was courtesy name Yuanyi. Jingzhao Fu Jun, the son of Jun, named Fang, who served as Yinyuan (Governor) of Jingzhao and was courtesy name Jiagong; he was the father of Emperor Xuan. Together with Emperors Xuan, Jing, and Wen, they formed three Zhaos (generations on one side) and three Mus (generations on the other side). The ministers presented a proposal, saying: "In ancient times, there was only one palace for the ancestral temple, to honor distant deities with reverence. It was not until the Zhou dynasty that a system of seven temples was established to distinguish between ancestors and their descendants. The imperial decree deeply extended its reach, following the practices of ancient times; it abandoned the complexity of seven generations and instead honored the distant intent with a single palace. In the past, Shun succeeded Yao through abdication and received the mandate from Wen Zu (the Ancestral Temple of Tang), then ascended to the imperial throne. After about thirty years, on the first day of the first month, he again paid homage at Wen Zu—this was how the Yu dynasty did not alter the Tang ancestral temple. "We may follow the precedent set by the Yu dynasty and continue using the Wei Temple." The proposal was approved. At that time, Xuan Huang had not yet been elevated to the status of ancestor, and Taizu's position remained vacant; therefore, six generations were honored, together with Emperor Jing, forming seven temples. This ritual followed Wang Su's interpretation. The temple structure had a hall built to the left outside the central gate, with four eaves extending outward. The hall was three chi high; the number of chambers corresponded to the number of temples being honored, and when a generation's term ended, its shrine would be moved or destroyed accordingly. Tai Chang bo shi Sun Yu argued: "The Kao Gong Ji records 'zu on the left and she on the right.'" Confucius said, "The people of Zhou revered spirits but kept them at a distance; they valued human relationships and remained loyal to them." According to ritual, feudal lords had three gates, and ancestral temples should be built on the left side outside the central gate. The system of ancestral temples featured an outer courtyard (du gong), with separate qin and temples inside, each having its own gates and walls. Taizu was placed in the north; Zhaos were on the left, Mus on the right, arranged sequentially toward the south. Now we should build halls for them all according to classical traditions." In the first year of Taikang, Princess Lingshou repaired and added her shrine to the Tai Temple. According to Zhou and Han precedents, there was no such standard; it was not until Emperor Ming of Wei that a separate temple for the Pingyuan princess's shrine was established. The Jin dynasty differed from the Wei in this regard as well. In the sixth year, when the temple collapsed and needed reconstruction, the ministers presented a proposal: "In ancient times, seven temples were located in different places; they should naturally follow ritual as appropriate." The imperial decree further stated: "Although ancient times had seven temples, since recent generations, all have been consolidated into one temple with seven chambers. This does not violate ritual and is emotionally appropriate; it also conforms to the needs of the time." | ||
| 15 | 天子宗廟: | 東晉元帝上繼武帝，於禮為禰。如漢光武上繼元帝故事。時西京神主，陷於虜庭，江左建廟，皆更新造。尋登懷帝之主，又遷潁川府君。位雖七室，其實五代。蓋從刁協議以兄弟為代數故也。於時三祖毀主，權居別室。太興三年，將祭愍帝之主，乃更定制，還復章郡、潁川於昭穆之位。以同惠帝嗣武故事，而惠、懷、愍三帝自從春秋尊尊之義，在廟不替也。元帝崩，則章郡復遷。元帝神位猶在愍帝之下，故有坎室者十也。至明帝崩，而潁川又遷，猶十室也。於時續廣太廟，故三遷主並還西儲，名之曰祧，以準遠廟。成帝咸康五年，始作武悼皇后神主，祔廟，配饗世祖。成帝崩而康帝承統，以兄弟一代，故不遷京兆，始十一室也。康帝崩，穆帝立，京兆遷入西儲，同謂之祧，如前三祖遷主之禮，故正室猶十一也。穆帝崩，而哀帝、海西並為兄弟，無所登除。咸安之初，簡文皇帝上繼元皇帝，於是潁川、京兆二主復還昭穆之位。簡文崩，潁川又遷。孝武帝太元十六年，始改作太廟殿，正室十四間，東西儲各一間，合十六間，棟高八丈四尺。備法駕遷神主於行廟，征西至京兆四主及太子太孫，各用其位之儀服。四主不從帝者儀，是與太康異也。及孝武崩，京兆又遷，如穆帝之世四祧故事。 |
| Emperor Yuandi of Eastern Jin succeeded Emperor Wu, which according to ritual made him a mi (younger ancestor). Following the precedent of Han Guangwu succeeding Emperor Yuan. At that time, the ancestral tablets from the western capital had fallen into enemy hands; temples were newly built in Jiangzuo (the eastern region), all created anew. Later, they retrieved the shrine of Emperor Huai and also moved that of Yingchuan Fu Jun. Although there were seven chambers in position, in reality only five generations were honored. This was because they followed Diao Xie's proposal to count brothers as separate generations. At that time, the tablets of the three ancestors were destroyed and temporarily placed in a different chamber. In the third year of Taixing, when preparing to sacrifice to the shrine of Emperor Min, a new regulation was established, restoring Zhang Jun and Yingchuan to their proper positions in the ancestral hierarchy. Following the precedent of Emperor Hui succeeding Emperor Wu, and according to the principles of Spring and Autumn respecting one's superiors, the three emperors Hui, Huai, and Min naturally maintained their positions in the temple without being replaced. After Emperor Yuandi died, the shrine of Zhang Jun was once again moved. Since Emperor Yuandi's ancestral position remained below that of Emperor Min, there were still ten chambers in the temple. When Emperor Ming died, Yingchuan was once again moved; yet there remained ten chambers. At that time, when expanding the Tai Temple, the three relocated shrines were returned to the western storage area and named "tiao," in accordance with the rites for distant ancestral temples. In the fifth year of Xiangkang, during Emperor Chengdi's reign, they first created a shrine for Empress Wudao and placed it in the temple, where she was honored alongside Emperor Shizu. After Emperor Chengdi died, Emperor Kangdi succeeded him; since they were brothers of the same generation, the shrine for Jingzhao was not moved. This marked the beginning of eleven chambers in the temple. After Emperor Kangdi died and Emperor Mudi ascended the throne, the Jingzhao shrine was moved into the western storage area. It was also called "tiao," following the same rites as the previous three ancestors' relocation; thus, the main chamber still had eleven shrines. After Emperor Mudi died, Emperors Aidi and Haixi were brothers, so no shrine was added or removed. At the beginning of Xian'an, Emperor Jianwen succeeded Emperor Yuandi; thus, the shrines for Yingchuan and Jingzhao were once again restored to their proper ancestral positions. After Emperor Jianwen died, the Yingchuan shrine was once again moved. In the sixteenth year of Taiyuan during Emperor Xiaowudi's reign, they began to renovate and construct a new Tai Temple hall. The main chamber had fourteen rooms, with one storage room each on the east and west sides, totaling sixteen rooms; the roof was eight zhang and four chi high. With full ceremonial processions, the ancestral tablets were moved to a temporary temple. The four main shrines from Jingzhao and westward, as well as those of the crown prince and imperial grandson, each followed their respective ritual ranks and attire. The four shrines did not follow the emperor's ceremonial standards; this was different from the Taikang period. After Emperor Xiaowu died, Jingzhao was once again moved, following the precedent of four tiao shrines during Emperor Mudi's reign. | ||
| 16 | 天子宗廟: | 宋武帝即尊位，祠七代為七廟。永初初，追尊皇考晉陵郡功曹翹，即武帝父。晉陵，本郡。為孝穆皇帝，皇妣趙氏為穆皇后。三年，孝懿蕭皇后崩，又祔廟。高祖崩，神主升廟，猶昭穆之序，如魏晉之制，虛太祖之位。文帝元嘉初，追尊所生胡婕妤為章皇太后，立廟於太廟西。其後，孝武昭太后、明帝宣太后並祔章太后廟。 |
| When Emperor Wudi of Song ascended the throne, he honored seven generations as seven temples. In the early years of Yongchu, he posthumously honored his father Qiao, who was a gongcao official in Jinling Jun; this Qiao was Emperor Wudi's father. Jinling was the original native region. He posthumously honored him as Emperor Xiaomu, and his mother Lady Zhao as Empress Mu. In the third year, Empress Xiao Xiaoyi of the Xiao clan died; her shrine was then added to the temple. After Emperor Gaozu died, his ancestral tablet was enshrined in the temple according to the proper order of zhaomu, following Wei and Jin dynasty regulations, with the position for Taizu left empty. In the early years of Yuajia during Emperor Wendi's reign, he posthumously honored the lady Hu, his birth mother and concubine, as Empress Dowager Zhang. A temple was established for her to the west of the Tai Temple. Later, Empress Dowager Zhao of Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Xuan of Emperor Ming were both enshrined in the same temple as Empress Dowager Zhang. | ||
| 17 | 天子宗廟: | 齊高帝追尊父為宣皇帝，右軍將軍承之。母為昭皇后，七廟。蕭子顯曰：「晉用王肅之議，以文、景為共代，上至征西，其實六也。尋此意，非以兄弟為後，當以立主之義，可容於七室。及楊元后崩，征西之廟不毀，則知不以元后為代數。廟有七室，數盈八主。晉太常賀循立議以後，弟不繼兄，故代必限七，主無定數。宋臺初立五廟，以臧后為代室。就禮而求，亦親廟四矣。若據伊尹之言，必及七代，則子昭孫穆，不列婦人。若依鄭玄之說，廟有親稱，妻者言齊，豈或濫享。且閟宮之德，周七非數，楊元之祀，晉八無傷。今謂之七廟，而止唯六祀，使受命之君，流光之典不足。若謂太祖未登，則昭穆之數何繼，斯故禮官所宜詳也。」 |
| Emperor Gao of Qi posthumously honored his father as Emperor Xuan, the Right Army General Chengzhi. His mother was honored as Empress Zhao; the seven temples were established accordingly. Xiao Zixian said: "The Jin dynasty followed Wang Su's proposal, considering Emperors Wen and Jing as one generation. Tracing back to the Western Campaign, in reality there were six generations. Following this reasoning, it was not about brothers succeeding one another but rather the principle of establishing ancestral tablets; thus, they could be accommodated within seven chambers. When Empress Yang Yuan died, the temple of the Western Campaign was not destroyed; this shows that Empress Yuan was not counted as a generation. The temple had seven chambers but housed eight ancestral tablets. After the Taichang official He Xun proposed his views, it was established that a younger brother did not succeed an elder one; thus, generations were strictly limited to seven, and there was no fixed number of ancestral tablets. At the beginning of the Song dynasty, five temples were established, with Empress Zang designated as a generation's chamber. Judging by ritual standards, this also meant four ancestral temples for close relatives. If following Yi Yin's words and insisting on seven generations, then the principle of "zi zhaong, sun mu" (son in zhaomu order) would apply, and women would not be listed. If following Zheng Xuan's interpretation, the temple should reflect familial closeness; a wife is mentioned as "Qi," so how could there be any unwarranted inclusion? Moreover, the virtue of the Bi Gong (a temple for distant ancestors) in Zhou was not bound by a strict number of seven; the worship of Empress Yang Yuan with eight tablets in Jin did no harm. Now, though it is called seven temples, only six ancestral rites are observed; this leaves the founding emperor and the glorious traditions of the dynasty insufficiently honored. If one argues that Taizu has not yet been enshrined, then how can the zhaomu sequence continue? This is a matter that ritual officials should carefully examine." | ||
