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北齊天保元年，皇太子監國，在西林園冬會。群臣議，皆東面。二年，於北城第內冬會，又議東面。吏部郎陸卬疑非禮，魏收改為西面。 |
| | In the first year of Tianbao reign period of Bei Qi, the Crown Prince supervised state affairs and held a winter gathering in Xilin Yuan. The ministers deliberated, all facing east. In the second year, a winter gathering was held inside a residence in Beicheng, and again it was discussed to face east. Li Bu Lang Lu Ang doubted that facing east was not in accordance with ritual propriety, so Wei Shou changed the direction to west.
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邢子才議欲依前，曰：「凡禮有同者，不可令異。詩說，天子至於大夫，皆乘四馬，況以方面之少，何可皆不同乎？若太子定西面者，王公卿大夫士，復何面也？南面，人君正位。今一官之長，無不南面；太子聽政，亦南面坐。議者引晉舊事，太子在東宮西面，為避尊位，非為嚮臺殿也。子才以為東晉博議，依漢魏之舊，太子普臣四海，不以為嫌，又何疑於東面？禮『嗣子絕旁親』，『嗣子冠於阼』，『冢子生，接以太牢』。漢元著令，太子絕馳道。此皆禮同於君。又晉王公嗣子，攝命臨國，乘七旒安車，駕用三馬，禮同三公。近宋太子乘象駱，皆有同處，不以為嫌。況東面者，君臣通禮，獨何為避？明為嚮臺，所以然也。近皇太子在西林園，於殿猶且東面，於北城非宮殿之處，更不得耶？諸人以東面為尊，宴會須避。按燕禮、燕義，君位在東，賓位在西，君位在阼階，故有武王踐阼，不在西也。禮『乘君之車，不敢曠左』。君在，惡空其位，左亦在東，不在西也。『君在阼，夫人在房』，鄭注『人君尊東也』。前代及今，皇帝宴會接客，亦東堂西面。若以東面為貴，皇太子以儲后之禮，監國之重，別第宴臣賓，自得申其正位。禮者皆東宮臣屬，公卿接宴，觀禮而已。若以西面為卑，實是君之正位，太公不肯北面說丹書，西面則道之，西面乃尊也。君位南面，有東有西，何可皆避？且事雖少異，有可相比者。周公，臣也；太子，子也。周公為冢宰，太子為儲貳。明堂尊於別第，朝諸侯重於宴臣賓，南面貴於東面。臣疏於子，冢宰輕於儲貳。周公攝政，得在明堂南面朝諸侯，今太子監國，不得於別第異宮東面宴客，情所未安。且君行以太子監國，君宴不以公卿為賓，明父子無嫌，君臣有嫌。按儀注，親王受詔冠婚，皇子皇女皆東面。今不約王公南面，獨約太子，何所取耶？議者南尊改就西面，轉居尊位，更非合禮。方面既少，難為節文。東西二面，君臣通用，太子宜然，於理為允。」 |
| | Xing Zicai proposed wanting to follow the previous practice and said: "Generally, where rituals are the same, they should not be made different. The Book of Songs says that from the Son of Heaven down to the great officers, they all rode four-horse carriages; how then can such a small matter as direction differ for everyone?" "If the Crown Prince is definitely facing west, then what direction should the kings, marquises, ministers, great officers and scholars face?" Facing south is the proper position for a ruler. Now, the head of every office without exception faces south; When the Crown Prince listens to state affairs, he also sits facing south. Those who argued cited an old Jin dynasty precedent: the Crown Prince in the Donggong faced west, to avoid the position of respect, not because he was facing the dais or hall. Zicai believed that during the Eastern Jin, extensive discussions followed the old Han and Wei practices; since the Crown Prince was universally respected by all under heaven, there was no reason for suspicion or hesitation, so why doubt facing east? The rites state: "The heir cuts off lateral relatives," "the heir is crowned on the eastern steps," and "when the eldest son is born, he should be received with a grand sacrifice." In the Han dynasty's first year of Yuanyou, an imperial decree was issued that the Crown Prince must not ride on the royal road. All these are rites identical to those for the ruler. Moreover, in the Jin dynasty, when a prince's heir assumed authority over the state, he rode a seven-ornamented ceremonial carriage drawn by three horses; this was considered equal to the rites for the Three Dukes. Recently, in the Song dynasty, the Crown Prince rode an elephant-drawn carriage; there were similarities as well, and no one considered it improper. Moreover, facing east is a common rite for both ruler and minister; why should we avoid it alone? It was clearly to face the dais, hence this arrangement. Recently, when the Crown Prince was in Xilinyuan, he still faced east even within a hall; now that Beicheng is not a palace or hall, should we not allow it even more? The others regarded facing east as the position of honor and insisted banquets must avoid this. According to the rites and principles of banquets, the ruler's position is in the east, while the guest's position is in the west. The ruler stands on the eastern steps; thus there was King Wu taking his place on the dais, never in the west. The rites say: "When riding in the ruler's carriage, one must not leave the left side empty." When the ruler is present, it is considered improper to leave his position empty; the left side is also in the east and not in the west. "When the ruler stands on the dais, the lady of the house remains in her chamber," as Zheng Bo explained: "This shows respect for the east by a ruler." In previous dynasties and today, when the emperor hosts banquets to receive guests, he also faces west in the eastern hall. If facing east is considered honorable, then as the Crown Prince, with his status of being the designated heir and bearing the heavy responsibility of supervising state affairs, when entertaining officials and guests in a private residence, he naturally deserves to occupy the proper position. The rites are observed by all ministers of the Crown Prince's household; when high officials attend banquets, they merely observe the ceremony. If facing west is considered humble, in reality it is the proper position of a ruler. Tai Gong refused to bow northward when receiving the red script; instead he accepted instruction while facing west, which shows that facing west was actually an act of respect. The ruler's position faces south, with both east and west sides available; how can one possibly avoid them all? Moreover, although the matter may be slightly different, there are still comparable precedents. Zhou Gong was a minister; the Crown Prince is the ruler's son. Zhou Gong served as the Grand Minister, while the Crown Prince was the designated successor. The Mingtang hall is more honored than a private residence; receiving feudal lords is more significant than entertaining officials and guests, and facing south is more prestigious than facing east. Ministers are inferior to the ruler's son, and the Grand Minister holds less importance than the designated heir. When Zhou Gong administered state affairs on behalf of the ruler, he was allowed to face south in the Mingtang hall and receive feudal lords; now, when the Crown Prince supervises state affairs, it is not permitted for him to face east while entertaining guests in a different residence or palace—this situation feels unjust. Moreover, when the ruler is away and the Crown Prince supervises state affairs; or when the ruler hosts a banquet without inviting high-ranking officials as guests—this shows that there is no suspicion between father and son, but there is suspicion between ruler and minister. According to ceremonial records, when a royal prince receives an imperial decree for his capping or wedding ceremony, both the emperor's sons and daughters face east. Now, if we do not require kings and marquises to face south, yet uniquely impose this on the Crown Prince, what is the basis for such a rule? Those who argue that facing south should be changed to west are actually moving into a position of honor, which is even more inconsistent with ritual propriety. Since the number of directional positions is limited, it is difficult to establish detailed ceremonial rules. The east and west directions are commonly used by both ruler and minister; the Crown Prince should be no different, which is reasonable."
