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周制，諸侯五廟，於中門外之左，二昭二穆，與太祖廟而五。曰考廟，王考廟，皇考廟，皆月祭之。顯考廟，祖考廟，享嘗乃止。大夫三廟，一昭一穆，與太祖廟而三。曰考廟，王考廟，皇考廟，享嘗乃止。適士二廟，曰考廟，王考廟，享嘗乃止。官師一廟，曰考廟。 |
| | The system of the Zhou dynasty stipulated that feudal lords had five ancestral temples, located to the left outside the central gate. Two zhaos, two mus, together with the temple of the Taizu formed five temples. The temples of Gao, Wanggao, and Huanggao were all subject to monthly sacrifices. The temples of Xiankao and Zuokao received offerings only during the shang and chang ceremonies. The system for officials (dafa) included three ancestral temples: one zhao, one mu, and together with the temple of Taizu formed three. The temples of Gao, Wangkao, and Huangkao received sacrifices only during the shangchang ceremonies. The appropriate official (shi) had two temples: the temple of Gao and the temple of Wanggao, with sacrifices only during shangchang ceremonies. An official of the guan shi rank had one temple, called the Gao Temple.
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將祭，主人各服其服，筮於廟門外。日用丁己，筮旬有一日，曰「來日丁亥，用薦歲事」。既得日吉，乃官戒，宗人命滌，宰命為酒，宿戒尸。明日，朝服筮尸，吉，乃遂宿尸，祝儐。明日，主人朝服，即廟門外東方位，南面。宰、宗人西面，北上。牲北首，東上。司馬刲羊，司士擊豕，宗人告備，乃退。雍爨在門東南，北上。司宮摡籩豆爵觶於東堂下。雍人陳鼎五。司馬升羊右胖。士升豕。雍人掄膚九，實於一鼎。司士又升魚腊。司宮樽兩甒於房戶閒，有玄酒。小祝設槃匜於西階東。主人朝服立於阼階東。司宮設筵於奧，祝設几於筵上，右之。主人出迎鼎，主人先入。有司各升，實籩、豆、樽、俎。祝盥，升西階。主人盥，升阼階。祝先入，南面。主人從入戶內，西面。主婦被鬄，衣侈袂，薦自東房。佐食、司士序升西階，相從設俎。主婦設稷，興，入房。祝酌，奠，祝，主人再拜。祝出，迎尸。尸升西階，祝從。尸升筵，祝、主人皆拜妥尸。尸不言，答拜，遂坐。尸祭，卒食，告飽。主人酌酒酳尸，尸拜受，主人拜送。尸祭，啐，卒爵。祝酌，授尸，尸酢主人，主人卒爵。祝與佐食盥手，取黍以授尸，尸執以命祝，祝受以東，嘏於主人。主人再拜稽首，受黍，嘗之，納諸內。主人獻祝，又酌，獻佐食。主婦酌，獻尸，受，主婦拜送。尸祭酒，卒爵，又酢主婦。主婦酌獻祝與上佐食，亦如之。及賓長獻尸，尸酢賓。主人出，立於阼階；祝立西階，告曰：「利成。」祝入，尸謖，主人降。祝先，尸從，遂出於廟門。 |
| | Before the sacrifice, the master of each household wore his appropriate ceremonial robe and conducted divination outside the temple gate. Sacrifices were conducted on days of Ding or Ji. Divination is performed over a period of eleven days. It is said: "On the Dinghai day tomorrow, use it to present the annual sacrifices." After obtaining an auspicious date, the officials were summoned for preparation; the head of the clan ordered purification, the butcher was instructed to prepare wine, and the host (shi) was notified in advance. The next day, while wearing court attire, divination was performed for the host; if auspicious, then the host and the shu (priest) were officially notified in advance. The next day, the master of ceremonies wore court attire and stood at the eastern position outside the temple gate, facing south. The butcher (zai) and head of the clan (zongren) stood to the west, arranged in order from north to south. The sacrificial animals were placed with their heads facing north, arranged eastward in rank. The Sima slaughtered the sheep, the Sishi struck the pig, and when the Zongren announced that preparations were complete, they withdrew. The sacrificial firewood and cooking equipment were placed to the southeast of the gate, arranged from north to south. The Siguang arranged the 笾, dou, jue, and zhe on the eastern side of the hall. The Yongren placed five tripods in position. The Sima presented the right side of a sheep at the altar. Scholars presented a pig. The Yongren selected nine pieces of meat, placing them into one tripod. The Sishi then presented dried fish. The Siguang placed two wu wine vessels between the room and door, along with xuanjiu (a symbolic offering of water). The Xiao Zhu placed a pan and yi on the eastern side of the western steps. The master of ceremonies, wearing court attire, stood to the east of the zu jie (eastern steps). The Siguang laid a mat in the ao (southeast corner), and the Zhu placed a low table on top of the mat, to its right. The master of ceremonies went out to receive the tripods, and entered first. The designated officials ascended in turn, placing 笾, dou, zun, and zu on the altar. The Zhu performed ritual hand washing and ascended the western steps. The master of ceremonies performed ritual hand washing, then ascended the eastern steps (zu jie). The Zhu entered first and stood facing south. The master of ceremonies followed into the room, standing to the west side, facing east. The lady of the house wore a head covering. She wore wide sleeves and presented offerings from the eastern room. The Zoshi and Sishi ascended the western steps in order to assist in setting up the zu (sacrificial table). The lady of the house placed the ji offering, then stood up and entered the room. The Zhu poured wine for libation, made an offering, recited a prayer, and the master of ceremonies bowed twice. The Zhu exited to welcome the shi (symbolic deity). The shi ascended the western steps, followed by the Zhu. The shi climbed onto the mat; both the Zhu and the master of ceremonies knelt to pay respects to the shi. The shi did not speak, but responded with a bow and then sat down. The shi made an offering, finished eating, and announced that he was full. The master of ceremonies poured wine to offer the shi, who bowed in acceptance; the master then bowed as a farewell gesture. The shi made an offering with the wine, tasted it, and finished drinking from the cup. The Zhu poured wine, presented it to the shi, and the shi returned a toast to the master of ceremonies, who then finished drinking from the cup. The Zhu and Zoshi performed ritual hand washing, took millet to present to the shi; the shi held it and gave a command to the Zhu, who received it and moved eastward, bestowing blessings upon the master of ceremonies. The master of ceremonies bowed twice with his forehead touching the ground, received the millet, tasted it, and placed it inside. The master of ceremonies made an offering to the Zhu, then poured another cup and offered it to Zoshi. The lady of the house poured wine, presented an offering to the shi, received a response, and bowed in farewell. The shi made a libation with the wine, finished drinking from the cup, and then returned a toast to the lady of the house. The lady of the house also poured wine to offer to the Zhu and the senior Zoshi in the same manner. When the eldest guest made an offering to the shi, the shi returned a toast in response. The master of ceremonies exited and stood on the eastern steps; the Zhu stood on the western steps and announced, "Rites are completed successfully." The Zhu entered, and the shi gave a command; the master of ceremonies descended. The Zhu led the way, followed by the shi, and they exited through the temple gate together.
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庶人祭於寢。 |
| | Commoners performed sacrifices in their sleeping quarters.