| 18 | 天子宗廟: | 梁武帝受禪，遷神主於太廟，為三昭三穆，凡六廟。追尊皇考為文皇帝，丹陽尹，順之。皇妣為德皇后，廟號太祖。皇祖以上，皆不追尊。擬祖遷於上，而太祖之廟不毀，與親廟為七，皆同一堂，共庭而別室。 |
| Emperor Wu of Liang accepted the abdication and moved the ancestral tablets to the Tai Temple, arranging them as three zhaomu pairs, totaling six temples. He posthumously honored his father, the emperor's grandfather, as Emperor Wen, Dan Yang Yin, Shunzhi. His mother was honored as Empress De; her temple name was Taizu. He did not posthumously honor any ancestors beyond his grandfather. The ancestral tablets of the emperors were moved upward, but the Taizu temple was not destroyed. Combined with the temples for close ancestors, there were seven in total; they all shared one hall and courtyard but occupied separate chambers. | ||
| 19 | 天子宗廟: | 陳依梁制，七廟如禮。初，文帝入嗣，而皇考始興昭烈王廟在始興國，謂之東廟。天嘉中，徙神主祔於梁之小廟，改曰國廟。祭用天子儀。 |
| Chen followed Liang's system, maintaining seven temples according to ritual standards. Initially, when Emperor Wendi inherited the throne, his father's temple for King Zhaolie of Shixing was located in the state of Shixing; it was called the Eastern Temple. During Tianjia, the ancestral tablet was moved and enshrined in Liang's minor temple; it was then renamed the National Temple. The rites used were those of an emperor. | ||
| 20 | 天子宗廟: | 後魏之先，居於漠北，鑿石為祖宗之廟於烏洛侯國西北。明元帝永興四年，立太祖道武帝廟於白登山。歲一祭，具太牢，帝親奉，無常月。又於白登西，太祖舊遊之處，立昭成、獻明、太祖廟，常以九月十月之交，帝親祭，牲用馬牛羊，又親行貙劉之禮。 |
| Before the Later Wei, they lived in the northern steppes and carved stone to build ancestral temples for their ancestors northwest of the state of Wuluhou. In the fourth year of Yongxing during Emperor Mingyuan's reign, a temple for Taizu Dao Wu Di was established on Baishang Mountain. A sacrifice with the full three offerings (tai lao) was held once a year, personally conducted by the emperor, but there was no fixed month. Additionally, to the west of Baishang Mountain, where Taizu had once visited, temples for Empress Dowager Zhaocheng, Emperor Xianming, and Taizu were established. The emperor personally conducted sacrifices at this site during the transition between September and October each year; offerings included horses, cattle, and sheep, and he also performed the ritual of hunting with a bow (chu liu). | ||
| 21 | 天子宗廟: | 孝文太和三年六月，親謁七廟。時群官議曰：「大魏舊事，多不親謁。今陛下孝誠發中，思親執祀。謹按舊章，集為親拜之儀。」制可。 |
| In the sixth month of the third year of Taihe during Emperor Xiaowen's reign, he personally visited the seven temples. At that time, officials debated and said: "According to old Hui practices, emperors rarely personally visited the temples. Now, Your Majesty's filial devotion is heartfelt, and you wish to personally conduct ancestral rites. We humbly follow the old regulations and compile them into a ceremony for your personal worship." The imperial decree approved it. | ||
| 22 | 天子宗廟: | 十五年四月，改營太廟。詔曰：「祖有功，宗有德，後者不得擅祖宗之名，居二祧之廟。今述遵先志，宜制祖宗之號。烈祖有創業之功，代祖有開拓之德，宜為祖宗，百代不遷。而遠祖平文功未多於昭成，然廟號為太祖；道武建業之勳，高於平文，廟號為烈祖。比校似為未允。朕今奉尊道武為太祖，與顯祖為二祧，餘皆以次而遷。平文既遷，廟唯有六，如今七廟，一則無主。唯當朕躬此事，亦臣子所難言。朕以不德，忝承洪緒，若宗廟之靈，獲全首領以沒於地，為昭穆之次，心願畢矣。必不可先設，可垂文示後。」司空長樂王穆亮等奏言：「升平之會，事在於今。推功考德，實如明旨。但七廟之祀，備行日久，無宜闕一，虛有所待。臣等愚謂依先尊祀，可垂文示後。俚衷如此，不敢不言。」八月，詔郡國有時果可薦者，並送京師，以供廟享。其白登山、雞鳴山廟，唯遣有司行事。十一月，釋禫祭太和廟。帝袞冕，與祭者朝服。丁卯，遷廟之神主於太廟，百官陪從。奉神主於齋車，至新廟。有司升神主於太廟，諸王侯牧守、蕃附等，各以其職來祭。 |
| In the fourth month of the fifteenth year, they began renovating and constructing a new Tai Temple. The imperial decree stated: "Ancestors with achievements are called zu, and those with virtue are called zong. Later generations must not arbitrarily claim the titles of ancestors or be enshrined in tiao temples. Now we should follow our predecessors' wishes and establish proper ancestral titles. Emperor Liezu had the merit of founding the dynasty, and Emperor Daizu demonstrated virtue in expanding its territory; they should be honored as zu and zong, with their shrines never moved for a hundred generations. However, although Emperor Yuanzu Pingwen's achievements were not as great as those of Empress Dowager Zhao Cheng, his temple name was still Taizu; Emperor Dao Wu's achievements in founding the dynasty were greater than those of Pingwen, and thus his temple name was Liezu. This comparison seems somewhat unjustified. Now I honor Emperor Dao Wu as Taizu, and with Xianzu as the second tiao, all others will be moved in order. After Pingwen was moved, there were only six temples; now with seven temples established, one chamber remains empty without an ancestral tablet. This matter concerns my person alone, and it is also difficult for ministers to speak of. I, unworthy and lacking virtue, have inherited this great legacy. If the spirits of our ancestors in the temples may be preserved intact until my death, following the proper zhaomu order, then my heart's wish will be fulfilled. It must not be established beforehand; it is better to leave a written record for future generations." Sikong Changle Wang Mu Liang and others presented: "This is an era of peace, and the matter concerns our time. We assess achievements and virtue as Your Majesty has clearly instructed. However, the rites for seven temples have been observed for a long time; it would be inappropriate to leave one empty and wait. We humbly suggest following the ancestral rites, which can serve as an example for future generations." This is our sincere opinion; we dare not remain silent." In the eighth month, an imperial decree ordered that wherever local regions had seasonal fruits suitable for offerings, they should all be sent to the capital to supply temple sacrifices. As for the temples on Baishang Mountain and Jiming Mountain, only officials were dispatched to conduct the rites. In the eleventh month, a sacrifice was held at Taihe Temple after mourning rites concluded (shidan). The emperor wore his ceremonial robes and crown; those accompanying him in the sacrifice wore court attire. On the Dingmao day, the ancestral tablets were transferred to the Tai Temple with all officials attending as escorts. The ancestral tablets were placed in sacrificial vehicles and transported to the new temple. Officials enshrined the ancestral tablets in the Tai Temple; marquises, feudal lords, local governors, and foreign vassals all came to offer sacrifices according to their ranks. | ||
| 23 | 天子宗廟: | 十六年十月詔：「先王制禮，經綸萬代。白登廟者，有為而興，昭穆不次。太祖有三層之宇，已降無方丈之室。又常用季秋，躬駕虔祀。今授衣之月，享祭明堂；立冬之始，奉烝太廟。若復齋白登，便為一月再駕。緬詳二理，謂宜省一。可廢東山之祀，成此二享之敬。可敕有司，但命內典神者，攝行祭事。獻明、道武各有廟稱，可具依舊式。」自太宗諸帝，昔無殿宇，因停之。 |
| In the tenth month of the sixteenth year, an imperial decree stated: "The ancient kings established rites that govern generations for eternity. "The temple at Baishang was built with purpose but lacks proper zhaomu order. Taizu's temple has three-tiered halls, while those of later generations have no standard-sized chambers. Moreover, sacrifices are usually held in the third lunar month, with the emperor personally leading solemn rites. Now, during this season of bestowing clothing (autumn), we offer sacrifices at the Mingtang. At the beginning of Lichun, we present offerings to the Tai Temple for the winter sacrifice. If we were also to fast and worship at Baishang, it would mean two imperial processions in one month. Carefully considering these two matters, it is advisable to eliminate one. We may discontinue the worship at Dongshan and complete this dual offering with reverence. An edict should be issued to the officials, authorizing only those in charge of ancestral tablets to oversee sacrificial rites. Xianming and Daowu each have their own temple titles; they should be maintained according to the traditional format." Since Taizong and subsequent emperors, there were no halls or pavilions in the past, so these rites have been suspended. | ||
| 24 | 天子宗廟: | 十九年，遷都洛邑。二月，詔曰：「太和廟已就，神儀靈主，宜時奉寧。可剋五月奉遷於廟。其出金墉之儀，一准出代都太和之式。入新廟之典，可依近至金墉之軌。其威儀鹵簿，如出代廟。百官奉遷，宜可省之。但令朝官四品以上、侍官五品以上、宗室奉迎。」 |
| In the nineteenth year, the capital was moved to Luoyi. In the second month, an imperial decree stated: "The Taihe Temple is now completed; the ancestral tablets and sacred rites should be properly enshrined at this time. It is appropriate to transfer them to the temple in May. The ceremony for leaving Jinyong should follow exactly the same format as when departing from Taihe Temple at the former capital Dai. The rites for entering the new temple may follow the recent procedures used upon arrival at Jinyong. Its ceremonial processions and attendants should be the same as when leaving the Dai Temple. The officials accompanying the transfer may be reduced appropriately. Only those court officials of fourth rank and above, attendants of fifth rank and above, and members of the imperial clan should be required to welcome them." | ||
| 25 | 天子宗廟: | 北齊文宣帝受禪，置六廟。獻武以下不毀，以上則遞毀。並同廟而別室。既而遷神主於太廟。文襄、文宣，並太祖之子，文宣初疑其昭穆之次，欲別立廟，眾議不同。至二年秋，始附太廟。五祭同梁制。 |
| The Northern Qi Wenshuang Emperor accepted the abdication and established six ancestral temples. Temples for Xianwu and below would not be destroyed, but those above would be demolished in succession. They were placed within the same temple complex but in separate chambers. Later, the ancestral tablets were moved to the Tai Temple. Wenxiang and Wenshuang were both sons of Taizu. At first, Wenshuang doubted the proper zhaomu sequence for their enshrinement and wanted to establish a separate temple, but officials disagreed. It was not until autumn of the second year that they were finally enshrined in the Tai Temple. lords The five sacrificial rites followed the Liang dynasty system. | ||
| 26 | 天子宗廟: | 後周閔帝受禪，而右宗廟。追尊皇祖為德皇帝名肱，生泰。父文王為文皇帝，廟號太祖。太師周國公，名泰。擬祖以上三廟遞遷，至太祖不毀。其下相承置二昭二穆為五焉。明帝崩，廟號代宗，武帝崩，廟號高祖，並為祧廟不毀。 |
| After the Later Zhou Min Di accepted the abdication, he restored the ancestral temples on the right side. He posthumously honored his great-grandfather as De Huangdi name Gong, born Tai. His father, Wenwang, was honored as Wen Huangdi, with the temple name Taizu. Taishi Zhou Guogong, name Tai. It was proposed that ancestral temples above the zǔ level be successively moved, with those up to Taizu remaining undestroyed. Those below would follow in succession, establishing two zhaomu pairs for a total of five temples. After Mingdi's death, his temple name was Daizong; after Wudi's death, his temple name became Gaozu. Both were designated as tiao temples and not destroyed. | ||
| 27 | 天子宗廟: | 隋文帝受命，遣兼太保宇文善奉策詣同州，告皇考桓王廟，兼用女巫，同家人禮。追尊號為武元皇帝，大司空名忠。皇妣為元明皇后，迎神歸於京師。改立左宗廟。未言始祖，又無受命之祧，自高祖以下，置四親廟，同殿異室。一、皇高祖太原府君廟，二、皇曾祖康王廟，三、皇祖獻王廟，四、皇考太祖武元皇帝廟。擬祖遷於上，而太祖之廟不毀。至煬帝，立七廟。太祖、高祖各一殿，准周文、武二祧，與始祖而三。餘並分室而祭。始及祧之外，從迭毀之法。時禮部侍郎許善心等議：「案周制，自太祖以下，各別立廟，至於禘祫，皆食於太祖。是以前漢亦隨處而立。後漢光武新平寇亂，務從省約，乃總立一堂，而群主異室。自此以來，因循不變。今請立七廟。」詔可。既營洛邑，後有司奏，請於東京建立宗廟。帝謂祕書監柳锿曰：「今始祖及二祧已具，令後子孫，處朕何所？」又下詔，准議別立高祖之廟，屬有行役，復寢。 |