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魏收議云：「去天保初，皇太子監國。冬會群官於西林園都亭，坐從東面，義取於嚮中宮殿臺故也。二年於宮冬會，坐乃東面，收竊以為疑。前者遂有別議，議者同之。邢尚書以前定東面之議，復申本懷，此乃國之大禮，無容不盡所見。收以為太子東宮，位在於震，長子之義也。按易八卦，正位嚮中。皇太子今居北城，於宮殿為東北，南面而坐，於義為背也。前者立議，據東宮為本。又按東宮舊事，太子宴會，多以西面為禮，此又誠證，非徒言也。不言太子常無東西二面之坐，但用之有所。至如西園東面，所不疑也。未知君臣車服有同異之議，何為而發？就如所云，但知禮有同者，不可令異。不知禮有異者，不可令同。苟別君臣同異之禮，恐重紙累札，書不盡也。」子才竟執東面，收執西面，援引經據，交相往復，其後竟從西面為定。 |
| | Wei Shou argued: "At the beginning of the Tianbao reign period in Bei Qi, the Crown Prince oversaw state affairs. He held a winter gathering with officials at Duting in Xilinyuan and sat facing east, as the meaning was derived from facing toward the central palace dais. In the second year he held a winter gathering within the palace and sat facing east again; I secretly found this doubtful." Previously, there were differing opinions, but those who deliberated agreed with it. Minister Xing previously proposed the decision to face east, and now reiterates his original view; this is a major state ritual, and one cannot possibly withhold all opinions. I believe the Crown Prince's Donggong residence corresponds to the Zhen trigram in the Bagua, representing the position of the eldest son. According to the eight trigrams of the Yijing, the proper position is facing center. Now that the Crown Prince resides in Beicheng, which lies to the northeast of the palace; if he sits facing south, it would be contrary to proper meaning. The previous proposal was based on the Donggong as its foundation. Moreover, according to past precedents in the Donggong, when the Crown Prince held banquets, he often followed the rite of facing west; this is solid evidence and not merely empty words. It does not mean that the Crown Prince never sits in either east or west positions, but rather that their use depends on context. For instance, facing east at Xiyuan is beyond doubt. I do not know why the discussion about whether rulers and ministers share or differ in their carriages and attire has arisen—what prompted it? Even as you say, one only knows that where rites are the same, they must not be made different. But no one considers that where rites differ, it is also inappropriate to make them the same. If we were to distinguish between what is shared and different in the rites of ruler and minister, I fear it would require many pages of writing, which could never be fully recorded." Zicai insisted on facing east while I insisted on west, and we cited classics back and forth in debate; eventually the decision was settled as facing west.
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時議又疑宮吏之姓與太子名同。子才又謂曰：「按曲禮『大夫士之子，不與嗣君同名。』鄭注云：『若先生之，亦不改。』漢法，天子登位，布名於天下，四海之內，無不咸避。按春秋經『衛石惡出奔在晉』，衛侯衎卒，其子惡始立，明石惡與長子同名。諸侯長子在一國之內，與皇太子於天下，禮亦不異。鄭言先生不改，蓋以此義。衛石惡、宋向戌，皆與君同名，春秋不譏。皇太子雖有儲貳之重，未為海內所避，何容便改人姓？然事有消息，不得皆同於古。宮吏至微，而有所犯，朝夕從事，亦是難安。宜聽出宮，更補他職。」制曰「可」。 |
| | At that time there were further doubts about palace officials whose surnames coincided with the Crown Prince's given name. Zicai also said: "According to Qu Li, 'The sons of ministers and scholars must not share the same name as their sovereign's heir.'" Zheng Bo annotated it saying: "If the name was given before the heir, it need not be changed." According to Han dynasty law, when an emperor ascended the throne, his name was announced throughout the land; within all under heaven, no one failed to avoid using it. According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, "Wei Shi E fled to Jin," when Duke Kan of Wei died, his son E was first installed as ruler—this clearly shows that Shi E shared a name with the eldest son. The eldest sons of feudal lords within their states and the Crown Prince ruling over all under heaven are subject to the same rites. Zheng's statement that names given before an heir need not be changed is based on this principle. Wei Shi E and Song Xiang Xu both shared their ruler's name, yet the Spring and Autumn Annals did not criticize them. Although the Crown Prince holds a position of great importance as heir, he has not yet been universally avoided in name by all under heaven; how could one possibly change someone's surname? Yet circumstances evolve over time and cannot be entirely the same as in ancient times. Palace officials are of minor rank, yet if they happen to share a name with someone important, it causes discomfort for them in their daily duties. They should be allowed to leave the palace and take up other positions." The imperial decree said, "Approved."
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隋文帝開皇初，皇太子勇，準故事張樂受朝，宮臣及京官北面稱慶，帝誚之。遂後定儀注：西面而坐，唯宮臣稱慶，臺官不復總集。煬帝之為太子，奏「降章服，宮官請不稱臣」。從之。 |
| | At the beginning of Kaihuang reign period under Emperor Wen of Sui, Crown Prince Yong followed precedent by holding a musical ceremony to receive court officials; palace ministers and capital officials knelt facing north to offer congratulations, but the emperor rebuked this. Later, a regulation was established: he should sit facing west; only palace ministers would offer congratulations, and officials from the central government would no longer gather collectively. When Emperor Yang was Crown Prince, he submitted a proposal: "Reduce ceremonial attire and have palace officials refrain from addressing me as 'minister.'" The request was approved.