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記曰：「君子將營宮室，宗廟為先，廄庫為次，居室為後。凡家造，祭器為先，犧賦為次，養器為後。無田祿者，不設祭器；有田祿者，先為祭服。」「成廟則釁之。其禮，祝、宗人、宰夫、雍人皆爵弁純衣。雍人拭羊，宗人視之，宰夫北面於碑南，東上。雍人舉羊升屋，自中，中屋南面，刲羊血流於前，乃降。門、夾室皆用雞，先門而後夾室，其衈皆於屋下。割雞，門當門，夾室中室。有司皆向室而立，門則有司當門北面。既事，宗人告事畢，乃皆退。反命於君曰『釁某廟事畢』。反命於寢，君南向於門內，朝服。既反命，及退。路寢成，則考之而不釁。釁屋者，交神明之道也。凡宗廟之器，其名者，成則釁之以豭豚。」「凡宗廟之禮，牛曰一元大武，豕曰剛鬣，豚曰腯肥，羊曰柔毛，雞曰翰音，犬曰羹獻，雉曰疏趾，兔曰明視，脯曰尹祭，槁魚曰商祭，鮮魚曰脡祭，水曰清滌，酒曰清酌，黍曰薌合，粱曰薌萁，稷曰明粢，稻曰嘉蔬，韭曰豐本，鹽曰鹹鹺，玉曰嘉玉，幣曰量幣」。「辨九拜，一曰稽首，二曰頓首，三曰空首，四曰振動，五曰吉拜，六曰凶拜，七曰奇拜，八曰褒拜，九曰肅拜」。 |
| | The records state: "When a gentleman plans to build a house, the ancestral temple comes first, followed by stables and storage rooms, with living quarters coming last. In any household construction, ritual vessels were made first, followed by sacrificial animals and offerings, with domestic utensils coming last. Those without land or stipend did not possess ritual vessels; those with land and stipend first prepared sacrificial attire." "When the temple is completed, it must be consecrated with blood." In this rite, the Zhu, Zongren, Zaifu, and Yongren all wore jue bian headdresses and plain robes. Yongren cleaned the sheep; Zongren inspected it; Zaifu stood facing north to the south of the stone tablet, with positions arranged from east to west. Yongren lifted the sheep and carried it up onto the roof, entering from the center. Standing in the middle of the roof facing south, he slaughtered the sheep so that its blood flowed downward; then they descended. For the doors and side rooms, chickens were used for consecration; they began with the main door and then moved to the side rooms. The bloodletting was performed beneath the roof. The chickens were slaughtered at the doors, with one placed directly in front of each door and another in the central room for the side rooms. All officials stood facing the chamber; for the door consecration, the official stood in front of the door facing north. After the rite was completed, Zongren announced that the matter had been finished, and all then withdrew. They then reported back to the ruler, saying: "The consecration of a certain temple has been completed." Reporting back took place in the sleeping quarters; the ruler stood facing south within the gate, wearing formal court attire. After reporting back, they withdrew. When a road chamber (sleeping quarters) was completed, it was inspected but not consecrated with blood. Consecrating the roof with blood was a means of connecting with divine spirits. All ritual vessels for ancestral temples that had names assigned to them were consecrated with a male piglet upon completion." "In all ancestral temple rituals, a bull is called 'Yiyuan DAWu,' a pig is called 'Ganglie,' a young piglet is called 'Tu Fei,' a sheep is called 'Rou Mao,' a chicken is called 'Hanyin,' a dog is called 'Gengxian,' a pheasant is called 'Shuzhi,' a rabbit is called 'Mingshi,' dried meat strips are called 'Yin Ji,' dried fish is called 'Shangji,' fresh fish is called 'Dingji,' water is called 'Qingdi,' wine is called 'qingzhuo,' millet is called 'Xianghe,' broomcorn millet is called 'xiangqi,' foxtail millet is called 'mingzi,' rice is called 'jiashu,' leeks are called 'fengben,' salt is called 'xianyue,' jade is called 'jiayu,' and silk offerings are called 'liangbi.'" "Discern the nine types of bows: first, qishou; second, doushou; third, kongshou; fourth, zhen dong; fifth, jibai; sixth, xiongbai; seventh, qibai; eighth, baobai; ninth, subai."
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後漢獻帝封曹操為魏公，依諸侯禮立五廟於鄴。後進爵為王，無所改易。 |
| | Emperor Xian of the Later Han dynasty enfeoffed Cao Cao as Gong of Wei, and according to the rites for feudal lords, five ancestral temples were established in Ye. Later, when he was advanced in title to King, no changes were made to the existing arrangements.
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晉安昌公荀氏進封大國，祭六代。 |
| | Jin Anchang Gong Xun Shi was promoted to a great fief and conducted ancestral sacrifices for six generations.
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又張祖高問謝沈曰：「諸侯祭五廟，先諏日，卜吉而行事，為祭五廟諸畢耶？按儀，視殺、延尸，厥明行事，晏朝乃闋。五廟盡爾，將終日不了；若異日，未見其義。」沈答曰：「五廟同時，助祭者多，晏朝乃闋。季氏逮闇，繼之以燭，雖有強力之容，肅敬之心，皆倦怠也。子路為宰，與祭，室事交乎戶，堂事交乎階，晏朝而退。孔子聞之曰：『誰謂由不知禮。』」 |
| | Zhang Zugao asked Xie Shen: "When feudal lords sacrificed to five ancestral temples, they first consulted the calendar and divined for a favorable day before proceeding. Did this mean that all sacrifices to the five temples were completed in one ceremony? According to ritual, after inspecting the sacrificial offerings and extending the representative of the ancestor, the ceremonies proceeded on the following day. The rites concluded at dawn. If all five temples were to be sacrificed to in this manner, it would take an entire day and still not be completed; if performed on different days, the meaning is unclear." Shen replied: "The five temples are sacrificed to simultaneously; there are many assistants in the rites, and the ceremonies conclude at dawn. The Ji family continued until dusk, followed by candlelight; even with great effort and solemn respect, all would become weary. Zilu served as an official in charge of sacrifices; the chamber rituals were conducted at the door, and those on the hall took place at the steps. The rites ended at dawn, and he then withdrew. Confucius heard of this and said: "Who says You does not know the rites? "
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賀循祭儀云：「祭以首時及臘，歲凡五祭。將祭，前期十日散齋，不御，不樂，不弔。前三日，沐浴改服，居於齋室，不交外事，不食葷辛，靜志虛心，思親之存。及祭，施位。牲，大夫少牢，士以特豕。祭前之夕，及腊鼎陳於門外，主人即位，西面。宗人袒，告充。主人視殺於門外，主婦視饎於西堂下。設洗於阼階東南，酒醴甒於房戶。牲皆體解。平明，設几筵，東面，為神位。進食，乃祝。祝乃酌，奠，拜，祝訖，拜退，西面立，少頃，酌酳。禮一獻畢，拜受酢，飲畢，拜。婦亞獻，薦棗栗，受酢如主人。其次，長賓三獻，亦以燔從，如主人。次及兄弟獻，始進俎、庶羞。眾賓兄弟行酬，一遍而止。徹神俎羹飯為賓食，食物如祭。餕畢，酌酳一周止。佐徹神饋，饌于室中西北隅，以為厭祭。既設，閉牖戶。宗人告畢，賓乃退。凡明日將祭，今夕宿賓。祭日，主人、群子孫、宗人、祝、史皆詣廳事西面立，以北為上。有薦新，在四時仲月。大夫士有田者，既祭而又薦；無田者薦而不祭。禮貴勝財，不尚苟豐，貧而不逮，無疑於降，大夫降視士，士從庶人可也。又不及，飯菽飲水皆足致敬，無害於孝。」 |
| | He Xun's ritual regulations state: "Sacrifices are conducted at the beginning of each season and during the twelfth month." There were five sacrifices in a year. Before the sacrifice, ten days of preliminary retreat and fasting were observed; no sexual relations, no music, and no mourning visits were allowed. Three days before the sacrifice, one bathed and changed into ritual attire, resided in a retreat chamber, avoided external affairs, did not eat pungent or spicy foods, calmed their mind, emptied their thoughts, and reflected on the presence of ancestors. On the day of the sacrifice, positions were arranged. The sacrificial animal for a high-ranking official was "shaolao" (a pig and a sheep), while that of a scholar-official was a single pig. The night before the sacrifice, on the eve of the twelfth month, the sacrificial tripod was placed outside the gate; the master of the house took his position facing west. Zongren removed their outer garments and announced that the offerings were complete. The master of the house inspected the slaughter outside the gate, while