| When the Sui Wendi assumed power, he sent the acting Taibao Yuwen Shan with a decree to Tongzhou to announce it at his late father Huankuo Wang's temple, using female shamans alongside family rites. He posthumously honored him with the title Wuyuan Huangdi Daskong name Zhong. His late empress was honored as Yuanming Huanghou, and her spirit was brought back to the capital. The left ancestral temple was reestablished. There was no mention of a shizu, nor any tiao for the emperor who received the mandate. From Gaozu downward, four ancestral temples were established, all in the same hall but different chambers. 1. The temple of the emperor's great-great-grandfather, Taiyuan Fu Jun; 2. The temple of his great-grandfather, Kangwang; 3. The temple of his grandfather, Xianwang; and 4. The temple of his father, Taizu Wuyuan Huangdi. The temples above the zǔ level were to be moved upward, while the Taizu Temple remained undestroyed. By the time of Emperor Yangdi, seven ancestral temples were established. Taizu and Gaozu each had one hall, following the Zhou dynasty's Wen and Wu tiao system, making three in total with the shizu. The rest were enshrined separately for worship. Those outside the shizu and tiao categories followed the system of periodic destruction. At that time, Li Bu Shilang Xu Shanxin and others proposed: "According to Zhou dynasty regulations, from Taizu downward, each emperor should have a separate temple; during the di and xia sacrifices, offerings were made at Taizu's hall. This is why in Former Han they also established temples wherever appropriate. Later Han Guangwu, after quelling bandits and chaos, sought simplicity and economy, so he established a single hall with separate chambers for the ancestral tablets. Since then, this system has been followed without change. Now we respectfully request the establishment of seven ancestral temples." The imperial decree approved it. After preparations for Luoyi were completed, officials later submitted a memorial requesting the establishment of ancestral temples in Dongjing. The emperor said to Mi Shujian Liu An: "Now that the shizu and two tiao temples are already established, where should future descendants place my ancestral tablet?" Another imperial decree was issued, approving the proposal to separately establish a temple for Gaozu; however, due to ongoing military campaigns, it was postponed again. | ||
| 28 | 天子宗廟: | 大唐武德元年，追尊高祖曰宣簡公，曾祖曰懿王，祖曰景皇帝，考曰元皇帝，法駕迎神主，祔於太廟，始享四室。 |
| In the first year of Wude in the Great Tang dynasty, Gaozu was posthumously honored as Xuanjian Gong, his great-grandfather as Yi Wang, his grandfather as Jing Huangdi, and his father as Yuan Huangdi. A formal procession welcomed their ancestral tablets to be enshrined at the Tai Temple, marking the beginning of sacrifices in four chambers. | ||
| 29 | 天子宗廟: | 貞觀九年，高祖崩，增修太廟。中書侍郎岑文本議曰：「祖鄭玄者則陳四廟之制，述王肅者則引七廟之文，貴賤混而莫辨，是非紛而不定。春秋穀梁傳及禮記王制祭法禮器、孔子家語，並云『天子七廟，諸侯五廟，大夫三廟，士一廟』。尚書咸有一德曰『七世之廟，可以觀德』。至於孫卿、孔安國、劉歆、班彪父子、孔晁、虞喜、干寶之徒，商較今古，咸以為然。故其文曰『天子三昭三穆，與太祖之廟而七』。是以晉、宋、齊、梁，皆依斯義，立親廟六，豈非有國之茂典，不刊之休烈乎！然若使違群經之正說，從累代之疑議，背子雍之篤論，遵康成之舊學，則天子之禮，下逼於人臣，諸侯之制，上僭於王者，非所謂尊卑有序，名位不同者也。臣等參詳，請依晉宋故事，立親廟六，其祖宗之制，式遵舊典。」制從之。於是增修太廟，始崇祔弘農府君及高祖神主，并舊四室為六室。 |
| In the ninth year of Zhenguan, Gaozu died and the Tai Temple was expanded and renovated. Zhongshu Shilang Cen Wenben proposed: "Those who follow Zheng Xuan advocate the system of four ancestral temples, while those who follow Wang Su cite the text on seven ancestral temples; noble and humble views are mixed without distinction, and arguments remain unresolved. The Chunqiu Guliang Zhuan, as well as the Li Ji's Wangzhi, Jifa, Lique, and Kongzi Jiya, all state: "A Son of Heaven has seven ancestral temples, feudal lords have five, high officials have three, and commoners have one." The Shangshu Xianyou Yide states: "Seven generations of ancestral temples allow the observation of virtue." As for scholars such as Sun Qing, Kong Anguo, Liu Xin, the Ban Biao father and son, Kong Chao, Yu Xi, Gan Bao, and others, who compared ancient and modern views, they all agreed with this. Thus the text states: "A Son of Heaven has three zhaomu pairs, together with Taizu's temple making seven." Therefore, the Jin, Song, Qi, and Liang dynasties all followed this principle, establishing six ancestral temples for close relatives. Was this not a distinguished tradition of state governance, an unalterable model of excellence! However, if we were to deviate from the orthodox teachings of classical texts and follow uncertain debates across generations, reject Zou Yong's thorough arguments, and adhere instead to Kangcheng's old doctrines, then the Son of Heaven's rites would descend to the level of ministers, while feudal lords' systems would ascend to rival kings. This would not be what is meant by a proper order of respect and hierarchy or distinct ranks and titles. We, the ministers, have carefully considered this matter and respectfully request that we follow the precedents of Jin and Song dynasties by establishing six ancestral temples for immediate relatives. The system regarding ancestors should strictly adhere to traditional regulations." The imperial decree followed their recommendation. Thus, the Tai Temple was expanded and restored; ancestral tablets of Hongnong Fu Jun and Gaozu were enshrined for veneration, combining with the original four chambers to form six. | ||
| 30 | 天子宗廟: | 太宗崩，遷弘農府君神主於夾室，太宗神主祔太廟。高宗崩，神主祔太廟，又遷宣皇帝神主於夾室。 |
| After Taizong's death, the ancestral tablet of Hongnong Fu Jun was moved to a side chamber, and Taizong's ancestral tablet was enshrined in the Tai Temple alongside others. After Gaozong's death, his ancestral tablet was enshrined at the Tai Temple; additionally, the ancestral tablet of Xuan Huangdi was moved to a side chamber. | ||
| 31 | 天子宗廟: | 睿宗垂拱四年正月，又於東都立高祖、太宗、高宗三廟，四時享祀，如京廟之儀。別立崇先廟以享武氏祖考。武太后又令議崇先廟室數，所司議，遂止。博士周悰請立七廟，其皇家太廟，請減為五室。春官侍郎賈太隱奏曰：「秦漢太后臨朝稱制，並據禮經正文，天子七廟，諸侯五廟。今周悰別引浮議，廣述異文，直崇權儀，不依常度。其崇先廟，合同諸侯之數，國家宗廟不可移變。」太后遂止。既革命稱帝，改大唐京太廟為享德廟，四時唯享高祖以下三室，餘四室閉其門，廢享祀之禮。又於東都改制太廟為七室，祔武氏七代神主。又改京崇先廟為崇尊廟，其享祀如太廟之儀。仍改太廟署為清廟臺，加官員，崇其班秩。 |
| In the first month of the fourth year of Chiaogong during Ruizong's reign, three ancestral temples for Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong were established in Dongdu. Seasonal sacrifices were conducted there according to the same rites as at the capital temple. A separate Chongxian Temple was separately established to honor the ancestors of the Wu family. Empress Dowager Wu also ordered a discussion on the number of chambers for Chongxian Temple, but after deliberation by officials, it was decided to stop further action. Bo Shi Zhou Cong requested the establishment of seven temples and proposed reducing the imperial Tai Temple to five chambers. Chun Guan Shilang Jia Taiyin submitted a memorial: "During the Qin and Han dynasties, empress dowagers who ruled in the emperor's place followed the official rites of classical texts, which state that a Son of Heaven has seven temples while feudal lords have five. "Now Zhou Cong cites unfounded opinions and elaborates on variant texts, promoting temporary rites without adhering to established norms. The Chongxian Temple should conform to the feudal lords' standard; ancestral temples of the state cannot be arbitrarily altered." Empress Dowager Wu then abandoned the plan. After usurping power and declaring himself emperor, he renamed the capital Tai Temple of Great Tang as Xiangde Temple. Sacrifices were held only in three chambers for Gaozu and below; the doors to the remaining four chambers were closed, and sacrificial rites there were abolished. In addition, at Dongdu he reformed the Tai Temple into seven chambers and enshrined ancestral tablets for seven generations of the Wu family. He also renamed the capital Chongxian Temple as Chongzun Temple, with sacrificial rites conducted in accordance with those of the Tai Temple. The Tai Temple office was also renamed Qingmiao Tai, additional officials were appointed, and their ranks were elevated to show greater respect. | ||
| 32 | 天子宗廟: | 神龍元年，改享德廟依舊為京太廟。遷武氏七廟神主於西京崇尊廟。東都置太廟，以景皇帝為太祖，廟崇六室。 |
| In the first year of Shenlong, Xiangde Temple was restored to its original name as the capital Tai Temple. The ancestral tablets from the seven temples of the Wu family were moved to Chongzun Temple in Xijing. A Tai Temple was established in Dongdu, with Jing Huangdi honored as Taizu and six ancestral chambers enshrined there. | ||
| 33 | 天子宗廟: | 時太常博士張齊賢建議曰：「始封之君，謂之太祖。太祖之廟，百代不遷，商之玄王、周之后稷是也。但商自玄王以後，十有四代，至湯而有天下。周自后稷以後，十有七代，至武王而有天下。其間代數既遠，遷廟親廟皆出太祖之後，故得合食有序，尊卑不差。其後漢高受命，無始封祖，即以高祖皇帝為太祖。魏武創業，文帝受命，亦以武帝為太祖。晉宣創業，武帝受命，亦以宣帝為太祖。宇文以文皇帝為太祖，隋室以武元皇帝為太祖。國家景皇帝始封唐公，實為太祖。中間代數既近，列在三昭三穆之內，故皇家太廟，唯有六室。其弘農府君、宣光二帝，尊於太祖，親盡則遷，不在昭穆合食之數。奉敕『七室以下，依舊號尊崇。』續又奉敕『既立七廟，須尊崇始祖，速令詳定』者。伏尋禮經，始祖即太祖，太祖之外，更無始祖。後周太祖之外，以周文王為始祖，不合禮經。或有引白虎通義云『后稷為始祖，文王為太祖，武王為太宗』，及鄭玄注詩雍序云『太祖謂文王』以為說者。其義不然。何者？彼以禮『王者祖有功而宗有德，周人祖文王而宗武王』，以謂文王為太祖耳，非祫祭群主合食之太祖。今議者，或有欲立涼武昭王為始祖者，殊為不可。何者？昔在商周，稷、鐫始封，湯武之興，祚由稷、鐫，故以為太祖，即皇家之景帝是也。涼武昭王勳業未廣，後主失守，國土不傳。景皇始封，實本明命。今乃捨封唐之盛烈，崇西涼之遠構，求之前古，實乖典禮。魏氏不以曹參為太祖，晉氏不以殷王卬為太祖，宋氏不以楚元王為太祖，齊、梁不以蕭何為太祖，陳、隋不以胡公、楊震為太祖，則皇家安可以涼武昭王為太祖乎？漢之東京，大議郊祀，多以周郊后稷，漢當郊堯。唯杜林議，獨以為『周室之興，祚由后稷。漢業特起，功不緣堯。祖宗故事，所宜因循。』竟從林議。又傳稱『欲知天上，事問長人』，以其近之。武德、貞觀之時，去涼武昭王，蓋亦近於今矣。當時不立者，不可立故也。今既年代寖遠，方復立之，實恐景皇失職而震怒，武昭虛位而不荅，非社稷之福也。請准敕加太廟為七室，享宣皇帝以備七代。其始祖不合別有尊崇。」 |
| At that time, Tai Chang Bo Shi Zhang Qixian proposed: "The founder of a dynasty is called Taizu. The temple for Taizu should remain undisturbed through all generations; this was the case with Xuanwang of Shang and Houji of Zhou. However, in the case of Shang, from Xuanwang onward, there were fourteen generations until Tang established his rule over all under heaven. In Zhou's case, seventeen generations passed after Houji before King Wu gained dominion over the world. Since these dynasties spanned many generations, both ancestral and close relative temples were established after Taizu; thus, the system of combined offerings remained orderly with clear distinctions in rank. Later, when Han Gao received the mandate and had no founding ancestor to serve as Taizu, he was directly honored as Taizu. When Wei Wu founded the dynasty and Wen Di received the mandate, they also honored Wu Di as Taizu. Jin Xuanguang established the foundation, and Wudi received the mandate; thus, Xundi was also honored as Taizu. The Yuwen family honored Wen Huangdi as Taizu, and the Sui dynasty honored Wuyuan Huangdi as Taizu. In our state, Jing Huangdi was first enfeoffed as Tang Gong; he is the true Taizu. Since the number of intervening generations was small, they were included within three zhaomu pairs; therefore, the imperial Tai Temple had only six chambers. Hongnong Fu Jun, Xuanguang Huangdi, and two emperors were honored above Taizu; when their lineages ended, they would be moved out of the zhaomu system and not included in combined offerings. An imperial decree stated: "For seven chambers or fewer, continue to honor them with their traditional titles." Later another imperial decree was issued stating: "Now that the seven temples have been established, we must honor the founding ancestor; quickly arrange for detailed deliberation." According to our study of ritual classics, the founding ancestor is the Taizu. Outside of Taizu, there can be no other founding ancestor. In