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大唐睿宗景雲二年四月，欲傳位於皇太子，召三品以上官，謂曰：「朕素懷澹泊，不以宸極為貴。昔居皇嗣，已讓中宗。及居太弟，又固辭不就。思脫屣於天下，為日久矣。今欲傳位於太子，卿等何如？」群臣唯唯，莫有對者。皇太子遣右庶子李景伯讓監國，上不許。殿中侍御史和逢堯諫曰：「陛下春秋未高，聖恩浹洽。昔韋氏亂政，百僚憂懼，今萬姓顒顒，欣荷睿德，豈可即為讓乎！」上從之。遂有制：「政事皆取皇太子處分。若緣軍馬刑殺，五品以上除授政事，與皇太子商量，然後聞奏。」其會宮臣儀注，具開元禮。 |
| | In the second year of Jinyun reign period, during the fourth month of Emperor Ruizong's era in Da Tang, he wished to pass the throne to the Crown Prince and summoned officials ranked third grade or higher. He said: "I have always cherished a quiet and unassuming heart, not regarding the imperial position as especially precious. "In my past role as heir to the throne, I had already yielded it to Emperor Zhongzong." "When I became the younger emperor's designated successor, I again firmly declined the position." "For a long time now, I have desired to relinquish imperial power and retire from worldly affairs." "Now I wish to pass the throne to my son, what do you all think?" The ministers merely nodded in agreement, with none daring to respond. The Crown Prince sent You Shu Zi Li Jingbo to request the position of supervising state affairs be relinquished, but the emperor refused. Dianzhong Shiyushi He Fengyao advised: "Your Majesty is not yet advanced in age, and your imperial grace has deeply touched all. "In the past, when the Wei clan disrupted governance, officials were anxious and fearful; now the people look up to Your Majesty with joy and gratitude, basking in your wisdom and virtue—how can you suddenly decide to abdicate!" The emperor followed his advice. An imperial decree was then issued: "All government affairs shall be decided by the Crown Prince." "If matters involve military forces, horses, or capital punishment, and if officials of fifth grade or higher are to be appointed or dismissed from office, they must first consult with the Crown Prince before submitting a report." The ceremonial procedures for receiving palace ministers were detailed in Kaiyuan Li.
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宋文帝元嘉二十六年二月，東巡，皇太子監國，有司奏儀注。 |
| | In the sixth year of Yuanchao reign period of Emperor Wen of Song (449 AD), in the second month, he made an eastern tour. The crown prince was entrusted with overseeing state affairs, and officials submitted proposals regarding ceremonial protocols.
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某曹關某事被命，議宜如是。請為牋如左。謹關。 |
| | A certain department is concerned with a certain matter The order was given, and it was discussed that it should be done in this way. Please write a memorial as follows. Submitted with caution.
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右署眾官如常儀。 |
| | The officials in charge of the right seal followed the usual ceremonial procedures.
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尚書僕射、尚書左右丞某甲，死罪死罪。某事參議以為宜如是事諾。奉行。某死罪死罪。 |
| | Shangshu Puye, Shangshu Zuo Youcheng Moujia, I commit capital crimes, I commit capital crimes. A certain matter The advisory committee deliberated and considered that it was appropriate to proceed in this manner, thus the matter is approved. Carry out as instructed. I commit capital crimes, I commit capital crime.
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年月日。某曹上。 |
| | Year, month, day. Submitted by a certain department.
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右牋儀準於啟事年月右方，關門下位及尚書官署。其言選事者，依舊不經他官。 |
| | The format of the memorial on the right should be standardized according to the year and month written in the upper right corner, and it is related to the Menxia Pavilion and the Shangshu officials' offices. Matters concerning appointments should follow established procedures without being handled by other officials.
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某曹關太常甲乙啟辭。押。某署令某甲上言。某事請臺告報如所稱。主者詳檢相應。請聽如所上事諾。別符申攝奉行。謹關。 |
| | A certain department submitted a memorial regarding the Tai Chang Jia Yi's farewell address. Sealed. A certain office's director Moujia submitted a statement. A certain matter Please inform the Tai Gao as stated above. The responsible official should carefully examine and verify accordingly. Please approve as the submitted matter states. Carry out under separate instructions and authorization. Submitted with caution.
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年月日 |
| | Year, month, day
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右關事儀準於黃案年月日右方，關門下位年月下左方，下附列尚書眾官署。其尚書名下應云奏者，今言關。餘皆如黃案式。 |
| | The format for submitting matters on the right should follow the year, month, and day written in the upper right corner of the yellow case. Matters related to the Menxia Pavilion are placed in the lower left corner under the year and month, with the seals of various Shangshu officials listed below. Where a name under the Shangshu should be followed by "zou" (to present), it is now stated as "guan." The rest follow the format of the yellow case.
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某曹關司徒長史王甲啟辭。押。某州刺史景丁解騰某郡縣令長李乙書言某事請臺告報如所稱。尚書某甲參議，以為所論正如法令，告報聽如所上。請為令書如左。謹關。 |
| | A certain department submitted a farewell address from Wang Jia, the Shilu Changshi. Sealed. Jing Ding, the Cishi of a certain state, submitted an explanation regarding Li Yi, the Lingchang of a certain commandery and county, who wrote about a certain matter Please inform the Tai Gao according to what is stated above. Shangshu Moujia participated in deliberations and considered that the discussion was exactly as stipulated by law; therefore, it is approved to inform according to what has been submitted. Please issue an imperial decree as follows. Submitted with caution.
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右關門下位及尚書署，如上儀。 |
| | The right section concerning the Menxia Pavilion and Shangshu offices follows the format described above.
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司徒長史王甲啟辭。押。某州刺史景丁解騰某郡縣令長李乙書言某事請臺告報。 |
| | Farewell address of Wang Jia, Shilu Changshi Sealed. Jing Ding, Cishi of a certain zhou, submitted an explanation about Li Yi, Lingchang of a certain jun and xian, who wrote regarding a certain matter Please inform the Tai Gao.
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年月日。尚書令某甲上建康宮。 |
| | Year, month, day. Shangshu Ling Moujia submitted to Jiankang Palace.
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右令曰下司徒，今報聽如某所上。其宣攝奉行如故事。文書如千里驛行。 |
| | The decree from above was directed to the Shilu; now it has been approved as submitted by a certain person. It should be announced and carried out according to established precedents. Official documents shall travel as swiftly as a courier covering a thousand li.
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年月日朔甲子。尚書令某甲下。 司徒承書從事書到上 起某曹。 |
| | On the first day of the month, which was a Jiazi day, year, month, and day. Issued by Shangshu Ling Moujia. The Shilu Chengshu Congshi received the letter and submitted it upwards; originating from a certain department.
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右外上事，內處報，下令書儀。 某曹關事令如是，請為令書如左。謹關。 |
| | Matters submitted from outside are processed internally, with responses issued in accordance with decree format. A certain department submitted matters If the decree is as such, please issue an imperial edict as follows. Submitted with caution.