the lady of the house examined the sacrificial food preparations beneath the western hall. A basin for ritual washing was set up in the southeast corner of the eastern steps, and wine vessels were placed at the room's door. The sacrificial animals were all butchered into pieces. At dawn, the ritual mats and tables were set up facing east to establish the position for the deity. After presenting the food, the shaman offered a prayer. The shaman then poured wine, made an offering, performed a bow, recited the prayer, bowed again and stepped back. He stood facing west for a short while before pouring more wine to conclude the ritual. After completing one round of offerings in the ritual, he bowed and accepted the return offering (zu), drank it, then performed another bow. The lady made a secondary offering, presenting dates and chestnuts, and received the return offering in the same manner as the host. Next, the chief guest made three rounds of offerings, also accompanied by sacrificial burning (fan), following the same procedure as the host. Subsequently, when brothers and other relatives offered their sacrifices, they began to present meat dishes and various side offerings. The guests and brothers who participated in the ritual of returning drinks did so only once. After the offerings, the sacrificial meat, soup, and rice were removed to be served as food for the guests; the dishes were arranged in the same way as during the sacrifice. After finishing their meal, they poured wine for a final round of drinking and stopped after one circuit. Assistants cleared away the sacrificial offerings and placed them in the northwest corner of the room as a concluding ritual offering (yan jia). After everything was set up, the windows and doors were closed. After the clan official announced that the ritual was complete, the guests departed. On any day when a sacrifice is to be held the next day, the guests should stay overnight beforehand. On the day of the sacrifice, the host, all descendants, clan officials, shamans, and historians gathered in the hall, standing facing west with positions ranked from north to south. There were offerings of newly harvested produce during the middle month of each season. High-ranking officials and commoners who owned farmland made additional offerings after completing their sacrifices; Those without land offered the new produce but did not perform a full sacrifice. Rituals value propriety over wealth, and do not emphasize excessive abundance. If one is poor and unable to meet the standards, there is no doubt in lowering the level of offerings; high-ranking officials may lower their rituals to match commoners, and commoners following the practices of ordinary people is acceptable. If one is still unable to meet these standards, even offering rice porridge with water is sufficient for showing respect and does no harm to filial piety."
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或問諸侯廟，博士孫毓議曰：「按禮，諸侯五廟，二昭二穆及太祖也。今之諸王，實古之諸侯也。諸侯不得祖天子，當以始封之君為太祖，百代不遷，或謂之祧。其非始封，親盡則遷。其沖幼紹位未踰年而薨者，依漢舊制不列於宗廟，四時祭祀於寢而已。」 |
| | Someone asked about the ancestral temples of feudal lords. The scholar Sun Yu commented: "According to ritual, feudal lords had five ancestral temples—two for descendants on the patrilineal side (Zhao), two for those on the matrilineal side (Mu), and one for their great ancestor." The current kings of various states are, in fact, equivalent to feudal lords of ancient times. Feudal lords were not allowed to venerate the Son of Heaven as an ancestor; they should take their first enfeoffed ruler as their great ancestor, whose shrine would remain undisturbed for a hundred generations or more. This was sometimes referred to as "tiao." For those not the first enfeoffed rulers, their ancestral shrines would be moved once the blood relation had become too distant. Those who were young and inherited their position but died before the end of the first year should, according to Han dynasty precedent, not be enshrined in the ancestral temple; instead, seasonal sacrifices would be made at their private residence only."
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又王氏問謝沈云：「祖父特進、衛將軍海陵亭恭侯應立五廟不？」沈答：「亭侯雖小，然特進位高，似諸侯也。」又問：「曾祖父侍御史，得入特進恭侯廟不？」答：「父為士，子為諸侯，尸以士服，祭以諸侯之禮。御史雖為士，應自入恭侯廟也。」 |
| | Another Wang family member asked Xie Shen: "Should my grandfather, who was a Tejin (a title), Wei Jiangjun (General of the Guards), and Gouhou (Marquis) of Hailing Ting, be honored with five ancestral temples?" Shen replied: "Although the title of Tinghou is minor, the rank of Tejin is high and resembles that of a feudal lord." Another question was asked: "My great-grandfather served as Shiyushi (Attendant-in-Ordinary), may he be enshrined in the temple of my grandfather, Tejin Gouhou?" The reply was: "If a father is a commoner and the son becomes a feudal lord, the representative in the sacrifice should wear the attire of a commoner, while the ritual itself follows that of a feudal lord. Although an Attendant-in-Ordinary is considered a common official, he should be enshrined in his own son's temple as the Marquis Gouhou."
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邵戢議桓宣武公立廟云：「禮，父為士，子為諸侯，祭以諸侯，則宜立親廟四。封君之子則封君高祖親盡廟毀，封君之孫則封君曾祖親盡廟毀，封君之曾孫則封君之祖親盡廟毀，封君之玄孫則封君之父親盡廟毀，封君玄孫之子則封君親盡廟宜毀，然以太祖不毀，五廟之數於是始備。至封君玄孫之孫則毀封君之子，封君之子玄孫之孫復毀封君之孫。如此隨代迭毀，以至百代。」 |
| | Shao Ji, discussing the establishment of a temple for General Huan Xuanwu, stated: "According to ritual, if a father was a commoner and his son became a feudal lord, sacrifices should be conducted in accordance with the rites of a feudal lord; therefore, four ancestral temples for close relatives should be established. When the son of an enfeoffed lord becomes a ruler, the temple for his great-great-grandfather is destroyed once the blood relation has become too distant; when the grandson of an enfeoffed ruler becomes a ruler, the ancestral temple for the great-grandfather is removed; if the great-grandson of an enfeoffed leader becomes a ruler, then the temple for their grandfather should be destroyed; and if the great-great-grandson of such a lord becomes a new ruler, the temple honoring his father must be demolished. When the son of this great-great-grandson becomes a ruler, all ancestral temples related to the enfeoffed founder are considered distant enough that they too should be removed—except for the temple of the great ancestor (Tai Zu), which remains undisturbed. In this way, the five-temple system is fully established. When it comes to the grandson of a ruler who was himself the great-great-grandson (xuansun) of an enfeoffing lord, then the temple honoring the son of the original enfeoffed lord should be destroyed. When this pattern continues further—when the grandson of the xuan sun's xuan sun becomes a ruler—the temple for the grandson of the enfeoffed lord must also be removed. In this way, temples are successively destroyed with each generation, continuing until one hundred generations have passed."