addition to Houzhou's Taizu, they honored King Wen of Zhou as the founding ancestor, which is inconsistent with ritual classics. Some cite the "Baihu Tongyi" which states, "Houji was the founding ancestor, King Wen was Taizu, and King Wu was Taizong," as well as Zheng Xuan's annotation on the Ouyang sequence of poetry stating, "Taizu refers to King Wen," in support of their argument. This interpretation is incorrect. Why? They cite the ritual principle that "a ruler honors an ancestor for his achievements and a zong for his virtue, and the Zhou honored King Wen as their ancestor while honoring King Wu as their zong," to argue that King Wen was Taizu. However, this is not the same as the Taizu in the context of collective ancestral sacrifices where all spirits are offered together. Now among those who propose, some wish to establish Liang Wuzhao Wang as the founding ancestor; this is particularly unacceptable. Why? In the past, during the Shang and Zhou dynasties, Ji and Juan were first enfeoffed. The rise of Tang and Wu was traced back to Ji and Juan; thus they became Taizu—this is analogous to our royal family's Jingdi. Liang Wuzhao Wang did not achieve great merit or extensive accomplishments, the later ruler lost control, and the territory was never passed down. Jing Huangdi received his first enfeoffment; this truly originated from divine mandate. Now, abandoning the great achievements of Tang's enfeoffment and instead honoring a distant foundation from Xiliang is contrary to ancient precedents and violates proper ritual. The Wei did not honor Cao Can as Taizu, the Jin did not honor King Ying of Yin as Taizu, the Song did not honor Ouyuan Wang as Taizu, Qi and Liang did not honor Xiao He as Taizu, Chen and Sui did not honor Hugong or Yang Zhen as Taizu—then how can our royal family possibly honor Liang Wuzhaowang as Taizu? During the Eastern Han, when major discussions on sacrificial rites were held in Dongjing, many argued that since Zhou sacrificed to Houji, Han should sacrifice to Yao. Only Du Lin's proposal uniquely stated: "The rise of the Zhou dynasty was traced back in lineage to Houji. "The Han dynasty arose independently, and its achievements were not derived from Yao." "Ancestral traditions should be followed accordingly." In the end, they followed Lin's proposal. Another record states: "To know what is in heaven, ask the eldest," as this was considered closest to the truth. During the Wude and Zhenguan eras, the time distance from Liang Wuzhaowang was also close to today. The reason they were not established at that time is because it would have been inappropriate to establish them. Now, since the years have grown increasingly distant, to establish them anew would risk Jing Huangdi losing his role and becoming angry, while Wuzhao remains in a false position without response—this is not a blessing for the state. I respectfully request that Your Majesty decree an increase of the Tai Temple to seven chambers, honoring Xuanguang Huangdi to complete the seven generations. "Therefore, there should be no separate veneration for a founding ancestor." | ||
| 34 | 天子宗廟: | 太常博士劉承慶議曰：「夫太祖以功建，昭穆以親崇，有功百代而不遷，親盡七葉而當毀。或以太祖代淺，廟數非備，更於昭穆之上，遠立合遷之君，曲從七廟之文，深乖迭毀之制。景皇帝濬德基唐，代數猶近，號雖崇於太祖，親尚列於昭穆，且臨六室之位，未申七代之尊。是知太廟當六，未合有七。故先朝唯有宣、光、景、元、神堯、文武六代親廟。大帝登遐，神主升祔於廟室，以宣皇帝代數當滿，准禮復遷。今止有光皇帝以下六代親廟，非是天子之廟數不當有七，本由太祖有遠近之異，故初建有多少之殊。宣皇既非始祖，又廟無祖宗之號，親盡既遷，其廟不合重立。恐違王制之文，不合先朝之旨。光崇六室，不虧古義。」 |
| Liu Chengqing, Tai Chang Bohu, argued: "Taizu is established based on merit; zhaomu are honored according to closeness of kinship. Merit ensures veneration across generations without removal, while kinship ends after seven generations and should be discontinued. Some argue that since Taizu's dynasty is recent, the number of temples is incomplete; thus they propose to establish a distant ancestor above zhaomu for combined veneration. This interpretation bends the seven-temple system and seriously violates the established rules on temple succession and removal. Jing Huangdi laid the moral foundation for Tang; his dynasty is still relatively recent. Though his title may be elevated above Taizu, he remains within zhaomu in terms of kinship and occupies a position among six chambers without yet attaining the status of seven generations. Therefore, it is clear that the Tai Temple should have six chambers and does not yet warrant seven. Thus, in previous dynasties there were only six generations of ancestral temples: Xuanguang, Jingyuan, Shenyao, and Wenwu. When the great emperor passed away, his spirit tablet was enshrined in the temple chamber; since Xuanguang Huangdi's generation would then be complete according to ritual, it should be moved accordingly. Now there are only six generations of ancestral temples from Guang Huangdi downward. This is not because the emperor's temple count should not reach seven, but originally due to differences in Taizu's proximity or distance; thus, initially built numbers varied accordingly. Since Xuanguang Huangdi is not the founding ancestor and his temple lacks a title for an ancestral or zong emperor, once kinship ends and he has been moved out, it would be inappropriate to reestablish his temple. This may violate the imperial system's regulations and contradict previous dynastic intentions. Maintaining six chambers for Guang Huangdi does not deviate from ancient principles." | ||
| 35 | 天子宗廟: | 時有制，令宰臣更加詳定。禮部尚書祝欽明等奏言：「張齊賢以始同太祖，不合更祖昭王；劉承慶以王制三昭三穆，不合重崇宣帝。臣等商量，請依張齊賢以景皇帝為太祖，依劉承慶尊崇六室。」制從之。 |
| At the time, an imperial decree was issued ordering senior ministers to conduct further detailed deliberations. łożył Minister of Rites Zhu Qinming and others submitted a memorial stating: "Zhang Qixian regards the beginning as equivalent to Taizu, which is inconsistent with establishing Zongzhuang Wang as an additional ancestor; Liu Chengqing argues that the imperial system of three zhaomu pairs does not support rehonoring Xuanguang Huangdi. After discussion, we respectfully request to follow Zhang Qixian's proposal and honor Jing Huangdi as Taizu and follow Liu Chengqing's suggestion to venerate six chambers." The imperial decree approved this. | ||
| 36 | 天子宗廟: | 三年，改武氏崇尊廟為崇恩廟，依天授時享祭。其廟齋郎將用五品子，後卻止。時武三思用事，密令安樂公主諷中宗，故有此制。尋又特令崇恩廟齋郎取五品子充。太常博士楊孚奏曰：「太廟齋郎只取七品子。今崇恩廟既取五品子，太廟齋郎作何等級？」帝曰：「亦准崇恩。」孚曰：「崇恩為太廟之臣，以臣准君，猶為僭逆，以君准臣，天下疑懼。」乃止。 |
| In the third year, the Wu family's Chongzun Temple was renamed Chongen Temple and continued to be honored with sacrifices according to the Tianshou era. The temple's zhai lang were originally to be appointed from sons of fifth-rank officials, but this was later discontinued. At that time, Wu Sansi held power and secretly instructed Anle Gongzhu to advise Emperor Zhongzong; thus this decree was issued. Soon afterward, a special order was given that zhai lang for the Chongen Temple should be selected from sons of fifth-rank officials. Tai Chang Bohu Yang Fu submitted a memorial: "Zhai lang for the Tai Temple should only be selected from sons of seventh-rank officials. Now that zhai lang are being taken from fifth-rank sons for the Chongen Temple, what rank should Tai Temple zhai lang be assigned?" The emperor said: "They shall also follow the standard of Chongen." Fu replied: "Chongen Temple officials are subjects of the Tai Temple. To equate a subject with his sovereign is still an act of overstepping and rebellion; to equate a sovereign with his subject will cause doubt and fear among the people." The order was then discontinued. | ||
| 37 | 天子宗廟: | 睿宗廢崇恩廟。 |
| Emperor Ruizong abolished the Chongen Temple. | ||
| 38 | 天子宗廟: | 開元四年，改題則天神主云「則天皇后武氏」。太常卿姜皎復與禮官上言曰：「今太廟中則天皇后配高宗題云『天后聖帝武氏』。神龍之初，已去帝號。岑羲不閑正禮，復題帝名，恐非通典。請直題云『則天皇后武氏』。」從之。 |
| In the fourth year of Kaiyuan, the title on Zetian's spirit tablet was changed to "Zhetian Huanghou Wu Shi." Tai Chang Qing Jiang Jiao, together with ritual officials, submitted a proposal: "Now in the Tai Temple, Empress Zetian is paired with Emperor Gaozong and her title reads 'Tianhou Shengdi Wu Shi.' "At the beginning of Shenlong era, her imperial title was already removed. "Cen Xi is unfamiliar with proper ritual and has again inscribed an imperial name; this may not conform to established principles." "We respectfully request that it simply be titled 'Zhetian Huanghou Wu Shi.'" The proposal was accepted. | ||
| 39 | 天子宗廟: | 十年，制移中宗神主就正廟，仍創立九室。其後制獻祖、懿祖、太祖、代祖、高祖、太宗、高宗、中宗、睿宗太廟九室也。中宗、睿宗，兄弟相繼。孫平子上書論之。具兄弟昭穆篇中。 |
| In the tenth year, an imperial decree ordered the spirit tablet of Emperor Zhongzong to be moved into the main temple and nine chambers were newly established. The decree later designated the Tai Temple's nine chambers as follows: Xianzu, Yizu, Taizu, Dai Zu, Gaozu, Taizong, Gaozong, Zhongzong, and Ruizong. Emperor Zhongzong and Emperor Ruizong were brothers in succession. Sun Pingzi submitted a memorial to discuss this matter. The details are included in the "Zhaomu" section of the brothers' chapter. | ||
| 40 | 天子宗廟: | 二十三年正月，赦文：「宗廟致享，務在豐潔。禮經沿革，必本人情。籩豆之薦，或未能備物。宜令禮官學士詳議具奏。」太常卿韋縚奏：「宗廟之奠，每座籩豆各加十二。又酒爵制度全小，僅無一合，執持甚難，請稍令廣大。」付尚書省集眾官詳議。 |
| In the first month of the twenty-third year, a pardon edict stated: "Offerings to ancestral temples must be abundant and clean. Ritual classics and their evolution must align with human sentiment. The offering of 笾 and dòu may not yet be fully complete in terms of items. It is appropriate to order ritual officials and scholars to conduct a detailed discussion and submit a full report." Tai Chang Qing Wei Zuo submitted: "For each ancestral offering, the number of 笾 and dòu at each altar should be increased by twelve. Moreover, the wine jues are entirely too small, barely holding one ge, and are very difficult to hold; I respectfully request they be slightly enlarged." The matter was referred to the Shangshu Sheng for a gathering of officials to conduct detailed deliberations. | ||
| 41 | 天子宗廟: | 太子賓客崔沔議曰：「竊聞識禮樂之情者能作，知禮樂之文者能述。述作之義，聖賢所重，禮樂之本，古今所崇，變而通之，所以久也。所謂變者，變其文也；所謂通者，通其情也。祭禮之興，肇於太古，人所飲食，必先嚴獻。未有火化，茹毛飲血，則有毛血之薦；未有麴糱，汙樽抔飲，則有玄酒之奠。施及後王，禮物漸備，作為酒醴，伏其犧牲，以致馨香，以極豐潔，故有三牲八簋之盛，五齊九獻之殷。然以神道至玄，可存而不能測也，祭禮至敬，可備而不可廢也，是以毛血腥爓，玄樽犧象，靡不畢登於明薦矣。然而薦貴於新，味不尚褻，雖則備物，猶存節制，故禮云『天之所生，地之所長，苟可薦者，莫不咸在』。備物之情也。又曰『三牲之俎，八簋之實，美物備矣；昆蟲之異，草木之實，陰陽之物備矣』。此節制之文也。鈃俎籩豆，簠簋樽罍之實，皆周人之時饌也，其用通於讌饗賓客，而周公制禮，咸與毛血玄酒，同薦於先。晉中郎盧諶，近古知禮者也。著家祭禮，皆晉時常食，不復純用舊文。然則當時飲食，不可闕於祀祭明矣，是變禮文而通其情也。我國家由禮立訓，因時制範，考圖史於前典，稽周漢之舊儀。清廟時享，禮饌畢陳，用周制也而古式存焉；園寢上食，時膳具設，遵漢法也而珍味極焉。職貢來祭，致遠物也；有新必薦，順時令也。苑囿之內，躬穡所收，蒐狩之時，親發所中，莫不割鮮擇美，薦而後食，盡誠敬也。若此至矣，復何加焉？但當申敕祭如神在，毋或簡怠，增勗虔誠。其進珍羞，或時鮮美，考諸祠典，有所漏略，皆詳擇名目，編諸甲令，因宜而薦，以類相從，則新鮮肥醲盡在是矣，不必加於籩豆之數也。至於祭器，隨物所宜。故太羹，古食也，盛於釶；釶，古器也。和羹，時饌也，盛於鈃；鈃，時器也。亦有古饌而盛於時器，故毛血盛於盤，玄酒盛於樽。未有薦時饌而追用古器者。古質而今文，便於事也。雖加籩豆十二，未足以盡天下美物，而措諸清廟，有兼倍之名，近於侈矣。又據漢書藝文志，墨家之流，出於清廟，是以貴儉。由此觀之，清廟之不尚於奢，舊矣。太常所請，恐未可行。又稱『酒爵全小，須加廣大』。竊據禮文，有以小為貴者，獻以爵，貴其小也。小不及制，敬而非禮，是有司之失其傳也。固可隨失釐正，無待議而後革。未知今制，何所依准，請兼詳令式，據文而行。」 |