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右關署如前式。 令司徒。某事令如是，其下所屬，奉行如故事。文書如千里驛行。 年月日子。下起某曹。 |
| | The seals on the right follow the previous format. Ordering the Shilu. A certain matter Official documents should travel with the speed of a courier covering a thousand li (approx. 500 kilometers). Year, month, day, and zi hour. Initiated by a certain department below.
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右令書自內出下外儀。 令書前某官某甲。令以甲為某官，如故事。 年月日。侍御史某甲受。 右令書版文準詔書版文。 |
| | The format for imperial decrees issued from within to be transmitted outward is as follows. The decree was previously addressed to a certain official, Moujia. The decree appointed Jia as a certain official according to established precedent. Year, month, day. Shiyushi Moujia received it. The format of the decree's text should follow that of an imperial edict (zhao shu).
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尚書下奉行如故事。 右以準尚書敕儀。 起某曹。 右並白紙書。凡外內應關牋之事，一準此為儀。其經宮臣者，依臣禮。 拜刺史二千石誡敕文曰制詔某動靜屢聞。 |
| | Shangshu issued Carry out according to established precedents. The format above follows the Shangshu's chì (imperial order) procedures. Initiated by a certain department. The right side is written on plain paper as well. All matters involving memorials to be submitted from within or outside the court should follow this format. Those who have passed through palace officials must follow the etiquette for subjects. The admonition and imperial order for appointing a Cishi (governor) of the rank of Erqianshi is titled "Zhi Zhao" I have often heard about your activities and circumstances.
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右除拜詔書除者如舊文。其拜令書除者，「令」代「制詔」，餘如常儀。辭關版文云：「某官糞土臣某甲臨官。稽首再拜辭。」制曰右除糞土臣及稽首某官某甲再拜辭。以「令曰」代「制曰」。某官宮臣者，稱臣。 |
| | The format for the imperial edicts concerning appointments or dismissals on the right follows the established model. For appointment decrees issued by the Shangshu Ling, "Ling" replaces "Zhi Zhao," and the rest follows the usual procedures. The farewell memorial's text reads: "A certain official, the humble servant Moujia of filth and earth, assumes office." He kowtows twice in farewell. The imperial decree states: "On the right, the filth and earth subject and those who kowtow A certain official Moujia bows twice in farewell. Use "Ling yue" (The Ling says) instead of "Zhi yue" (Imperial decree says). For a certain official who is also a palace subject, the term "chen" (subject) should be used.
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| | 春夏封諸... : |
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| | 春夏封諸... : |
後漢鄭玄曰：「據祭統云：『古者於禘發爵賜服，於嘗出田邑。』今封諸侯則違古。且土地皆慶賞之事。漢家故事，丞相始拜，皆封為國侯，其在秋冬者，先賜爵關內侯，俟春而後封國。祭統『嘗出田邑』，先師或以為秋嘗時，邑人皆田，或以為削黜田邑於此時也。」 |
| | Zhang Heng of the Later Han said: "According to Jisong, 'In ancient times, during the di sacrifice, ranks and robes were bestowed; during the chang sacrifice, fiefs and fields were granted.'" Granting feudal titles to marquises now violates the customs of antiquity. Moreover, land and territory are all matters of celebration and reward. According to the old Han practice, when a prime minister was first appointed, he would be enfeoffed as a marquis of a state. If this occurred in autumn or winter, he was first granted the title of Guannei Hou (Marquis within the Pass), and then formally enfeoffed with a state after spring. "Jisong says, 'During the chang sacrifice, fields and fiefs are granted.' My predecessors have various interpretations: some believe that during the autumn chang sacrifice, all people of the fief cultivate their fields; others think it refers to the reduction or revocation of fields and fiefs at this time."
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| | 春夏封諸... : |
魏王肅聖證論：「孟夏之月，天子行賞，封諸侯，慶賜，無不忻悅，故左傳賞以春夏是也。」 |
| | Wei Wang Su's Shengzheng Lun states: "In the first month of summer, the Son of Heaven bestows rewards, enfeoffs marquises, and grants celebrations; no one is not joyful. Hence, the Zuo Zhuan says that rewards are given in spring and summer."
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| | 春夏封諸... : |
晉張融評曰：「按洛誥，成王命周公後，封伯禽以周之正。易屯卦云『宜建侯』。據二經，周人封諸侯，不以秋夏也。」 |
| | Jin Zhang Rong commented: "According to Luogao, after King Cheng ordered the Duke of Zhou, he enfeoffed Boqin with the rites of the state of Zhou." The Yijing's Tun Gua says: "It is appropriate to establish a marquis." "According to these two classics, the Zhou people did not enfeoff marquises in autumn or summer."
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| | 春夏封諸... : |
束皙總論曰：「月令所記，非一王之制，凡稱古者，無遠近之限，未知夏封諸侯，何代之典。秋祭田邑，夏乎？殷乎？而王據月令以非祭統，鄭宗祭統而疑月令，無乃俱未通哉！莫若通以三代說兩氏而不俱一也。」 |
| | Shu Xi's general discussion states: "What is recorded in Yue Ling is not the system of a single ruler. Generally, when citing antiquity, there are no limits to time or distance; it remains unknown which dynasty's practice refers to enfeoffing marquises during summer." Is the granting of fields and fiefs during autumn sacrifices in summer? Or is it from the Yin dynasty? Yet Wang relies on Yue Ling to criticize Jisong, while Zheng reveres Jisong and doubts Yue Ling—this seems that neither has fully understood! "It would be better to interpret both schools of thought through the practices of the Three Dynasties, rather than adhering exclusively to one."