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宋劉裕初受晉命為宋王，建宗廟於彭城，從諸侯五廟之禮。 |
| | At the beginning of his reign, Song Liu Yu was appointed as King of Song by the Jin dynasty and established an ancestral temple in Pengcheng, following the five-temple ritual for feudal lords.
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後魏孝明帝神龜初，靈太后父司徒胡國珍薨，贈太上秦公。太傅清河王懌議：「按禮記『二昭二穆與太祖而五』，並是後代追論備廟之文，皆非當時據立神位之事。今秦公初構國廟，追立神位，唯當仰祀二昭二穆，上極高曾，四代而已。何者？秦公身是始封之君，將為不遷之祖。若以功業崇重，越居正位，恐以卑臨尊，亂昭穆也。如其權立始祖，以備五廟，恐數滿便毀，非禮意也。昔司馬懿立功於魏，為晉太祖，及至子晉公昭，乃立五廟，亦祀四代，止於高祖、曾祖。太祖之位，虛俟宣、文，待其後裔，數滿乃止。此亦前代之成事，方今所殷鑒也。禮緯云：『夏四廟，至於孫五；殷五廟，至於孫六；周六廟，至於孫七。』明知當時太祖之神，仍依昭穆之序，要待子孫代代相推，然後太祖出居正位耳。」懌又議曰：「古者廟堂皆別，光武以來，異室同堂。是以相國構廟，惟制一室，周祭祖考。比來諸王立廟者，不依公令，或五或一，參差無准。相國之廟，已造一室，寔合朝令。宜即依此，展其享祀。」詔依懌議。 |
| | In the first year of Shengui during the reign of Emperor Xiaoming of the Northern Wei, Lady Dowager Ling's father, Siku Hu Guozhen, died and was posthumously honored as Taishang Qin Gong. Tai Fu Qinghe Wang Yi commented: "According to the Rites of Zhou, 'two descendants on the patriline (Zhao), two on the matriline (Mu), and the great ancestor make five'—this passage discusses later generations supplementing ancestral temples; it does not refer to establishing positions for deified ancestors in one's time. Now, when the late Qin Gong first established his ancestral temple and posthumously enshrined deified ancestors, he should only venerate two patrilineal descendants (Zhao) and two matrilineal ones (Mu), reaching back at most to four generations—his great-great-grandparents. Why is this so? Because Qin Gong himself was the first enfeoffed ruler and would become an ancestor whose shrine should never be removed. If he were to elevate his ancestors due to their great achievements and place them in the central position, it would risk having a lower generation overshadowing a higher one, which could disrupt the proper order of Zhao (patriline) and Mu (matriline). If we were to temporarily establish a founding ancestor in order to complete the five-temple system, it would mean that once the number of temples is full, some must be destroyed—this goes against the spirit of ritual. In the past, Sima Yi established great achievements in Wei and was honored as Tai Zu of Jin. It was not until his son, Jin Gong Zhao, that five ancestral temples were built; at that time, only four generations were venerated—up to the high grandfather (gao zu) and great-grandfather (zeng zu). The position of Tai Zu remained vacant, awaiting the enshrinement of Xuan and Wen emperors. It would only be filled when their descendants reached the required number. This was also a precedent from previous dynasties, serving as an important reference for today's practices. The Rites of Zhou states: "In the Xia dynasty, four ancestral temples were maintained; by the time it reached the grandson generation, five temples existed; In the Yin (Shang) dynasty, five ancestral temples were kept, and by the time of the grandsons, six temples had been established; In the Zhou dynasty, six ancestral temples existed, increasing to seven when reaching the grandson generation." It is clearly understood that during those times, the spirit of Tai Zu was still honored in accordance with Zhao and Mu order. Only after generations of descendants successively took their places would the great ancestor finally occupy the central position." Yi further commented: "In ancient times, ancestral temples and halls were separate. Since Emperor Guangwu, different rooms have been placed within the same hall. Therefore, when constructing an ancestral temple, the Grand Chancellor built only one room to hold joint sacrifices for ancestors and forefathers. In recent times, when various kings established ancestral temples, they did not follow official regulations; some built five and others just one, resulting in inconsistency. The Grand Chancellor's temple was already constructed with a single room, which conforms to the imperial decree. It is appropriate to follow this model and proceed with the sacrificial rites accordingly." The imperial decree followed Yi's proposal.
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| | 諸侯大夫... : |
東魏靜帝武定六年，營齊獻武王廟，四室二間，兩頭各一夾室，匇頭徘徊鴟尾。開四門，南面開三門，餘面及外院四面皆一門。其內院墻，四面皆架為步廊。南出夾門，各置一屋，以置禮器及祭服。內外門墻，並用赭堊。廟東門道南置齋坊；道北置二坊，西為典祀廨並廚宰處，東為廟長廨并置車輅；其北為養犧牲之所。 |
| | In the sixth year of Wuding during the reign of Emperor Jingdi of the Eastern Wei, a temple was built for King Xiwu of Qi. It had four rooms and two bays, with one side room at each end; the eaves curved upward in a distinctive style known as "huichui chiwei." Four main gates were opened, with three gates facing south and one gate on each of the remaining sides as well as all four sides of the outer courtyard. The inner courtyard walls had covered walkways built along all four sides. At each side gate facing south, a small building was constructed to house ritual objects and ceremonial attire for the sacrifice. The walls of both inner and outer gates were painted with red ochre. To the south of the eastern gate passage of the temple, a 斋坊 (zhai fang) for purification was established; on the north side of the passage, two buildings were constructed: to the west served as the office for ritual officials and the kitchen area; to the east was the residence of the temple administrator and also housed ceremonial vehicles. To the north of these structures was a place for raising sacrificial animals.
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| | 諸侯大夫... : |
北齊，王及五等開國執事官、散從二品以上，皆祀五代。五等散官正三品以下，從五品以上，祭三代。三品以上，牲用太牢，以下少牢。執事官正六品以下，從七品以上，祭二代，用特牲。正八品以下，達於庶人，祭於寢。 |
| | In the Northern Qi dynasty, kings and officials of the fifth rank or higher who were enfeoffed as founding ministers, as well as those holding the second grade in the Sancong system (a classification for retired officials), all honored their ancestors across five generations. For fifth-rank and lower civil officers of the San guan system, those with a rank of Zheng San Pin (third grade) or below but Cong Wu Pin (fifth grade following) or above were allowed to worship three generations. Those ranked third grade and above used taolao (a full set of sacrificial animals: one ox, one sheep, and one pig), while those below this rank used shaolao (a reduced set: only a sheep and a pig). Officials of the Zheng Liu Pin (sixth grade) or lower, but Cong Qi Pin (seventh grade following) and above, were allowed to worship two generations using te sheng (a single sacrificial animal). Those ranked Zheng Ba Pin (eighth grade) or lower down to commoners performed their sacrifices in the private family quarters.