| Cui Mian, Crown Prince's Guest, argued: "I have heard that those who understand the spirit of ritual and music can create, while those who know only their written forms can merely recount. The principles of creation and narration are valued by sages and virtuous men; the foundation of ritual and music is revered in both ancient and modern times. The ability to adapt and apply them ensures their enduring relevance. What is meant by "change" is changing its form; what is meant by "application" is conveying its spirit. The origin of sacrificial rites dates back to the most ancient times; whenever people partook in food and drink, they first offered solemn sacrifices. Before fire was used for cooking, when raw meat and blood were consumed, there were offerings of hair-covered flesh and blood; before the use of fermentation agents for brewing, when drinking from crude vessels was common, there were sacrifices with xuanjiu (a symbolic offering of water or wine). As later kings came to power, sacrificial items gradually became more complete; wine and offerings were prepared, sacrifices of livestock were made, to present fragrant aromas and achieve abundance and cleanliness. Thus arose the grandeur of three sacrificial animals and eight gui vessels, as well as the richness of five types of wine and nine offerings. Yet, since the divine path is profoundly mysterious, it can be preserved but not fully understood; sacrificial rites are deeply reverent and must be complete yet cannot be abandoned. Therefore, offerings of raw flesh, blood, and charred meat, as well as symbolic wine vessels and sacrificial livestock representations—none were omitted from being presented in the most solemn manner. However, offerings value freshness and purity; although all items are prepared, moderation is still maintained. Hence the Rites state: "What Heaven has produced and Earth has nurtured—if they can be offered, none should be omitted." This expresses the spirit of complete preparation. It also says: "The three sacrificial animals on their platters, and the eight gui filled with offerings—fine items are complete; insects and plants, fruits of trees and grasses, all things representing yin and yang are fully prepared." This is the text on moderation. The bronze platters,笾 and dòu, fu gui, zun lei vessels—these were all sacrificial offerings of the Zhou people. These items were also used in banquets for entertaining guests; yet when Gonggong established rites, he included them together with raw flesh, blood, xuanjiu, and offered them to ancestors. Lu Chen of Jin's Zhonglang was a knowledgeable figure in rites from recent ancient times. He composed family sacrificial rites, which included common foods of the Jin era and no longer strictly followed old texts. Thus it is clear that food and drink at that time could not be omitted from sacrificial rites; this was changing the written forms of ritual to convey their spirit. Our state establishes teachings through ritual, sets standards according to the times, examines maps and histories from previous classics, and investigates old Zhou and Han dynasty ceremonies. At regular sacrifices in the clear temple, all ritual offerings are fully presented—this follows Zhou system while preserving ancient forms; In ancestral gardens and sleeping chambers, meals are prepared with seasonal dishes—this adheres to Han regulations yet includes the most exquisite flavors. Dutiful tributes arrive for sacrifice, bringing distant goods; Whenever there is something new, it must be offered—this follows the seasons. Within royal parks and hunting grounds, the emperor himself reaps what is harvested; during hunts, he personally shoots game. Nothing but fresh and beautiful cuts are selected—offered first before being eaten, this fully expresses sincerity and reverence. If such perfection is achieved, what more could be added? But one should only reiterate the instruction that sacrifices must be conducted as if deities were present; no negligence or carelessness is to occur, and sincerity and devotion must be strengthened. Regarding the offering of delicacies, some may be seasonal and delicious. Upon examining ancestral temple records, there are omissions or oversights; therefore, names must be carefully selected and compiled into official orders. Offerings should follow suitability and be grouped by category—then all fresh and rich flavors will be included here, without needing to increase the number of 笾 and dòu. As for sacrificial vessels, they should follow what is appropriate for each item. Therefore, tai geng, an ancient food, was served in a gu vessel; A gu is an ancient vessel. He geng, a contemporary offering, was served on a xing platter; A xing is a vessel of the times. There are also ancient offerings placed in contemporary vessels; thus, raw flesh and blood were served on plates, and xuanjiu was poured into zun. There has never been a case of offering contemporary food while reverting to ancient vessels. Ancient simplicity and modern formality—this is convenient for practical matters. Even adding twelve 笾 and dòu would not be sufficient to include all the fine things in the world, yet placing them in the clear temple with a name implying double or more is close to extravagance. Also according to the Yiwenzhi of the Hanshu, the Mohist school originated from the clear temple; thus it values frugality. From this we can see that the clear temple has long not favored luxury. What Taichang requested may not be feasible. It also claimed, "The wine jues are too small and must be made larger." According to the rites, there is a case where smaller is more valuable; when offering with jue, it is valued for its small size. If too small and not in accordance with regulations, reverence without proper rites indicates the officials have lost their tradition. Certainly it can be corrected as errors are found; there is no need to wait for discussion before reforming. It is unknown on what basis the current regulations rely, so I request a thorough review of orders and standards to act according to written rules." | ||
| 42 | 天子宗廟: | 上曰：「享祀實思豐潔，不應法制者，亦不可用。」於是更令太常量加品味。韋縚又請「每室加籩豆各六，每四時異品，以當時新果及珍羞同薦」。制可之。又酌獻酒爵，上令用龠升一升，合於古義，而多少適中。自是常依行焉。 |
| The emperor said: "Sacrificial offerings should indeed be abundant and clean, but those not in accordance with legal regulations cannot be used either." Thus, the emperor ordered Taichang to measure and add more flavors. Wei Zhen again requested, "Add six 笾 and dòu to each chamber; for every season, offer different items, including fresh fruits of the season and delicacies together." The emperor approved it. For the wine jue used in pouring offerings, the emperor ordered one yue (a unit of measure) to be used, which conforms to ancient meaning and is moderate in quantity. Since then, it has been regularly followed. | ||
| 43 | 天子宗廟: | 天寶三載詔：「頃四時有事於太廟，兩京同日告享。雖卜吉辰，俱遵上日，而義深如在，禮或有乖。自今以後，兩京宜各別擇吉日告享。」 |
| In the third year of Tianbao, an edict was issued: "Recently, seasonal sacrifices have been held at the Taitemple; both capitals announce and perform them on the same day. Although auspicious dates are divined, they all follow the first day; yet in meaning, it is as if deities were present, and rites may be somewhat inconsistent. From now on, the two capitals should each select separate auspicious days for announcement and sacrifice." | ||
| 44 | 天子宗廟: | 五載詔：「祭神如在，傳諸古訓，以多為貴，著自禮經。膟膋之儀，蓋昔賢之尚質；甘旨之品，亦孝子之盡誠。既切因心，方資變禮。其以後享太廟，宜料外每室加常食一牙盤。仍令所司，務盡豐潔。」 |
| In the fifth year, an edict was issued: "Sacrificing to deities as if they were present is passed down from ancient teachings; offering more is valued, established in ritual classics. The rites of xian and liao reflect the simplicity valued by past sages; Delicious flavors are also expressions of filial sons' utmost sincerity. Since they closely reflect heartfelt intentions, rites should be adjusted accordingly. From now on, for future sacrifices at the Taitemple, an additional tooth plate of regular food should be added to each chamber beyond the usual provisions. Also order the responsible officials to ensure abundance and cleanliness." | ||
| 45 | 天子宗廟: | 九載七月，制曰：「承前有事宗廟，皆稱告享。茲乃臨下之辭，頗虧尊上之義。靜言斯稱，殊未為允。自今以後，每親告獻太清太微宮，改為朝獻，有司行事為薦獻。親告享廟，改為朝享，有司行事為薦享。親巡陵改為朝拜，有司行事為拜陵。應緣諸事告宗廟者，並改為奏。其郊天后土及諸祝文云『敢昭告』者，並改為『敢昭薦』。」乾封元年，詔曰：「每惟宗廟至敬，虔誠祼享，而二等一奠，惟有未安。思革舊章，用崇嚴配。自今以後，宗廟薦享爵及簠簋釶鈃，各宜別奠。其餘牢饌，並依恒典。」貞元九年十一月九日，謁太廟，有敕：「至廟行禮，不得施褥。至敬之所，自合履地而行。南郊亦宜准此。」 |
| In the seventh month of the ninth year, an imperial decree stated: "Following previous practice, when there are matters concerning ancestral temples, they were all referred to as 'gaoxiang' (announcement and sacrifice). This is a term used when addressing subordinates; it somewhat undermines the meaning of respect for superiors. Carefully considering this title, it is clearly inappropriate. From now on, whenever personally announcing and offering sacrifices at the Taiqing and Taiwei palaces, it shall be changed to "chaoxian" (court sacrifice), while officials performing rites shall be termed "jianxian" (presentation of offerings). When personally announcing and sacrificing at the temple, it shall henceforth be called chaoxiang (court offering), while officials conducting rites shall be termed jianxiang (presentation of offerings). When personally visiting the mausoleum, it shall henceforth be termed chaobai (court bowing), while officials performing rites are to be called bailing (bowing at the tomb). All matters requiring announcement to ancestral temples should henceforth be changed to formal reports. As for the sacrificial texts at the altars of Heaven, Earth, and others where it says 'ganzhaogao' (dare to announce), they should all be changed to 'ganzhaojian' (dare to present offerings')." In the first year of Qianfeng, an edict stated: "I have always considered ancestral temples as utmost reverence; with sincere devotion in pouring offerings. Yet two ranks and one offering remain unsettled. I wish to reform old regulations, to honor the solemn pairing." From now on, in ancestral temple offerings, jue for wine and vessels such as fu gui gu xing should each be separately offered. All other sacrificial foods shall follow established regulations." On the ninth day of the eleventh month in the ninth year of Zhenyuan, when visiting the Taitemple, a decree was issued: "When performing rites at the temple, rugs must not be laid." This is a place of utmost reverence; one should naturally walk barefoot on the ground. The southern altar for Heaven sacrifices should also follow this." |
《后妃廟 - Temples of Empresses and Consorts 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 后妃廟: | 周 魏 東晉 宋 齊 梁 大唐 |
| Zhou Wei Dongjin Song Qi Liang Datang | ||
| 2 | 后妃廟: | 周祭先妣之廟，姜嫄履大人跡，感神靈而生后稷，是周之先母也。周立廟自后稷為始祖，而姜嫄無所配，是以特立廟祭之，謂之閟宮。閟，神之。四時薦。禘祫與七廟皆祭。樂奏夷則，歌小呂，舞大濩。夷則，陽聲次五，小呂為之合。 |