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| | 錫命: |
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| | 錫命: |
周制，春官大宗伯「以九儀之命，正邦國之位。一命受職，再命受服，三命受位，四命受器，五命賜則，六命賜官，七命賜國，八命作牧，九命作伯。」王制云：「制，三公一命袞，若有加則賜也。大國之君不過九命，次國之君不過七命，小國之君不過五命。大國之卿不過三命，下卿再命，小國之卿與下大夫一命。」春秋左氏傳說，諸侯踰年即位，天子賜以命珪。公羊傳「天生使毛伯來錫公命」，加魯以袞龍之服。傳曰：「錫者，賜也。命者，加我服也。」又諸侯有功，加之九錫。一曰衣服，二曰朱戶，三曰納陛，四曰輿馬，五曰樂則，六曰武賁之士，七曰鈇鉞，八曰弓矢，九曰秬鬯。 |
| | According to the Zhou system, in the Spring Official Grand Sonbo, "the nine yi decrees were used to regulate the positions of the states and nations. A person receiving one decree was assigned an official post; lineno With the second decree, one received ceremonial attire; With the third decree, one was granted an official position; With the fourth decree, one received ritual vessels; With the fifth decree, land was granted; With the sixth decree, one was granted authority to appoint officials; With the seventh decree, one was enfeoffed with a state; With the eighth decree, one became a regional governor; With the ninth decree, one became an elder lord." The King's System says: "By regulation, the Three Dukes wore the 衮 robe with one decree; if there was an additional honor, it would be granted as a special favor. The ruler of a great state could not receive more than nine decrees, the ruler of a medium-sized state no more than seven decrees, and the ruler of a small state no more than five decrees. The qing (minister) in a great state could receive no more than three decrees, the lower-ranking qing received two decrees, and the qing of a small state as well as its lower-ranking dafu received only one decree." The Commentary on the Spring and Autumn by Zuo said that if a feudal lord assumed power beyond the prescribed time, the Son of Heaven would bestow upon him an imperial jade tablet. The Gongyang Commentary says: "Heaven sent Mao Bo to bestow the decree upon Gong," and granted Lu the 衮 robe with dragon patterns. The commentary says: "Xī means to grant as a favor." "A decree refers to the granting of ceremonial attire."." Moreover, when a feudal lord achieved merit, he would be granted nine special favors. The first was ceremonial attire, the second a red-painted gate, the third an elevated step for ascending, the fourth a carriage and horse, the fifth musical instruments with regulations, the sixth warriors of valor, the seventh axes and halberds, the eighth bows and arrows, and the ninth ju chang (a special sacrificial liquor).
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| | 錫命: |
東晉羊玄曰：「說者以左氏云，天子錫諸侯命珪，以為符信，珪者，諸侯所執以朝覲之瑞也。按魯成公即位八年，乃得命珪。三年夏，公如晉，此朝也，未有珪，朝何執也？凡命者，謂方策之書也，猶今教令耳。覲禮曰：『諸公奉篋服，加命書於其上。』尚書文侯之命云：『平王錫晉文侯秬鬯珪瓚，作文侯之命。』命者，王之教令，其事非一策而已。」 |
| | Dongjin Yang Xuan said: "Commentators, citing Zuo's Commentary, stated that the Son of Heaven bestowed imperial jade tablets upon feudal lords as tokens of authority; these gui were held by the feudal lords during court appearances and served as symbols of legitimacy. According to records, when Gong of Lu assumed power, it was not until eight years later that he received the imperial jade tablet. In summer of the third year, Gong went to Jin; this was a court appearance. If he did not yet possess the gui, what would he hold during his audience? Generally, "ming" refers to written decrees on bamboo slips or paper, similar to today's official orders. The Rites of Court Appearance state: "High-ranking officials presented a box containing ceremonial attire, and placed the decree document on top." The Book of Documents: Wenhou's Decree states: "King Ping granted Jin Wenhou the ju chang, gui, and zan, composing the decree for Wenhou." "A 'ming' is a royal edict; its contents are not limited to just one written document."
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| | 諸王公城... : |
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| | 諸王公城... : |
虞書曰：「明試以功，車服以庸。」 |
| | The Book of Yu states: "Appoint officials according to their achievements, and grant them carriages and robes in accordance with their merits."
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| | 諸王公城... : |
周制，春官小宗伯掌衣服、車旗、宮室之賞賜。 |
| | The Zhou system stipulated that the minor minister of spring officials was in charge of granting rewards such as clothing, carriages and banners, and palace buildings.
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| | 諸王公城... : |
晉博士孫毓、段暢等議曰： |
| | Jin Dynasty scholars Sun Yu, Duan Chang and others argued:
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| | 諸王公城... : |
周禮「上公九命為伯，其國家、宮室、車旗、衣服、禮儀，皆以九為節；侯伯七命，以七為節；子男五命，以五為節」。公之城蓋方九里，宮方九百步；侯伯之城方七里，宮方七百步；子男之城方五里，宮方五百步。又曰「王之三公八命，其卿六命，及其出封，皆加一等，其國家宮室車旗衣服禮儀亦如之」。又如禮，諸侯之城隅高七丈，門阿皆五丈。又禮，諸侯以為殷屋。今諸王封國，雖有大小，而所理舊城，不如古制，皆宜仍舊。其造立宮室，當有大小之差。然周典奢大，異於今儀，步數之限，宜隨時制。又諸侯三重門，內曰路門，中門曰雉門，外門曰庫門。雉門之外設罕憲，高五丈。其正寢與廟同制，皆殷屋四阿，堂崇三尺。此其舊典，略可依也。餘皆稱事取供而已。 |
| | The Rites of Zhou state that "a high-ranking marquis, having received nine commands, is made a bo (a type of noble title), and the size of his fiefdom, palace buildings, carriages and banners, clothing, and ceremonial rites are all regulated according to the number nine; a marquis or bo with seven commands is regulated by the number seven; a zi or nan (lower noble titles) with five commands, is regulated by the number five." The marquis's walled city is approximately nine li square, and his palace measures 900 bu on each side; the walled city of a marquis or bo is seven li square, with the palace measuring 700 bu per side; the walled cities of zi and nan are five li square, their palaces being 500 bu on each side. It is also stated, "The Three Dukes of the king have eight commands; his ministers have six commands. When they are granted fiefs outside the capital, their rank is elevated by one level, and accordingly, the size of their fiefdoms, palace buildings, carriages, banners, clothing, and rites shall follow suit." Moreover, according to ritual regulations, the walls of a feudal lord's city should be seven zhang high at the corners, and five zhang high for their gates. According to another rite, feudal lords are entitled to build yin-style roofs. Nowadays, the fiefdoms of various kings, though varying in size, are governed by old cities that do not conform to ancient regulations; they should therefore remain as they are. When constructing palaces and buildings, there should be differences in scale. However, the Zhou dynasty's regulations were extravagant and grand, differing from current ceremonies; therefore, limitations on measurements such as bu should be adjusted according to contemporary systems. Moreover, feudal lords had three layers of gates: the inner gate was called Lumen, the middle gate Chimen, and the outer gate Kumen. outside the Chimen were set up Hanxian. It was five zhang in height. łoż Their main sleeping quarters and ancestral temples were of the same design, both being Yin-style buildings with four eaves, and their halls had a height of three chi. These are the old regulations; they may be followed in general. The rest should merely be adjusted according to actual needs and available resources.