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| | 諸侯大夫... : |
大唐制，凡文武官二品以上，祠四廟。三品以上須兼爵，四廟外有始封祖，通祠五廟。五品以上，祠三廟。牲皆用少牢。六品以下，達於庶人，祭祖禰於正寢。縱祖、父官有高下，皆用子孫之牲，用少牢。如侍中王珪通貴漸久，而不營私廟，四時烝嘗，猶祭於寢。貞觀六年，坐為法司所劾。太宗優容之，因官為立廟，以媿其心。 |
| | In the Tang dynasty, all civil and military officials of second rank and above were permitted to honor four ancestral shrines. Those ranked third grade or higher must also hold a noble title; in addition to the four temples, if there was an originally enfeoffed ancestor, they could jointly worship at five ancestral shrines. Officials of fifth grade and above were allowed to honor three ancestral shrines. Sacrificial animals used in all cases were shaolao (sheep and pigs). Officials of sixth grade or lower down to commoners conducted sacrifices for their ancestors and parents in the main family quarters. Even if an ancestor or father had held a higher or lower official rank, sacrifices were conducted using animals provided by the descendants, and shaolao (sheep and pig) was used. For example, Shi Zhong Wang Gui, who had long enjoyed high status and prestige, did not construct a private ancestral temple; even during the four seasonal sacrifices of zheng and chang, he still conducted his rituals in the family quarters. In the sixth year of Zhen Guan (October 20, 632 AD), he was punished after being impeached by judicial officials. Emperor Taizong showed leniency toward him and, through the office, built a temple for him in order to shame his conscience.
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| | 諸侯大夫... : |
天寶十年正月赦文：「天子七廟，諸侯五廟，大夫三廟，士一廟。今三品以上，乃許立廟，永言廣敬，載感於懷。其京官正員四品清望官，及四品五品清官，並許立私廟。」其廟享儀制，各具開元禮。 |
| | In the first month of the tenth year of Tianbao (January 1, 751 AD), an imperial edict stated: "The Son of Heaven has seven ancestral temples; feudal lords have five; officials have three; and commoners have one. Now, only those ranked third grade or above are permitted to build ancestral temples, a lasting expression of reverence and a source of deep emotional reflection. "Those holding official posts in the capital with the rank of fourth grade Zheng Yuan Qing Wang Guan, as well as fourth and fifth-grade officials deemed to be of moral integrity, are also permitted to establish private ancestral temples." The rituals and regulations for temple sacrifices were detailed in the Kaiyuan Li (Rites of Kaiyuan).
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周制，公羊說：主藏太廟室西壁中，以備火災。 |
| | According to the system of the Zhou dynasty, as explained in the Gongyang Zhuan: The main repository was located on the western wall inside the chamber of the Grand Ancestral Temple, to guard against fires.
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魏代，或問高堂隆曰：「昔受訓云，馮君八萬言章句，說正廟之主，各藏太室西壁之中。遷廟之主，於太祖太室北壁之中。按逸禮，藏主之處，似在堂上壁中。」答曰：「章句但言藏太祖北壁中，不別堂室。愚意以堂上無藏主，當室之中也。」 |
| | During the Wei dynasty, someone asked Gaotang Long: "In the past, I was taught that Feng Jun's commentary of eighty thousand words explained that the main tablets for the orthodox ancestral temple were each stored in the western wall of the Grand Chamber." The main tablets from relocated temples were placed on the northern wall inside the Grand Ancestral Temple's chamber for the Great Founder. According to Yili, the place where spirit tablets are stored seems to be within a wall on the hall floor." He replied: "The commentary merely states that they were stored in the northern wall of the Great Founder's chamber, without distinguishing between hall and room. In my opinion, there is no storage of spirit tablets on the hall floor; they should be placed within a chamber."
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| | 諸藏神主... : |
東晉尚書符問太常賀循：「太廟制度，南向七室，北向陰室復有七。帝后應共處七室埳中，當別處陰室？」循上曰：「謹按后配尊於帝，神主所居，同太室。」 |
| | During the Eastern Jin dynasty, the Shangshu Fu asked Taichang He Xun: "Regarding the system of the Grand Ancestral Temple: there are seven chambers facing south, and another seven shadow chambers facing north. Should the emperor and empress be placed together in the seven chamber recesses, or should they be separately located in the shadow chambers?" He Xun replied: "With respect, I carefully examined and found that the empress's status as a consort is superior to that of the emperor; thus, the spirit tablets should reside together in the Grand Chamber."
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又瑯琊王妃敬后前薨，而王後纂統，追加諡號，改神主，訪賀循云：「瑯琊典祠令孫文立議：『使者奉主及冊命詣中閤，中人受取入內，易著石函中。故主留於廟閤。新主出廟，國官拜送。』如文議，則非於行廟受冊。」循答曰：「崇諡敬后，宜立行廟。以王后之號，有加常尊，輕重不同，則宜禮有變改。既立行廟，則常主宜出居座位。臨加冊諡而並易以新主，則故主宜還埋故廟兩階之閒。」 |
| | Also, when Lady Jinghou, the wife of the Prince of Langya, died before her husband, and after his death she was succeeded by a later queen who posthumously bestowed a title upon her and changed her spirit tablet, they consulted He Xun: "Sun Wenli, the Director of Temple Rituals for Langya, proposed: 'An envoy should carry the spirit tablet and imperial decree to Zhongge Hall. Eunuchs would receive them and bring them inside, placing them into stone caskets." Therefore, the old spirit tablets were left in the temple hall. The new spirit tablet was taken out of the temple and state officials performed bows to see it off." If following Wenli's proposal, then the imperial decree would not be received at a temporary temple. He Xun replied: "To honor Empress Jinghou with an additional posthumous title, it is appropriate to establish a temporary temple. Since the title of empress conveys added respect and differs in importance from ordinary honors, it is appropriate for the rituals to be adjusted accordingly. Once a temporary temple has been established, then the regular spirit tablet should be moved out and placed on an altar. When a new title is bestowed and the spirit tablet is replaced with a new one, then the old tablet should be returned to its original burial place between the two steps of the former temple."
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又穆帝永和二年，有司奏征西、章郡、潁川、京兆四府君毀主藏處。尚書郎徐禪議：「禮，去祧為壇，去壇為墠，歲祫則祭之。今四祖遷主，可藏之石室，有禱則祭壇墠。」又遣禪至會稽訪處士虞喜。曰：「漢代韋玄成等以毀主瘞於園。魏朝議者云應埋兩階間。且神主本在太廟，若今別室而祭，則不如永藏。又四君無追號之禮，益明應毀而無祭。」於是會稽王昱等奏四祖同居而祧，藏主石室，禘祫乃祭。 |
| | In addition, in the second year of Yonghe reign period of Emperor Mu (346 AD), officials submitted a report regarding the storage locations for destroyed spirit tablets of the four ancestral lords: Zhengxi, Zhangjun, Yingchuan, and Jingzhao. Shangshu Lang Xu Chan proposed: "According to ritual, when an ancestor is removed from the main temple, a sacrificial altar (tian) is established; if further removed, it becomes a small platform (shan). They are honored in annual combined sacrifices. Now that the spirit tablets of these four ancestors have been relocated, they may be stored in stone chambers; if prayers are needed, sacrifices should take place at altars or platforms." They also sent Xu Chan to Kuaiji to consult the recluse Yu Xi. He said: "During the Han dynasty, Wei Xucheng and others buried destroyed spirit tablets in ancestral gardens. Debaters during the Wei dynasty claimed they should be buried between the two steps. Moreover, since spirit tablets originally resided in the Grand Ancestral Temple, if sacrifices are now conducted separately in another chamber, it would be better to permanently store them. Furthermore, since these four ancestors did not receive posthumous titles through ritual procedures, this further clarifies that their tablets should be destroyed and no sacrifices conducted." Thus, Prince Kuaiji Wang Yu and others submitted a proposal that the four ancestors should be grouped together for removal from the main temple; their spirit tablets would be stored in stone chambers and only honored during major combined sacrifices.