| The Zhou honored the temple of their ancestral mother. Jiang Yuan stepped on the footprint of a great man, was moved by divine inspiration and gave birth to Hou Ji; she was thus the ancestor-mother of the Zhou. The Zhou established ancestral temples beginning with Hou Ji as their founding ancestor, but Jiang Yuan had no spouse to be paired with; therefore, a special temple was built for her worship, called the Bìgōng. Bì means "to deify." Offerings were made in all four seasons. The Di, Xian, and the seven ancestral temples were all honored with sacrifices. Music was played in Yizé, songs of Xiaolv were sung, and dances of Dahuo were performed. Yizé is the fifth among yang tones; Xiaolv harmonizes with it. | ||
| 3 | 后妃廟: | 魏文思后依周姜嫄廟禘祫。高堂隆議。文帝甄后賜死，故不列廟。明帝即位，有司奏請追諡曰文昭皇后，使司空王朗持節奉策告祠於陵。時三公又奏曰：「自古周人歸祖后稷，又特立廟以祀姜嫄。今文昭皇后於後嗣，聖德至化，豈有量哉！夫以皇家世妃之尊，神靈遷化，而無寢廟，非以報顯德，昭孝敬也。宜依周禮，別立寢廟。」太和元年二月，立廟於鄴。四月，洛邑初營宗廟，掘地得玉璽，方一寸九分，其文曰「天子羨思慈親」。明帝為之改容，以太牢告廟。景初元年十二月，有司又奏：文昭皇后立廟京師，永傳享祀，樂舞與祖廟同，廢其在鄴廟。 |
| Empress Wen of Wei followed the Zhou practice by holding Di and Xian ceremonies at a temple honoring her like that for Jiang Yuan. Discussed by Gaotang Long. Empress Zhen of Emperor Wen was granted death, so she was not enshrined in the temple. When Emperor Ming ascended the throne, officials submitted a proposal requesting that she be posthumously honored with the title "Wenzhao Empress," and ordered Sikong Wang Lang to hold a scepter and present the decree at her tomb for worship. At that time, the Three Dukes also submitted a proposal stating: "Since ancient times, the Zhou people traced their ancestry back to Hou Ji and specially built a temple to worship Jiang Yuan. Now Empress Wenzhao, in relation to her descendants, possesses saintly virtue and profound moral influence—how could there be any limits to that! Given her status as a revered imperial consort of the royal family, and with divine transformation having taken place, yet without a temple for worship, this would not be a proper way to repay her evident virtue or demonstrate filial piety. She should be honored according to the Zhou rites by establishing a separate temple for worship." In the second month of Taihe Year 1, a temple was established in Ye. longing In April, when the imperial ancestral temples were first constructed in Luoyi, a jade seal was unearthed during excavation. It measured one cun and nine fen on each side, and its inscription read "Tianzi Xiansi Ciqin" ("The Son of Heaven cherishes thoughts of his kind mother"). Emperor Ming was deeply moved and made a grand sacrifice with the "tai lao" (a large offering) to report this discovery at the temple. In December of Jingchu Year 1, officials again submitted a proposal: "Empress Wenzhao's temple should be established in the capital city for perpetual worship and offerings. The music and dance ceremonies would be the same as those at the ancestral temple, and her temple in Ye should be abolished." | ||
| 4 | 后妃廟: | 東晉元帝初為晉王，妃虞氏先亡。王導與賀循書，論虞廟元帝為琅琊王，納虞氏為妃，永嘉中亡，帝為晉王，追諡為后。而元帝子明帝自有母，時以此疑，故比兄弟昭穆之義也。云：「王所崇惜者體也，未敢當正位入廟及毀廢之數，不知便可得爾不？」循答曰：「漢光武於屬，以元帝為父，故於昭穆之敘，便居成帝之位，而遷成帝之主於長安高廟。今聖上於惠帝為兄弟，亦當居惠帝之位，而上繼武帝，惠帝亦宜別廟，則虞妃廟位，當以此定。」導又云：「戴若思欲於太廟立后別室。」循答曰：「愚以尊王既當天之正統，而未盡宸居之極稱，既名稱未極，更於事宜為難。或謂可立別廟，使進退無犯。意謂以尊意所重施於今，宜如有可爾理。若全尊尋備，昭穆既正，則俯從定位，亦無拘小別。然非常禮，無所取准。於名則未滿，於禮則變常。竊以戴所斟酌，於人情為未安。」 |
| At the beginning of his reign as King Jin, Emperor Yuan of Eastern Jin had a wife surnamed Yu who died earlier. Wang Dao wrote a letter to He Xun, discussing the Yu Temple: When Emperor Yuan was King Langya, he took Lady Yu as his wife; she died during the Yongjia period. When the emperor became King Jin, he posthumously honored her as empress. Yet Emperor Ming, son of Emperor Yuan, had his own mother; at that time there was doubt about this matter, so the principle of distinguishing between brothers in ancestral temple rites (Zhao Mu) was applied. He said: "What the king reveres and cherishes is her body; we dare not place her in a proper position within the temple or include her among those to be destroyed, but I do not know if it would be acceptable to proceed this way?" Xun replied: "The Han Emperor Guangwu, in terms of lineage, regarded Emperor Yuan as his father; therefore, in the order of Zhao Mu rites, he occupied the position of Emperor Cheng, and moved Emperor Cheng's ancestral tablet to the Gao Temple in Chang'an. Now, the current emperor is a brother of Emperor Hui; he should thus occupy Emperor Hui's position and ascend to succeed Emperor Wu. In that case, Emperor Hui should also have his own separate temple. Therefore, Lady Yu's temple status should be determined accordingly." Dao added: "Dai Ruosi wanted to establish a separate chamber for the empress in the Grand Temple." Xun replied: "I believe that since the revered king has already assumed the legitimate imperial lineage, yet his title does not fully reflect the supreme status of a sovereign. Since the name and honor have not reached their utmost, it would be difficult to determine the appropriate ceremonial matters further. Some say that establishing a separate temple might allow for proper ceremony without conflict. The intention is to apply the revered king's emphasis on respect today, and it would be appropriate if there were a reasonable basis for doing so. If the full respect is fully prepared, and the Zhao Mu order has already been properly established, then one may humbly follow the designated position without being overly concerned about minor distinctions. However, since this is not a standard ritual matter, there are no fixed precedents to refer to. In terms of titles, it has not yet reached its full measure; in terms of rites, it would require a deviation from the norm. I secretly believe that Dai Ruosi's deliberations do not yet provide comfort according to human sentiment." | ||
| 5 | 后妃廟: | 宋孝武大明二年，有司奏，皇代殷祭，無事於章太后。博士孫武議：「祭統曰：『有事於太廟，則群昭群穆咸在，不失其倫。』殷祀是合食太祖而序昭穆。章太后既屈於上，不列正廟。若迎主入太廟，既不敢配列於正序，又未聞於昭穆之外別立為位。章太后廟，四時享薦，雖不於孫止，若太廟禘祫，獨祭別宮，與四時烝嘗不異，則非禘大祭之義，又無取於祫合食之文。謂不宜與太廟同殷祭之禮也。」詔曰：「章皇太后追尊極號，禮同七廟，豈容獨闕殷薦，隔茲盛祀？閟宮遙祫，既行有周，魏晉從饗，式範無替。宜述附前典，以宣情敬。」博士王燮之議：「按禘祫小廟，禮無正文，求之情例，如有可准。推尋祫之為名，雖在合食，而祭典之重，於此為大。夫以孝享親，尊愛罔極，既殷薦於太祖，亦致盛祀於小廟。譬有事於尊者，可以及卑。故魏高堂隆所謂猶以祫故而祭之也。是以魏之文思，晉之宣后，雖不並序於太廟，而猶均禘於姜嫄，其意如此。又徐邈所引四不祫，就而祭之，以為別饗之例，斯其證矣。愚謂章太后廟，亦宜殷薦。」從之。 |
| In the second year of Daming reign period of Emperor Xiaowu of Song, officials submitted a report stating that in imperial sacrifices to ancestors, there was no need for offerings to Chang Taohou. Doctor Sun Wu argued: "The Rites of Zhou state: 'When there is a sacrifice at the Grand Temple, all descendants and their brothers should be present in order, without losing their proper hierarchy.' The Yin sacrifices involve communal offerings to the Taizu (the founding ancestor) while arranging the Zhao Mu (ancestral hierarchy). Since Chang Taohou is ranked lower, she was not placed in a principal temple. If her ancestral tablet were to be brought into the Grand Temple, it would not only be inappropriate to place her among the principal ranks but also there is no precedent for establishing a separate position outside of the Zhao Mu hierarchy. The temple of Chang Taohou receives seasonal offerings; although it is not directly related to her grandson, if during the Di and Xian ceremonies in the Grand Temple she were separately worshipped in a different hall, this would be no different from the four-seasonal sacrifices of zeng and chang. It would then fail to meet the meaning of the grand Di sacrifice and also lack support from the texts on combined ancestral offerings (Xian). Therefore, it is said that she should not be honored with the same Yin sacrificial rites as the Grand Temple." The imperial edict stated: "Empress Dowager Chang, who was posthumously honored with the highest title, should be treated in rites equal to those of the seven ancestral temples. How could she possibly be excluded from the grand sacrificial offerings and deprived of this great ceremony? The remote Xian sacrifices at the Bìgōng temple, which were practiced in the Zhou dynasty, and followed by Wei and Jin dynasties for shared offerings, have always served as a model without decline. It is appropriate to follow previous precedents and express filial devotion accordingly." Doctor Wang Xiezhi argued: "Regarding the Di, Xian ceremonies and minor temples, there is no explicit text in ritual records. However, by examining analogous cases and sentiments, there may be precedents that can serve as a basis. By tracing the meaning of Xian, although it refers to combined offerings, the significance and solemnity of this ritual are particularly great. Filial devotion in honoring one's parents is boundless respect and love; thus, while grand offerings are made to the Taizu, great ceremonies should also be held at minor temples. It is like when there is an offering for a higher-ranking ancestor—it can extend to those of lower rank. Therefore, this was what Gaotang Long of the Wei dynasty meant when he said that sacrifices were still made for them due to the Xian ceremony. Thus, Empress Wensi of Wei and Empress Xuan of Jin, although not ranked among the ancestral tablets in the Grand Temple, were still equally honored with Di sacrifices like Jiang Yuan—this was their intention. In addition, Xu Miao cited the four cases of Xian not being combined, yet still held separately for worship; this serves as evidence for such an example. I believe that Empress Dowager Chang's temple should also receive grand sacrificial offerings." The suggestion was accepted. | ||
| 6 | 后妃廟: | 七年，詔立宣貴妃廟。時有司奏：「故宣貴妃既加殊禮，未詳應立廟不？」虞龢議曰：「婚義云『后立六宮』，后之有三妃，猶天子之有三公也。三公既尊於列國諸侯，三妃亦貴於庶邦夫人。據春秋，仲子得考彼別宮。今貴妃理應立此新廟。」詔可。龢音禾。其祀禮，王親執奠爵。有故，三卿行事。時有司又奏言：「新安王服宣貴妃齊衰周，十一月練，十三月縞，十五月禫，心喪三年。未詳宣貴妃祔廟在何時？入廟之日，當先有祔，為但即入新廟而已？若在大祥未及禫中入廟者，遇四時便得祭不？又新安王在心制中，得親奉祭不？」左丞徐爰議以：「禮有損益，古今異儀。春秋傳雖云卒哭而祔，祔而作主，代之諸侯，皆禫終入廟。且麻衣縓緣，革服於元嘉；苫絰變除，申情於皇宋。況宣貴妃誕育叡蕃，葬加殊禮，靈筵廬位，皆主之哲聖，考宮創祀，不復問之朝廷。謂禫除之後，宜親執奠爵，王若有故，三卿行事。」詔可。縓音七絹反。 |