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| | 諸王公城... : |
旌旗斿數，繁纓貳車，各以其命之等。又曰：「金輅建大旂，同姓以封；象輅建大赤，異姓以封。」今制從簡除之餘，諸王從公者出就封，朝祀之車，宜路車駟馬，建大旂九斿，畫交龍。 |
| | The number of streamers on banners, the elaborate tassels on secondary carriages, and other items should all correspond to their rank as determined by the commands they received. It is also said: "The golden carriage bears a large flag, and same-surname relatives are granted fiefs; the elephant-drawn carriage bears a deep red banner, and those of different surnames are granted fiefs." Under the current system, following a simplified version of these regulations, when dukes who are also kings leave to assume their fiefs, their carriages for court appearances and ancestral rites should be four-horse road carriages bearing a large banner with nine streamers and painted with interlacing dragons.
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| | 諸王公城... : |
禮，公之服自袞冕而下，侯伯自鷩冕而下，皆如王之服。祭服宜玄冕朱裏，玳玉三采九旒，繅三色九就，丹組纓，玄衣纁裳，畫九章，以事宗廟。其祀社稷山川，及其群臣助祭者，皆長冠玄衣。其位不從公者，皆以七為節，其他則同諸王。朝服依漢魏故事，皆遠遊冠，五時服，佩山玄玉，不復以國大小為差。其群臣侍從冠服，皆宜如服制令也。諸王公應助祭。按司服之職：「王祀昊天上帝，則大裘而冕，享先生則袞冕，先公則鷩冕。公之服，自袞冕而下，如王之服；侯伯之服，自鷩冕而下，如公之服。」禮記王制曰：「制，三公一命袞。」謂三公八命，復加一命，則服袞龍，與王者之後同。然則九命及二王之後，乃服袞衣無升龍。三公之服，當從鷩冕而下。太尉三公助祭，宜服鷩冕七章，冕繅九旒，赤舄。三公助導從外官不與齊祭者，自可如舊。 |
| | According to rites, the clothing of a duke, from gǔn miǎn (a ceremonial headdress and robe) downward, and that of a marquis or bo, from bì miǎn downward, should all be like those of the king. The ceremonial attire for sacrifices should be a black headdress with red lining, adorned with three-colored coral jade pendants in nine strands; the silk threads should be of three colors and woven in nine patterns. The tassels should be made of red silk cords, the robe black with orange trousers, embroidered with nine symbols, to be worn when performing rites at ancestral temples. When sacrificing to the gods of soil and grain or to mountains and rivers, as well as for their ministers assisting in the sacrifice, they should all wear long caps and black robes. Those whose ranks do not reach that of a duke shall follow the number seven as their standard, while other aspects should be the same as for kings. Their court attire follows the old precedents of Han and Wei dynasties, all wearing Yuanyou caps and five-season robes, with a mountain-shaped black jade pendant; it no longer varies according to the size of their fiefs. The hats and clothing of their ministers and attendants should all follow the regulations on official dress. Kings, dukes, and marquises should participate in assisting with sacrifices. According to the duties of the official responsible for ceremonial attire: "When the king sacrifices to Haotian Shangdi (the Supreme Deity), he should wear a large fur robe with a crown; when offering sacrifices to his ancestors, he wears gǔn miǎn; and when honoring former dukes or marquises, he wears bì miǎn. The attire of a duke, from the gǔn miǎn downward, is the same as that of the king; the attire of marquises and bos, from bì miǎn down, follows that of a duke." The Book of Rites: Wangzhi states: "Regulations stipulate that the Three Dukes receive one command for gǔn miǎn." This means that the Three Dukes, who have eight commands, are granted an additional command; thus they may wear gǔn long robes, which is the same as what the king's descendants wear. However, those with nine commands and the descendants of two former kings may wear gǔn robes without the dragon motif. The attire for the Three Dukes should follow from bì miǎn and downward. When the Taiwei, one of the Three Dukes, assists in a sacrifice, he should wear bì miǎn with seven symbols on his robe, a crown with nine strands of silk threads, and red shoes. When the Three Dukes assist in guiding officials from outside who do not participate in the full sacrificial rites, they may follow existing practices as before.
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| | 策拜諸王... : |
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| | 策拜諸王... : |
後漢制，拜諸王侯三公之儀：百官會，位定，謁者引光祿勳前。謁者引當拜者前，當座伏殿下。光祿勳前，一拜，舉手曰「制詔其以某為某」。讀策書畢，拜者稱臣再拜。尚書郎以璽印綬付侍御史。侍御史前，東面立，授璽印綬。當受策者再拜頓首三。贊謁者曰：「某王臣某新封，某公某初除，謝。」中謁者報謹謝。贊者立曰：「皇帝為公興。」重坐，受策者拜謝，起就位。禮畢。 |
| | In the Later Han system, the ceremony for enshrinement of various kings, marquises, and the Three Dukes: all officials assembled; when their positions were set, a Yezhe official led Guangluxun forward. A Yezhe official led the person about to be enshrined forward; he knelt facing downward on the terrace before his seat. Guangluxun stepped forward, performed one bow, raised his hands and said, "By imperial decree, let a certain person be appointed as a certain title." After the edict was read, the enshrined person knelt and addressed himself as a subject, performing two bows. The Shangshu Lang official handed the seal, ribbon, and sash to the Shiyushi (Attendant Official). The Shiyushi stepped forward, stood facing east, and presented the seal, ribbon, and sash. The person to receive the edict performed three bows with forehead touching the ground twice each time. The Zan Yezhe official announced: "A certain King's subject, a certain person newly enfeoffed as a marquis, and a certain Duke or Minister newly appointed—express gratitude." The Zhong Yezhe official reported: "With utmost respect, the thanks are offered." The Zan official stood and announced: "The Emperor rises for the Duke." He resumed his seated position; the recipient of the edict bowed in thanks, then rose to take his place. The ceremony was concluded.