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安昌公荀氏祠制，神板藏以帛囊，白縑裹盛，如婚禮囊板。板與囊合於竹箱中，以帛緘之，檢封曰「祭板」。 |
| | The ritual system for the Anchang Gong Xun family's ancestral shrine stipulated that spirit tablets were stored in silk pouches, wrapped in white fine hemp cloth, similar to the pouches used for holding marriage ceremony items. The tablet and its pouch were placed together in a bamboo box, sealed with silk thread, and the seal was marked "Ji Ban" (sacrificial tablet).
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大唐永徽中，禮部尚書許敬宗奏：「皇祖弘農府君廟應迭毀。謹按舊議，漢丞相韋玄成以為毀主瘞埋。萬國宗饗，有所從來，一朝埋藏，事不允愜。又按晉博士范宣欲別立廟宇，方之瘞埋，頗協情理，然事無典故，亦未足依。今謹准量，去祧之外，猶有壇墠，祈禱所及，竊謂合宜。今廟制與古不同，共階別室，西方為首。若在西夾之中，仍處尊位，祈禱則祭，未絕祗享，方諸舊儀，情實可安。弘農府君廟遠親殺，詳據舊章，禮合迭毀。臣參議遷奉神主，藏於夾室，本情篤教，在理為弘。」詔從之。 |
| | During the Yonghui period of the Great Tang dynasty, Minister of Rites Xu Jingzong submitted a memorial: "The temple for Emperor Huangzu Hongnong Fu Jun should be successively removed. Carefully following previous discussions, the Han dynasty Chancellor Wei Xucheng believed that destroyed spirit tablets should be buried. The ancestral sacrifices of all nations have their origins; to suddenly bury and conceal them in one generation would not be acceptable or satisfactory. Furthermore, according to the Jin dynasty's Doctor Fan Xuan, who wished to establish a separate temple, this approach is somewhat reasonable compared to burial; however, since there are no precedents or established customs for such an action, it cannot be fully relied upon. Now, with careful consideration, I propose that beyond the removal from the main temple (tiao), there should still be altars and platforms for sacrifices; since prayers may involve these ancestors, I believe this would be appropriate. The current temple system differs from ancient practices; now there is a shared hall with separate chambers, and the western side is considered primary. If placed in the west-side chamber, they would still occupy a position of respect; sacrifices and prayers could continue to be offered, ensuring their continued veneration. Compared with old rituals, this arrangement is emotionally and practically acceptable. The temple of Hongnong Fu Jun belongs to a distant branch of the imperial family; according to detailed examination of established regulations, it is in accordance with ritual for such temples to be successively removed. I have deliberated and recommend relocating the spirit tablet, storing it in a side chamber; this action is rooted in sincere filial piety and aligns with proper ritual principles." The imperial decree approved his recommendation.
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| | 兄弟相繼... : |
晉太常華恒被符，宗廟宜時有定處。恒按前議以為：「七代制之正也，若兄弟旁及，禮之變也。則宜為神主立室，不宜以室限神主。今有七室，而神主有十，宜當別立。臣為聖朝已從漢制。今聖上繼武帝，廟之昭穆，四代而已。前太常賀循等，並以為惠、懷、愍三帝別立寢廟。臣以為廟當以容主為限，亦無常數。據殷祭六廟，而有二祖三宗不毀。又漢之二祖，寢廟各異。明功德之君，自當特立。若繫之七室，則殷之末代，當祭禰而已。准之前議，知以七為正，不限之七室。故雖有兄弟旁及，至禘祫不越昭穆，則章郡、潁川宜全七代之禮。按周官有先公先王之廟，今宜為京兆以上，別立三室於太廟西廂。宣皇帝得正始祖之位，惠、懷二帝不替，而昭穆不闕，於禮為安。」 |
| | Jin Taichang Hua Heng was given a decree stating that ancestral temples should have fixed locations at appropriate times. Huang followed the previous discussion and believed, "The system of seven generations is the proper standard; if it extends to brothers on the side, that would be a variation in ritual. Therefore, one should establish a chamber for the spirit tablets, and not limit the spirit tablets by the chambers." "Now there are seven chambers, but ten spirit tablets; they should be established separately." Ministers have already followed the Han dynasty system for this holy dynasty. Now, His Majesty succeeded Emperor Wu, and in terms of the temple's order of precedence, it includes only four generations. Previously, Taichang He Xun and others all believed that separate ancestral temples should be established for Emperors Hui, Huai, and Min. I believe the temple should be limited by its capacity to house spirit tablets, and there is no fixed number. According to the Yin dynasty's system of six ancestral temples, two ancestors and three honored emperors would not be removed. Moreover, in the Han dynasty, the two honored ancestors each had separate ancestral temples. Clearly, emperors with distinguished virtue and merit should naturally be established separately. If they are confined to seven chambers, then in the final generation of the Yin dynasty, only the father's tablet would be worshipped. According to previous discussions, it is understood that seven is considered standard, but there should not be a strict limit of seven chambers. Therefore, even if brothers are included on the side, during major ancestral rites such as di and xia, they should not exceed the order of precedence; thus, Zhangjun and Yingchuan should fully observe the rites of seven generations. According to Zhou dynasty regulations, there were ancestral temples for former lords and emperors. Now, it is appropriate to establish three separate chambers in the western wing of the Grand Ancestral Temple for those ranked above Jingzhao. Emperor Xuan attained the position of the legitimate founding ancestor, and Emperors Hui and Huai should not be replaced, so that the order of precedence remains complete; this would conform to ritual propriety."
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| | 兄弟相繼... : |
驃騎長史溫嶠議：「惠、懷、愍於聖上以春秋而言，因定先後之禮。夫臣子一例，君父敬同。故可以准於祖禰，然非繼體之數也。按太常恒所上，欲還章郡、潁川以全七代。愚謂是恒又求京兆以上三代在廟之西廂，臣竊不安。」 |
| | Biaoqi Zhangshi Wen Qiao argued, "In terms of the Spring and Autumn Annals, Emperors Hui, Huaimu, and Min relate to His Majesty; therefore, we should establish the order of precedence accordingly. Subjects and sons are treated equally, and respect for a ruler or father is the same. Therefore, they can be compared to ancestors and fathers, yet they do not belong to the line of succession. According to what Taichang Heng submitted, he wished to return Zhangjun and Yingchuan in order to preserve the seven generations completely. I believe that Heng is also requesting that three generations ranked above Jingzhao be placed in the western wing of the temple, and I secretly feel uneasy about this."
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溫嶠為王導答薛太常書曰：「省示并博士議，今明尊尊不復得繫本親矣。先帝平康北面而臣愍帝，及終而升上，懼所以取譏於春秋。今所論太廟坎室足容神主不耳，而下愍帝於東序，此為違尊尊之旨。愍帝猶子之列，不可為父，與兄弟之不可一耳。魯閔公，僖公兄弟也，而傳云『子雖齊聖，不先父食』。如此無疑，愍帝不宜先帝上也。今唯慮廟窄，更思安處，宜令得並列正室。」 |
| | Wen Qiao, in a letter from Wang Dao to Tai Chang Xue, said: "I have read the instructions and the discussions of the doctoral scholars. Now it is clear that respect for one's ancestors no longer allows them to be connected to their original relatives. The late emperor, Ping Kang, faced north as a subject of Emperor Min, and after his death was elevated to a higher status; I fear this would invite criticism according to the Spring and Autumn Annals. Now, what is being discussed is whether the eastern chamber of the Grand Ancestral Temple has enough space to house the spirit tablets. Placing Emperor Min in the east wing would violate the principle of showing respect to one's ancestors. Emperor Min is merely on par with a nephew, and cannot be considered as a father; this is just like how brothers cannot be treated the same. Lu Min Gong was a brother of Duke Xi, yet the records state, "Even if a son is wise and virtuous, he should not precede his father in ancestral rites." If this is without doubt, then Emperor Min should not be ranked above the late emperor. Now we only worry that the temple is too narrow and need to think of a proper place; it would be appropriate for them to be placed side by side in the main chamber."