| In the seventh year, an imperial edict ordered the establishment of a temple for Empress Guifei Xuan. At that time, officials submitted a report: "Since the late Empress Guifei Xun had been honored with special rites, it was unclear whether or not she should have her own temple?" Yu He argued: "The Rites of Marriage state, 'When an empress is established, six palaces are set up.' The presence of three consorts for the empress is analogous to the emperor having three dukes. Since the Three Dukes are more honored than feudal lords of various states, the three consorts should also be considered more prestigious than ordinary ladies from other regions. According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, Zhongzi was honored with a separate hall for ancestral worship. Therefore, an empress dowager should logically be granted her own new temple." The imperial decree approved it. He's name is pronounced He. The rites for her worship were conducted with the emperor personally holding and offering the sacrificial wine cup. If there was an impediment, three senior officials would perform the ceremony on his behalf. At that time, officials also submitted a report stating: "Prince Xin'an observed the mourning rites for Empress Guifei Xun in accordance with the Qi Cui Zhou regulations—eleven months of plain mourning, thirteen months of white mourning robes, fifteen months of light mourning, and three years of heartfelt mourning. It is unclear at what time Empress Guifei Xun's ancestral tablet should be enshrined in the family temple?" On the day of enshrinement, should there first be a formal ceremony for joining her tablet to the ancestral line (shufu), or is it merely placing her in the new temple? If she were enshrined during the Da Xiang period before the Dan ceremony, would seasonal sacrifices still be allowed? Also, while Prince Xin'an is in a period of heartfelt mourning (xin zhi), may he personally offer the sacrifice?" Zuo Cheng Xu Yuan argued: "Rituals have their variations and adaptations; ancient and modern times differ in their practices. Although the Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals states that enshrinement (shufu) should occur after the completion of wailing, followed by the creation of an ancestral tablet, in practice, feudal lords from later generations all waited until the end of Dan mourning before entering their ancestors into the temple. Moreover, the custom of wearing hemp robes with crimson trim was abolished during Yuancha; łoży The mourning practices involving straw mats and cord were also modified or removed, expressing filial sentiment in accordance with the rites of the Song dynasty. Moreover, since Empress Guifei Xun gave birth to Emperor Rui and Prince Fan, and was honored with special funeral rites—her mourning arrangements and the establishment of her shrine were all decided by the wise sovereign. The construction of a temple in her honor did not require further approval from the court. It was stated that after the Dan mourning period, the emperor should personally hold and offer the sacrificial wine cup; if there were any impediments for the king, three senior officials could perform the ceremony on his behalf." The imperial decree approved this. Qian is pronounced Qi Juan Fan. | ||
| 7 | 后妃廟: | 明帝泰始二年，昭太后崩。有司奏：「太后於至尊無親，上特制義服。祔廟之禮，下禮官詳議。」乃躋新祏于上位，其祭使有司行禮。博士王略等奏：「昭皇太后正位母儀，尊號允著，祔廟之禮，宜備彝典則。愚謂神主應入章后廟。又宜依晉元皇之於愍帝，安帝之於永安后，祭祀之日，不親執觴爵，使有司行事。」時太宗宣后已祔章太后廟，虞龢議以為：「春秋之義，庶母雖名同崇號，而實異正嫡。是以猶考別宮，而公子主其祀。今昭皇太后既非所生，益無親奉之理。周禮宗伯職云『若王不與祭，則攝位』，然則使有司行其禮。又婦人無常秩，各以夫為定，夫亡以子為次。昭皇太后即正位於前，宣太后追尊在後，以次序而言，宜躋祏于上位。」詔可。六月，有司奏：「七月嘗祠二廟，依舊車駕親奉。孝武皇帝室，至尊親進觴爵。又昭皇太后室應拜，及祝文稱皇帝。御名。又皇后今月二十五日虔見於禰，拜孝武皇帝、昭皇太后。並無明文。」禮官議曰：「今上既纂嗣文皇，於孝武進拜而已。觴爵使有司行事。昭皇太后祝文稱皇帝。御名。孝武、昭皇太后二室，廢薦告。」 |
| In the second year of Taishi reign period of Emperor Ming, Empress Dowager Zhao passed away. Officials submitted a report: "The empress dowager had no blood relation to the Son of Heaven; the emperor specially decreed ceremonial mourning attire out of filial piety. As for the rites for enshrining her tablet in the temple, we request that the ritual officials deliberate and provide a detailed proposal." Thus, she was elevated to the highest position in the new shrine; her sacrifices were conducted by officials performing the rites. Doctor Wang Lüe and others submitted: "Empress Dowager Zhao held the proper position as mother of the sovereign, her title was appropriately honored. The rites for enshrining her in the temple should follow established ritual standards. We believe that her ancestral tablet should be placed in the temple of Empress Chang." Furthermore, we should follow the example of Emperor Yuan of Jin with Emperor Min and Emperor An with Empress Yong'an: on days of sacrifice, the Son of Heaven need not personally hold the wine cup but may instead have officials perform the rites." At that time, Empress Xuan of Taizong had already been enshrined in the temple of Empress Dowager Zhang. Yu He argued: "According to the principles of the Spring and Autumn Annals, although a stepmother may share an honorary title with the principal mother, their actual status differs between concubine and legitimate wife. Therefore, she should still be honored in a separate hall, with her son overseeing the sacrifices. Now that Empress Dowager Zhao was not the emperor's biological mother, there is even less reason for him to personally offer sacrifices. The Rites of Zhou, in the section on Zongbo's duties, state: "If the king does not participate in the sacrifice, then officials should take his place." Therefore, it is appropriate for officials to perform the rites. Moreover, women have no fixed rank of their own; their status depends on that of their husband, and after a husband's death, it is determined by the son. Empress Dowager Zhao had already held a principal position earlier, while Empress Dowager Xuan was posthumously honored later. In terms of order, her ancestral tablet should therefore be placed in the higher position." The imperial decree approved this decision. In the sixth month, officials submitted a report: "In July, when sacrifices are made at the two temples, as before, the Son of Heaven should personally lead the procession and offer homage. At the temple of Emperor Xiaowu, the Son of Heaven himself should personally present the wine cup. Moreover, at Empress Dowager Zhao's shrine, a bow should be performed, and in the sacrificial prayers, she should be addressed as "emperor." Imperial name. Also, on the twenty-fifth day of this month, the empress paid a respectful visit to the ancestral shrine and performed bows before Emperor Xiaowu and Empress Dowager Zhao. There are no clear written records for these practices." The ritual officials deliberated: "Since the current emperor has succeeded Emperor Wen, he should merely perform a bow of respect to Emperor Xiaowu. The offering of wine cups should be carried out by officials." In the sacrificial prayers for Empress Dowager Zhao, she is addressed as "emperor." Imperial name. The two shrines of Emperor Xiaowu and Empess Dowager Zhao should cease from receiving sacrificial offerings." | ||
| 8 | 后妃廟: | 後廢帝元徽二年十月丙寅，有司奏：至尊親祠太廟文皇帝太后廟之日，孝武皇帝及昭皇太后，雖親非正統，而嘗經北面，宜執孝武皇帝觴爵，昭皇太后依舊三公行事。左丞孫緬議：「晉代祖宗孝宗、顯宗、烈宗、肅宗，並是晉帝之伯，今朝明准，而初無有司行事之文。愚謂主上親執孝武皇帝觴爵，有愜情敬。皇太后君母之貴，見尊一時，與章、宣二廟同享閟宮，非惟不可躬奉，乃宜議其毀替。請且依舊，三公行事。」從之。 |
| In the tenth month, on the Bingyin day of Yuanhui 2nd year (October 10, 474 AD) during the reign of Emperor Hou Feidi, officials submitted a memorial: On the day when the Son of Heaven personally performs sacrifices at the Grand Ancestral Temple to Emperor Wen and his empress dowager's temple, although Emperor Xiaowu and Empres Dowager Zhao were not part of the legitimate line of succession, they had once been subordinates. Therefore, it is appropriate for the Son of Heaven to present the wine cups in honor of Emperor Xiaowu; as for Empress Dowager Zhao's shrine, officials should continue to perform rituals according to the precedent set by the Three Excellencies. The Left Chancellor Sun Mian argued: "During the Jin dynasty, Emperor Xiao, Emperor Xian, Emperor Lie, and Emperor Su were all uncles of the Jin emperors. The current dynasty has clearly followed this precedent, yet there is no written record indicating that officials should perform rituals on their behalf. I believe it would be appropriate for the Son of Heaven himself to present the wine cup in honor of Emperor Xiaowu, as this would express proper respect and sentiment. Empress Dowager, as the mother of a sovereign, was once honored with great respect and shared in the veneration at the temples of Emperors Zhang and Xuan within the secluded palace. Not only should she not be personally served by the Son of Heaven, but it is also appropriate to consider discontinuing her worship. It is respectfully requested that we continue following the existing practice and have the Three Excellencies perform the rituals." The request was approved. | ||
| 9 | 后妃廟: | 齊明帝建武二年，有司奏遷景懿后於新廟。車服之儀，乘重翟車，服之褘衣，首飾以覆。侍中、散騎常侍、黃門侍郎、散騎侍郎各二人，分從前後部，同於王者。內職有女尚書、女長御啟引。 |
| In the second year of Jianwu reign (495 AD) during Emperor Ming's rule in the Qi dynasty, officials submitted a proposal to relocate Empress Jingyi to the new temple. The ceremonial rites for vehicles and attire: ride in a heavy zhidie carriage, wear the huiyi robe, and cover the head with ornaments. Two each of Attendants-in-Ordinary, Attendants-on-the-Imperial-Horse, Yellow Gate Attendants, and Attendants on the Imperial Horse should accompany her, one group in front and one behind, following the same protocol as for a sovereign. Female officials such as Female Secretaries and Female Attendants-in-Charge should lead her into court." | ||
| 10 | 后妃廟: | 梁武帝立小廟。太祖、太夫人廟也。非嫡，故別立廟。皇帝每祭太廟訖，乃詣小廟，亦以一太牢，如太廟禮。 |
| Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty established a small temple. This was the temple for Emperor Taizu and his noble lady. She was not of the legitimate lineage, so a separate temple was established for her. After completing sacrifices at the Grand Ancestraltemple, the emperor would proceed to the small temple and also offer one taolao sacrifice, following the same rites as those of the Grand Ancestral Temple. | ||
| 11 | 后妃廟: | 大唐立肅明皇后廟，時享，有司行事。如開元禮。 |
| The Tang dynasty established a temple for Empress Suming; regular sacrifices were conducted there, performed by officials. Following the Kaiyuan Rites. |
《皇太子及皇子宗廟 - Imperial Crown Prince and Imperial Sons' Ancestral Temples 》 | English translation: AI and Chinese Text Project users [?] | Library Resources |
| 1 | 皇太子及... : | 東晉 大唐 |
| Eastern Jin, Great Tang | ||
| 2 | 皇太子及... : | 東晉孝武帝太元六年，詔曰：「亡大兄以司馬珣之為國後，祭禮何儀？」博士江熙議：「穀梁傳云『公子之重，視大夫』，則王子一例也。請皇子廟祭，用大夫禮，三廟。博士沈寂等議：「禮，大夫三廟，無貴賤之別，然則上至皇子，下及陪臣，其禮無二。」牲用少牢。若繼嗣之身未准大夫，祭用士禮。按會稽王嗣子，即簡文帝長子。博士沈寂等議：「會稽王嗣子既以疾廢，當降從之公子，則皆如大夫，牲用少牢。」宜權立行廟，告嗣，而後迎繼嗣之身。江熙議：「皇子雖有廟，然無子不立廟，故詔使立後，烝嘗之祀，稱『皇帝有命，命某繼嗣』。」博士沈寂議：「皇子依如大夫禮，應立後，宜先告，權為行廟。告，於禮無文。准先立廟告嗣，而後迎繼嗣之身。案禮，君薨嗣子生，太祝裨冕告於殯。既葬嗣子生，祝告於禰。明夫宗廟者，神靈之所宅，是以存亡吉凶必先告於廟，古今不革之制，三代不易之典。豈有興滅繼絕，傳祀百代，而誣亡者之靈，疑告生之義耶？緣情依禮，謂宜先告於靈，後迎於子。」庾蔚之謂：「嗣子以無子不廟，今有嗣子，乃立廟耶？告生者是先自有廟，不得引以為例。」 |