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| | 策拜諸王... : |
晉武帝咸寧三年，始平、濮陽諸王新拜，有司奏「依故事，聽京城近臣、諸王、公主應朝賀者，復上禮」。博士張放議：「臨軒遣使，應作樂。放按泰始中，皇太子冠，太子進而樂作，位定樂止。王者諸侯，雖殊尊卑，至於禮秩，或有同者。冠之與拜，俱為嘉禮。是以準昔儀注，謂宜作樂。今符云，至尊受太子拜時，無鐘磬之樂。又按泰始三年，有司奏：皇太子明膺休命，光啟嘉祚，宜依漢魏故事。」太常王師等言：「拜三公應有樂，宿設懸於殿庭。今門下云，非祭享則無樂。按冠禮有樂，公侯大臣，御座為起，在輿為下。傳曰『國卿，君之貳也』。是以命使之日，御親臨軒，百僚陪位，此即敬事之意也。古者天子饗下國之使，命將帥，遣使臣，皆有樂。故詩敘曰『皇皇者華，君遣使臣也』。又曰『歌采薇以遣之，出車以勞還，杕杜以勤歸』，皆作樂而歌之。今命大使，拜輔相，比於下國之臣，輕重殊矣。輕誠有之，重亦宜然。博士考古，以事義相準，故謂臨軒遣使，宜有金石之樂。」詔曰：「三公鼎司，皇帝有興之禮，何以不設樂？又正位南面，何以不服冕？」尚書顧和言，臨軒拜三公，不應有樂。和云：「禮無其文。按衛宏撰漢儀，拜丞相，亦無樂。古之燕饗有樂者，以暢賓主之歡耳。今拜三公，事畢於庭階，禮成於拜立，歡宴未交，無事於樂。又按六冕之服，主於祭祀，唯婚特用之，他事未見服冕者，故拜公不應服冕。」 |
| | In the third year of Jianwu reign period of Emperor Wu of Jin (Jin Wudi), when various kings such as those of Shiping and Puyang were newly enshrined, officials submitted a proposal: "Following precedent, allow high-ranking ministers near the capital city, kings, and princesses who should attend court congratulations to resume formal ceremonies." The Doctor of Literature Zhang Fang proposed: "When an envoy is sent from the Xuan Hall, music should be performed. Fang cited that during the Taishi period, when the Crown Prince was crowned, he advanced and the music began; once his position was set, the music ceased. Although kings and feudal lords differ in rank and status, regarding ceremonial protocols, there may be some similarities. The rite of capping and the enshrinement ceremony are both considered joyous rites. Therefore, following past ceremonial records, it is appropriate to perform music. Now, according to Fu Yun's record, when the Son of Heaven received a bow from the Crown Prince, there was no music with bells and stone chimes. Also citing the third year of Taishi, officials submitted: "The Crown Prince is clearly worthy of a glorious mandate and should be honored with joyous blessings; it is appropriate to follow the precedents of Han and Wei dynasties." Taichang Wang Shi et al. stated: "The enshrinement ceremony for the Three Dukes should include music, with instruments prepared and suspended in the palace courtyard beforehand. Now, the Menxia officials claim that if it is not a sacrificial or banquet ceremony, then no music should be played. According to records, the capping rite includes music; for marquises, feudal lords, and high-ranking ministers, when the Emperor is seated they must rise, and when he travels in a carriage they must step down. The Classic says: "A state's senior minister is the sovereign's deputy." Therefore, on the day of appointment, the Son of Heaven personally appears at the Xuan Hall while all officials accompany him in their positions—this is the meaning of showing respect. In ancient times, when the Son of Heaven entertained envoys from vassal states, appointed generals, or sent officials on missions, music was always performed. Hence the Odes state: "The illustrious hua flower—this is when a ruler sends an envoy." It also says, "Sing 'Cai Wei' to send them off, sing 'Chu Che' to welcome their return, and sing 'Di Du' to encourage their coming back"—all of these were accompanied by music and song. Now, when appointing a great envoy or enshrining an assistant prime minister, this is far more significant than dealing with ministers from vassal states. Though the lesser cases exist, for greater matters it should be no different. Scholars of Literature, examining ancient records and aligning with the meaning of the occasion, therefore stated that when an envoy is sent from the 轩 Hall (Xuan), music with bells and stone instruments should be performed." The imperial edict stated: "The Three Dukes hold the most important posts; when the Emperor rises for them, why should music not be arranged? Moreover, since they are seated facing south in their official positions, why should they not wear ceremonial caps and robes?" Shangshu Gu He stated that when the Three Dukes are enshrined at the Xuan Hall (Xuan), there should be no music. He said: "There is no textual basis for this in ritual records. According to Wei Hong's compilation of Han Dynasty ceremonies, when the Chancellor was enshrined, there was also no music. Ancient banquets and entertainments included music to express joy between host and guest. Now, when enshrining the Three Dukes, the matter is concluded in the courtyard and the ceremony completed with bows; there has been no banquet or exchange of joy, so music is unnecessary. Also, according to the six ceremonial caps and robes, their use is primarily for sacrifices; only in marriage ceremonies are they specifically worn. For other occasions, there is no record of wearing them, so enshrining a Duke should not involve wearing the ceremonial cap and robe."
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| | 策拜諸王... : |
北齊策諸王，以臨軒日上水一刻，吏部令史乘馬，齎召版，詣王第。王乘高車，鹵簿至東掖門止，乘軺車。既入，至席。尚書讀策訖，以授王，又授章綬。事畢，出軺車，入鹵簿，乘高車，詣閶闔，伏闕表謝。報訖，拜廟還第，即鴻臚卿持節，吏部尚書授策，侍御史授節。使者受而出，乘軺持節，詣王第。入就西階，東面。王入，立於東階，西面。使者讀策，博士讀版，王俛伏。興，進受策章綬茅土，俛伏三稽首，還本位，謝如上儀。在州鎮，則使者受節策，乘軺車至州，如王第。 |
| | In the Northern Qi Dynasty, when enfeoffing various kings, on the day before the Son of Heaven appeared at the Xuan Hall one hour before dawn, a clerk from the Ministry of Rites rode a horse and carried an official summons to deliver it to the king's residence. The king rode in a high carriage, accompanied by his ceremonial procession until Dongyemen (East Flank Gate), where he switched to a smaller official carriage. After entering, he arrived at the mat. The Shangshu read the edict and then presented it to the king; he also handed over the official seal and sash. After the ceremony was completed, he exited in the smaller carriage, re-entered his ceremonial procession, rode back in the high carriage, and arrived at Changhe Gate, where he knelt before the gate to present a thanksgiving memorial. After submitting his report, he paid homage at the ancestral temple and returned to his residence. At this time, Honglu Qing (Minister of Ceremonies) held a ceremonial staff, while Shangshu from the Ministry of Rites presented the edict, and Shiyushi delivered the staff. The envoy received them and exited, riding in a smaller carriage while holding the ceremonial staff to deliver it at the king's residence. He entered and took position on the western steps, facing east. The king entered and stood on the eastern steps, facing west. The envoy read the edict; the Doctor of Literature read the official document, while the king knelt with his head bowed. He rose, stepped forward to receive the edict, official seal, sash, and land grant; knelt with his head touching the ground three times in deep bowing, returned to his original position, and expressed thanks following the same procedures as above. If the enfeoffment is in a state or military commandery, then the envoy receives the staff and edict, rides in a smaller carriage to the state capital, following the same procedures as for the king's residence.