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| | 兄弟相繼... : |
又荀松與王導書曰：「三年當大禘，愍帝以居子位，復居父位。且『子雖齊聖，不先父食』。此君即父也。此為愍帝是先帝之父，懷帝是愍帝之父，惠帝是懷帝之父，二代便重四代，所以為疑處也。」答曰：「意謂君位永固，無復暫還子位之理。惠帝至先帝雖四君，今亦不以一君為一代，何嫌二代之中重四君耶？今廟尚居上，祀何得居下！若暫下則逆祀也。」 |
| | Xun Song also wrote to Wang Dao, saying: "In three years there will be a major ancestral sacrifice. Emperor Min is now in the position of a son but will return to the position of a father." Moreover, 'Even if a son is as wise and virtuous as possible, he should not precede his own father in ancestral rites.' This ruler is the father. "This would mean that Emperor Min is the father of the late emperor, Emperor Huai is the father of Emperor Min, and Emperor Hui is the father of Emperor Huai. Thus two generations become four, which creates confusion." The reply said: "My understanding is that a ruler's position is permanently established; there should be no notion of temporarily returning to the status of a son. From Emperor Hui to the late emperor, although there are four emperors, now we do not count one ruler as a generation; why then should there be any objection to having four rulers within two generations? Now the temple still holds an upper position, how can the rites place it in a lower rank! "If one were to temporarily lower its status, that would be against proper ritual order."
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| | 兄弟相繼... : |
孔衍議：「別廟有非正之嫌，似若降替，不可行也。」 |
| | Kong Yan argued: "Establishing a separate temple carries the suspicion of being improper, as if lowering its status; this is not feasible."
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| | 兄弟相繼... : |
博士傅純議云：「議者既欲據傳疑文，又欲安之陰室。據傳則所代為禰，陰室非禰所處，此矛盾之說。夫陰室以安殤主，北向面陰，非人君正位。更衣者，帝王入廟便殿，當歸盛位。漢明以存所常居，故崩以安神。而議者謂卑於陰室，實所未喻。惠、懷、愍宜更別立廟。」 |
| | Doctor Fu Chun argued: "Those who debate wish to rely on ambiguous texts, yet also want to place them in the yin chamber. According to the records, those who are replaced become the father's tablet; however, the yin chamber is not where a father's tablet should be placed—this is a contradictory argument. The yin chamber is meant to house the tablets of 殇 (夭折的皇子), facing north toward darkness, which is not a proper position for a ruler. The "gengyi" chamber is where emperors change clothes before entering the temple; it should belong to a prominent position. Emperor Ming of Han was placed in his usual residence, so after his death, he was honored with a resting place for his spirit. Yet the debaters claim it is lower than the yin chamber, which I truly do not understand. Therefore, Emperors Hui, Huan, and Min should be given separate temples."
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| | 兄弟相繼... : |
元帝崩，溫嶠答王導書云：「近詔以先帝前議所定，唯下太常安坎室數。今坎室窄，其意不過欲定先神主，存正室，故下愍帝也。廟窄之與本體，各是一事，那何以廟窄而廢本體也？」 |
| | After Emperor Yuan's death, Wen Qiao replied to Wang Dao in a letter: "Recently, an edict followed the previous decision of the late emperor and only assigned Tai Chang to determine the number of yin chambers. Now, since the yin chamber is narrow, their intention was merely to determine which spirit tablets should be placed first and preserve the main chamber; thus Emperor Min was lowered in rank. "The narrowness of the temple versus the fundamental order are two separate matters—how can one abandon the fundamental order merely because the temple is narrow?"
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| | 兄弟相繼... : |
明帝崩，祠部以廟過七室，欲毀一廟；又正室窄狹，欲權下一帝。溫嶠議：「今兄弟同代，已有七帝。若以一帝為一代，則當不得祭於禰，乃不及庶人之祭也。夫兄弟同代，於恩既順，於義無否。至於廟室已滿，大行皇帝神主當登正室。又不宜下正室之主，遷之祧位。自宜增廟。權於廟上設幄坐，以安大行之主。若以今增廟違簡約之旨，或可就見廟直增坎室乎？此當問廟室之寬窄。」其廟室寬窄，亦所未詳。 |
| | After Emperor Ming's death, the Sacrificial Department proposed that since there were more than seven chambers in the temple, one should be destroyed; Furthermore, because the main chamber was narrow and cramped, they wanted to temporarily lower the rank of one emperor. Wen Qiao argued: "Now that brothers are in the same generation, there are already seven emperors." If one emperor is considered as one generation, then they should not be worshipped in the father's chamber; this would even fall short of the rites observed by commoners. Brothers being placed within the same generation is both appropriate in terms of affection and without contradiction to propriety. As for the temple chambers already being full, the spirit tablet of the late emperor should ascend to the main chamber. Furthermore, it is inappropriate to lower a spirit tablet from the main chamber and move it to the tiao position. It would be appropriate to add more temple chambers. For the time being, a canopy seat should be set up on top of the temple to house the spirit tablet of the late emperor. If adding new temples now violates the principle of simplicity, could we instead directly add yin chambers to the existing temple? This depends on whether the temple chambers are wide or narrow." Whether the temple chambers are spacious or narrow is also unclear.