| In the sixth year of Ta yuan reign period of Emperor Xiaowu of the Eastern Jin, an edict was issued: "The late elder brother appointed Sima Xun as heir to the state. What rites should be observed for his sacrifice?" Jiang Xi, a Doctor of the Hanlin Academy, argued: "The Guliang Zhuan says 'the importance of a marquis is equivalent to that of a high official,' which means princes should be treated as one category." It is requested that the ancestral temple sacrifices for imperial sons follow the rites for high officials, with offerings made at three temples. Doctor Shen Ji and others argued: "According to the rites, high officials have three ancestral temples, with no distinction between noble or humble status. Therefore, from imperial sons down to attendants, their rites should be the same." The sacrificial animals used are those of a lesser offering (a ram and a boar). If the heir himself has not yet been granted the status equivalent to that of a high official, then the rites for an ordinary scholar-official should be used in the sacrifice. According to records, the heir of the Duke of Kuaiji was the eldest son of Emperor Jianwen. Doctor Shen Ji and others argued: "Since the heir of the Duke of Ku'aiji has been incapacitated due to illness, he should be ranked down as a marquis. Therefore, they are all equivalent to high officials; sacrificial animals for their rites should thus include those of a lesser offering." It is appropriate to temporarily establish an ancestral temple, announce the heir, and then welcome the body of the successor. Jiang Xi argued: "Although imperial sons have ancestral temples, if they have no descendants, a temple is not established. Therefore, the edict appoints an heir; for the seasonal sacrifices of spring and autumn, it should be declared 'The Emperor has decreed, ordering someone to succeed as heir.'" Doctor Shen Ji argued: "Imperial sons should follow the rites for high officials. They should have an heir appointed, and it is appropriate to first announce this decision and temporarily establish a provisional ancestral temple." Announcing the appointment, however, has no basis in ritual texts. It is appropriate to first establish a temple and announce the heir before welcoming the body of the successor. According to ritual, when a ruler passes away and his heir is born, the Grand Priest should inform the bier with appropriate ceremonial attire. linha After burial if the heir is born later, the priest shall announce it to the ancestral shrine of the deceased ruler. It is clear that ancestral temples are where the spirits dwell; therefore, in matters of life and death or auspiciousness and misfortune, one must first report to the temple. This has been an unchanging regulation since ancient times and a time-honored tradition from the Three Dynasties era. How could there be a case where one revives an extinguished lineage and continues the ancestral rites for generations, yet deceives the spirit of the departed or doubts the meaning of announcing the birth of a successor? Following both sentiment and ritual, it is appropriate to first inform the spirits, then welcome the heir." Yu Weizhi said: "If an heir has no descendants and thus cannot have a temple, then now that there is an heir, should a temple be established?" "Announcing the birth implies that there was already a temple beforehand; this cannot be cited as a precedent." | ||
| 3 | 皇太子及... : | 大唐開元三年，右拾遺陳貞節以諸太子廟不合守供祀享，上疏：「伏見章懷太子等四廟，遠則從祖，近則堂昆，並非有功於人，立事於代，而寢廟相屬，獻祼連時，事不師古，以克永代，臣實疑之。今章懷太子等乃以陵廟，分署官寮，八處修營，四時祭享，物須官給，人必公糧，合樂登歌，咸同列帝。謹按周禮，始祖以下，猶稱小廟，未知此廟，厥名維何？臣謂八署司存，員寮且省，四時祭祀，供給咸停。臣又聞磐石維城，既開封建之典；別子為祖，非無大小之宗。其四陵廟等應須祭祀者，並令承後子孫，自修其事。崇此正典，冀合禮經。」上令有司集禮官及群臣詳議奏聞。 |
| In the third year of Kaiyuan reign period of the Great Tang, You Shiyi Chen Zhenjie, noting that ancestral temples for various crown princes were not properly maintained with offerings and sacrifices, submitted a memorial: "I have observed the four ancestral temples of Prince Zhanghuai and others. Some are distant relatives from an earlier generation, while others are close cousins. None of them contributed to the people or established achievements in their time; yet they all possess ancestral temples where sacrifices continue across generations. This practice does not follow ancient precedents and cannot be sustained for future ages. I find this truly questionable." Now, Prince Zhanghuai and others have their mausoleums and ancestral temples separately staffed with officials. Eight locations are maintained for repairs; sacrifices are conducted in all four seasons. The necessary offerings must be provided by the government, and personnel require public grain supplies. Music is performed and songs sung, all on a level equal to that of emperors. Carefully examining the Rites of Zhou, even temples for ancestors below the founding ancestor are still called minor temples. I wonder what name this temple is given? I suggest that the eight offices should be abolished, their staff reduced; and the four seasonal sacrifices should cease, with all provisions halted. I have also heard that solid rock forms a city wall—this is how the system of feudal enfeoffment was established; a collateral son becomes an ancestor, yet there are still distinctions between major and minor lineages. As for the four mausoleums and temples that require sacrifices, they should all be entrusted to descendants who inherit them, allowing these descendants themselves to manage such matters. Upholding this proper tradition will hopefully align with the rites of the classics." The emperor ordered the relevant officials to gather ritual experts and ministers for a detailed discussion, then submit their deliberations. | ||
| 4 | 皇太子及... : | 駕部員外郎裴子餘議曰：「謹按前件四廟等，並前皇嫡胤，殞身昭代，聖上哀骨肉之深，錫烝嘗之享，憲章往昔，垂範將來。昔嫄廟列周，戾園居漢，並位非七代，置在一時，斯並前代宏規，後賢令範。又按春秋，狐突適下國，遇太子，使登僕，曰『予將以晉畀秦，秦將祀予。』此則太子之言，無後明矣。對曰：『神不歆非類，人不祀非族，君祀無乃殄乎！』此則晉有其祀，立廟必矣。又定公元年，立煬宮。經傳更無異說。鄭玄注云：『煬公，伯禽之子，季氏禱而立其宮也。』考之漢儲晉嫡則如彼，言乎周廟魯宮則如此，豈可使晉求秦祀，戾匪漢思？求枉者深，所直者鮮，黷神慢禮，理必不然。且尊以儲后，位絕諸侯，諡號既崇，官吏有典。去羊存朔，非理所安，祢利忘禮，何以為國。」 |
| Pei Ziyu, an Attache of the Department of Imperial Carriages, argued: "Carefully examining these four ancestral temples mentioned above, they all belong to legitimate descendants of former emperors who died in a distinguished era. The current emperor, moved by deep sorrow for his blood relatives, has granted them seasonal sacrifices, following past precedents and setting an example for the future. In ancient times, temples of Yua were established in the Zhou dynasty and Liyuan was built during the Han dynasty. Though these ancestors did not belong to seven generations back, their temples were erected at one time; such practices represent grand precedents from previous dynasties and exemplary models for later virtuous men. Also according to the Spring and Autumn Annals, when Hu Tu was in a vassal state, he encountered the crown prince, who made him his charioteer, saying: "I am about to hand over Jin to Qin; Qin will offer sacrifices to me." This was a statement by the crown prince himself, clearly indicating he had no heir. Hu Tu replied: "The spirits do not favor those of a different lineage, and people do not worship outsiders. Would it not be an act of desecration for the ruler to offer sacrifices in this way?" This indicates that Jin had its own rites and offerings, so establishing a temple was certainly necessary. In the first year of Dinggong's reign, the Yang Palace was established. The classics and commentaries contain no differing interpretations. Zhang Xuan's commentary states: "Yang Gong was the son of Bo Qin; Ji Shi prayed and established his temple." Examining the case of Han crown princes and Jin's legitimate descendants, it was like that; speaking of Zhou temples and Lu palaces, it is also thus. How could one allow Jin to seek sacrifices from Qin or disregard the thoughts of the Han? To pursue unjust causes deeply while justifying few, and to desecrate the gods and disrespect rituals—this is certainly not in accordance with reason. Moreover, as a crown prince of high status, his position surpasses that of feudal lords; having received an honored posthumous title and possessing established officials and regulations. To abandon the proper rites for lesser ones is not in harmony with reason; to prioritize personal gain over ritual, how can one govern a nation?" | ||
| 5 | 皇太子及... : | 太常博士段同泰議曰：「伏據隱太子等，皆稟殊恩，式創陵寢。一羞蘋藻，驟移檀柘，豈非睦親繼絕，悼往推恩者歟！況漢置戾園，晉循虞祀，書稱咸秩，禮紀百神，紛綸葳蕤，可略言矣。隱太子等並特降絲綸，別營祠宇，義殊太廟，恩出當時。借如逝者之錫蘋蘩，亦猶生者之開茆土，寵章所及，誰謂非宜？且自古帝王，封建子弟，寄以維城之固，咸登列郡之榮，豈必有功於人，立事於代？生者曾無異議，逝者輒此奏停，雖存沒之跡不同，而君親之恩何別！此則輕重非當，情禮不均，神道固是難誣，人情孰云其可。」 |
| Duan Tongtai, a Doctor of the Taichang Academy, argued: "I respectfully submit that Prince Yin and others all received special imperial favors and were granted mausoleums. Even a single offering of simple fruits and herbs, or the sudden relocation of sandalwood and zhe trees, is surely an act to harmonize family ties, continue an extinguished lineage, and extend compassion to those who have passed away! Moreover, the Han dynasty established Liyuan and the Jin dynasty followed Yu's rites; historical records praise their comprehensive order, while ritual texts record numerous deities. The details are abundant and flourishing, but I will briefly mention them here. Princes Yin and others were all specially honored with imperial decrees and had separate shrines built for worship; their status differs from that of the Grand Ancestral Temple, and this favor was granted in their own time. Even if the deceased were to receive offerings of herbs and reeds, it is no different from a living person receiving land for cultivation. Honor bestowed upon them—who could say it is inappropriate? Moreover, since ancient times emperors have enfeoffed their sons and brothers, entrusting them with the stability of the realm and granting them honors as marquises. Is it necessary for these individuals to have made contributions to the people or achieved great deeds in their time? While the living have never raised any objections, we now propose to halt sacrifices for the deceased. Although their circumstances in life and death differ, how can there be a distinction between imperial authority and filial affection! This is clearly an imbalance of priorities, where sentiment and ritual are not fairly applied. To misrepresent the will of the spirits would be difficult to justify; how could such a matter ever be considered acceptable in human feelings?" | ||
| 6 | 皇太子及... : | 開元二十二年七月敕：「贈太子頃年官為立廟，并致享祀，雖欲歸厚，而情且未安。烝嘗之時，子孫不及，若專令官祭，是以疏間親，遂此為常，豈云教孝。其諸贈太子有後者，但官置廟，各令子孫自主祭，其署及官悉停。若無後者，宜依舊。」 |
| In the seventh month of the twenty-second year of Kaiyuan, an imperial decree stated: "For posthumously honored crown princes in recent years, officials have built temples and offered sacrifices. Although this was intended to show great respect, it has not brought peace of mind." During the seasonal sacrifices in spring and autumn, descendants were not present. If officials alone are ordered to conduct the rituals, this would create a distance between relatives, establishing an improper precedent. How can such practices be considered a way of teaching filial piety? For all posthumously honored crown princes who have descendants, the government shall merely establish a temple; however, each should be allowed to conduct their own ancestral sacrifices. All offices and officials related to these temples are hereby abolished. If there are no descendants, the previous practice should continue." | ||
| 7 | 皇太子及... : | 上元二年二月，禮儀使、太常卿杜鴻漸奏：「讓帝七廟等，請停四時享獻。每至禘祫之月，則一祭焉。樂用登歌一部，牲獻樽俎之禮，同太廟一室之儀。」 |
| In the second month of Shangyuan year two, Liyi Shi and Taichang Qing Du Hongjian submitted a memorial: "Regarding the seven ancestral temples of Emperor Rang, I respectfully request that seasonal sacrifices be discontinued. Sacrifices should only take place once each year during the months designated for grand ancestral rites." The music shall consist of one ensemble performing ascending songs, and the sacrificial offerings, vessels, and ritual procedures should follow those used in a single chamber of the Grand Ancestral Temple." |
URN: ctp:tongdian/47