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| | 立尸義: |
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| | 立尸義: |
尸，神象也。祭所以有尸者，鬼神無形，因尸以節醉飽，孝子之心也。夏氏立尸而卒祭。殷坐尸。周坐尸，詔侑無方。其禮亦然，其道一也。又云「旅酬六尸」。曾子問曰：「祭必有尸乎？若厭祭亦可乎？」孔子曰：「祭成喪者，必有尸。尸必以孫。孫幼，則使人抱之。無孫，則使同姓可也。」夫祭之道，孫為王父尸。所使為尸者，於祭者為子行也。父北面而事之，所以明子事父之道。君子抱孫不抱子，此言孫可以為王父尸，子不可以為父尸。為君尸者，大夫、士見則下之。君知所以為尸者，則自下之。尸必式，乘必以几。君迎牲而不迎尸。尸在廟門外則疑於臣，在廟中則全於君。君在廟門外則疑於君，入廟中則全於臣，全於子，是故不出者，明君臣之義。祝迎尸於廟門之外者，象神從外來也。天子宗廟之祭，以公卿大夫孫行者為尸。一云：天子不以公為尸，諸侯不以卿為尸，為其太尊，嫌敵君。故天子以卿為尸，諸侯以大夫為尸。周公祭太山而以召公為尸者，外神，賓主相見敬之道，不嫌也。卿大夫不以臣為尸，俱以孫者，避君也。天子諸侯雖以卿大夫為尸，皆取同姓之嫡也。夫婦共尸者，婦人祔從於夫，同牢而食，故共尸也。始死無尸者，尚如生，故未立也。檀弓云：「既封，主人贈，而祝宿虞尸。」白虎通曰：「祭所以有尸者，鬼神聽之無聲，視之無形，升自阼階，仰視榱桷，俯視几筵，其器存，其人亡，虛無寂寞，思慕哀傷，無所寫洩，故座尸而食之，毀損其饌，欣然若親之飽，尸醉若神之醉矣。詩云『神具醉止，皇尸載起。』」 |
| | Shi is a symbolic representation of deities. The reason why there are shi during sacrifices is that ghosts and spirits have no physical forms; thus, the shi serves as a medium to regulate the amount of drinking and eating, reflecting the filial son's heart. The Xia family established a shi and completed the sacrifice. The Yin dynasty had the shi sitting. The Zhou dynasty had the shi sitting; however, the instructions and offerings were not standardized. Their rites were also like this, but their principles were the same. It is also said, "Lǚ chóu six shi." Zengzi asked, "Is it necessary to have a shi during sacrifices? 𝑙𝑜𝑎𝑑𝑖𝑛𝑔... "Or would it also be acceptable to perform a ya ji (a sacrifice without a shi)?" Confucius said, "In sacrifices for completed mourning rites, a shi must be present. The shi must be the grandson. If the grandson is too young, someone should carry him. If there is no grandson, then a relative of the same surname may be used." In the rites of sacrifice, the grandson serves as the shi for his great-grandfather. Those who are appointed to be the shi are considered junior in rank to those performing the sacrifice, . The father faces north and serves them, thereby illustrating the principle of a son serving his father. A gentleman carries his grandson but not his son; this means that a grandson may serve as the shi for a great-grandfather, whereas a son cannot serve as the shi for his father. When a person serving as shi for the ruler is encountered, officials of the rank of 大夫 (dàfu) and 士 (shì) must yield to him. If the ruler knows who is serving as shi, he will personally show deference to them. One must bow when passing by the shi; When riding in a carriage, one must carry a small table. The ruler welcomes the sacrificial animal but does not personally welcome the shi. If the shi is outside the temple gate, it may appear like a subject; if inside the temple, it fully represents the ruler. If the ruler is outside the temple gate, he may appear like a sovereign; but upon entering the temple, he fully assumes the role of a subject and a son. Therefore, not stepping beyond this boundary clarifies the principles between ruler and subject. The shangshi (ritual official) welcoming the shi outside the temple gate symbolizes that the deity is coming from beyond. In sacrifices at the ancestral temples of the Son of Heaven, the shi was served by grandees, high officials, and others who were of the same generation as a grandson. One interpretation says: The Son of Heaven does not appoint a grandee (gong) as shi, and feudal lords do not appoint an official of the rank qing as shi, because they are too exalted in status, which would be inappropriate for being equal to the ruler. Therefore, the Son of Heaven appoints an official of the rank qing to serve as shi, while feudal lords appoint officials of the rank dafu. When Gong ZHOU served as shi for Duke Zhao during a sacrifice to Mount Tai, it was because the deity being honored was an external one. In such cases of mutual respect between host and guest, there is no impropriety in their ranks being equal. Officials of the rank qing or dafu do not appoint subjects as shi; instead, they both choose grandsons to serve in this role, so as to avoid any implication of equality with their ruler. Although the Son of Heaven and feudal lords may appoint officials of the ranks qing or dafu to serve as shi, they always choose those from their own clan's legitimate lineage. When husband and wife share the same shi, it is because a woman follows her husband in ancestral worship and shares the sacrificial meal together; thus, they jointly serve as shi. When someone has just died, there is no shi yet because the deceased is still regarded as being in a state similar to life; thus, one has not been appointed. The Tanguang says: "After the burial mound is completed, the master of the house presents gifts, and the shangshi arranges for the yu shi to be in place." The Baihu Tong says: "The reason why a shi is used in sacrifices is that ghosts and spirits cannot be heard, as they make no sound, nor seen, for they have no form. One ascends the eastern steps of the hall, looks up at the eaves and beams, and down at the table and sacrificial mat; the vessels remain, but the person has perished. It is a lonely void, filled with longing and sorrow, with nowhere to release these feelings. Therefore, one seats the shi and feeds him, destroying or consuming the offerings joyfully as if the deceased were personally satiated. When the shi becomes drunk, it seems as though the spirit itself is intoxicated." The Shijing says: "The spirits are all inebriated; the honored shi rises up. "
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| | 立尸義: |
說曰：按鳧鷖詩，美成王能持盈守成，神祇祖考安樂之也。其詩五章，每章有公尸。鄭玄以初章為宗廟，其二為四方百物，其三為天地，其四為社稷、山川，其五為七祀，則是周代大小神祀皆有尸也。至於周人輕重各因其象類。又按周公祭太山，以召公為尸，是三公之類也。又秋官職，祭亡國之社以士師為尸，是刑戮之義，則其餘亦可知矣。 |
| | The commentary says: According to the poem Fu Yi, it praises King Cheng for his ability to maintain prosperity and uphold achievements; thus, deities and ancestors are at peace and content. The poem consists of five chapters, each mentioning the public shi (the official serving as a symbolic representative). Zhang Xuan interpreted the first chapter as referring to ancestral temples, the second to deities of all directions and things, the third to Heaven and Earth, the fourth to the gods of land and grain (sheji) and mountains and rivers, and the fifth to the seven minor sacrifices. Thus, it can be seen that during the Zhou dynasty, both major and minor divine offerings had a shi. As for the people of the Zhou dynasty, they assigned different levels of importance to sacrifices according to their symbolic classifications. Furthermore, when Gong ZHOU sacrificed at Mount Tai and appointed Zhao Gong as the shi, this was in accordance with the category of the Three Dukes. Also, according to the duties of the Qiuguan (Minister of Justice), when sacrificing at the altar of a fallen state, an official known as Shishi served as shi; this reflected the meaning of punishment and execution. Therefore, the rest can be understood accordingly.
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| | 立尸義: |
議曰：古之人樸質，中華與夷狄同，有祭立尸焉，有以人殉葬焉，有茹毛飲血焉，有巢居穴處焉，有不封不樹焉，有手摶食焉，有同姓婚娶焉，有不諱名焉。中華地中而氣正，人性和而才惠，繼生聖哲，漸革鄙風。今四夷諸國，地偏氣獷，則多仍舊。自周以前，天地、宗廟、社稷一切祭享，凡皆立尸。秦漢以降，中華則無矣。或有是古者，猶言祭尸禮重，亦可習之，斯豈非甚滯執者乎！ |
| | The discussion says: The ancient people were simple and unrefined; the Chinese and the Yi Di (barbarians) were the same. Some performed sacrifices with a shi, some practiced human sacrifice in burials, some ate raw meat and drank blood, some lived in nests or caves, some did not mark graves with mounds or trees, some ate food by hand without utensils, some married within the same surname, and some did not avoid using names of ancestors. The Chinese people lived in central lands with balanced qi (vital energy), and their human nature was harmonious and intelligent. As sages and wise men emerged, they gradually reformed crude customs. Nowadays, among the four Yi (barbarian) nations, which are located in peripheral lands with harsh qi, many still retain these old customs. Before the Zhou dynasty, all sacrifices and offerings to Heaven and Earth, ancestral temples, land and grain deities, and everything else always involved appointing a shi. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, the Chinese no longer practiced this custom. Some may argue that reviving such an ancient practice is still important, as the ritual of sacrificing to a shi was significant and could be revived. Is this not an overly rigid adherence to tradition?!
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