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| | 策拜諸王... : |
諸王、三公、儀同、尚書令、五等開國、太妃、妃、公主恭拜冊，軸一枚，長二尺，以白練衣之。用竹簡十二枚，六枚與軸等，六枚長尺二寸。文出集書，書皆篆字。哀冊、贈冊亦同。 |
| | When various kings, the Three Dukes, officials with equal ceremonial status, Shangshuliu (Minister of Rites), Five-Rank Founders of States, Taifei (Grand Consorts), consorts, and princesses received their enfeoffment scrolls, one scroll was used, two feet in length, wrapped in white silk. Twelve bamboo slips were used; six of them matched the length of the scroll's axis, and six measured one foot and two inches in length. The text was compiled from collected writings, all written in seal script characters. Mourning scrolls and posthumous enfeoffment scrolls were also the same.
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| | 策拜諸王... : |
諸王、五等開國及鄉男恭拜，以其封國所在方，取社壇方面土，苞以白茅，內青箱中。函方五寸，以青塗飾，封授之，以為社。 |
| | When various kings, Five-Rank Founders of a State, and Xiangnan (a title) received their enfeoffments, they took soil from the direction corresponding to their fief's location at the altar for land gods. The soil was wrapped in white rush grass and placed inside a green wooden box. The box measured five inches on each side, painted with blue lacquer for decoration; it was sealed and presented as the soil offering for the land altar.
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| | 策拜諸王... : |
隋臨朝冊命三師、諸王、三公，並陳車輅。餘則否。百司定列，內史令讀冊訖，受冊者拜受出。又引次受冊者，如上儀。若冊開國，郊社令奉茅土，立於仗南，西面。每授冊訖，授茅土焉。 |
| | In the Sui Dynasty, when issuing enfeoffment decrees to the Three Teachers, various kings, and the Three Dukes at court, ceremonial carriages were displayed. Other officials did not receive this honor. All departments arranged themselves in order; after the Neishi Ling (Minister of Internal Affairs) read the scroll, the recipient bowed to receive it and exited. Others who were next in line for receiving the scroll followed the same procedures as above. If it was an enfeoffment of a founder of a state, the Jiaoshe Ling (Minister in charge of altars and land gods) presented the rush-wrapped soil, standing south of the ceremonial halberd formation, facing west. After each scroll was presented, the rush-wrapped soil was also given.
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| | 策拜諸王... : |
大唐之制，如開元禮。 |
| | The system of the Great Tang Dynasty followed the Kaiyuan Rites.
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| | 諸王公侯... : |
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| | 諸王公侯... : |
晉博士孫毓等議：「按周禮典命職：『凡諸侯之嫡子，誓於天子，攝其君，則下其君一等。』謂公之子如侯伯而執珪，侯伯之子如子男而執璧。春秋『曹伯使其太子射姑來朝』，行國君之禮。踐土之盟，衛成公使其母弟武如會，經書曰，衛武、蔡，甲午，序於諸侯。又左傳：「冢子，君行則守，有守則從。從曰撫軍，守曰監國，古之制也。夫帥師，專行謀，誓軍旅，君與國政之所圖，非太子之事也。』周制，諸侯以功德入為王卿士，則上卿理其國事。今諸王公侯受任天朝，而嫡子攝其君事，車服禮數，國封大小，領兵軍數，自當如本制，而王公侯遣上卿及軍將掌其事，合於古義。今之車服，與古禮不同，依禮應下其君一等。其嫡子皆以有爵命，印綬冠服佩玉之制，宜如本令。而嫡子但知其政，不干其位，君不可二，尊無二上。國相以下見嫡子，宜如臣而不稱臣。又禮，非其臣則答拜，國之命士上達於其君者，嫡子宜答拜。其文書稱嗣子，宜曰王嗣子，其公侯嗣子，繫於父爵，明不專國也。其燕見則稱第，下文書表疏，皆臣禮而不稱臣。今之監司，上官文書皆為記告。嫡子監國，其下群臣官文書宜稱告，不言命稱教。」 |
| | The Jin dynasty scholar Sun Yu and others argued: "According to the Rites of Zhou, in the section on granting titles: 'Whenever a crown prince of a vassal state takes an oath before the Son of Heaven and acts as regent for his ruler, he should be ranked one grade lower than his sovereign.'" It means that the son of a marquis should be treated like a viscount or baron and hold a jade tablet, while the son of a viscount or baron should be treated like an earl or lesser noble and hold a jade disc. In the Spring and Autumn Annals, it records "Duke Cao sent his crown prince Shegu to pay homage," and he was treated with the rites due to a sovereign of a state. At the oath-taking ceremony at Jian Tu, Duke Cheng of Wei sent his maternal younger brother Wu to attend the meeting. The Annals record: "Wei Wu and Cai; on the Jiawu day, they were ranked among the feudal lords." The Zuo Zhuan also states: "The eldest son is to remain in charge when the ruler is away; if there is someone to hold office, then he should accompany him." "To accompany [the ruler] is called Fu Jun (attending general), and to remain behind in charge is called Jian Guo (guarding the state); this was an ancient system." "Leading troops, making independent decisions, and swearing oaths with the army—these are matters concerning the ruler's strategies and state affairs, not something a crown prince should be involved in." According to Zhou dynasty regulations, when feudal lords were appointed as high ministers of the king due to their virtue and achievements, the senior minister would manage state affairs in their domain. Now, when dukes and marquises are appointed by the imperial court, if their crown princes act as regents for their sovereigns, then matters such as rank insignia, ceremonial protocols, size of fiefs, and number of troops should naturally follow established regulations. Moreover, it is appropriate for these dukes and marquises to appoint senior ministers or military commanders to oversee affairs, which conforms with ancient principles. The current standards for rank insignia and ceremonial attire differ from the rites of old; according to ritual norms, they should be ranked one grade lower. Since their crown princes have all been granted titles and official appointments, the regulations regarding seals, sashes, hats, robes, and jade pendants should follow the current decree. However, a crown prince may only oversee governance but must not encroach upon his sovereign's position; there cannot be two rulers in one state, and the highest authority must remain singular. Ministers of state and those below should treat the crown prince as a subject but without formally addressing him as such. Moreover, according to rites, if someone is not one's subject, a reciprocal bow should be given. Officials of the state who are appointed and rise to their sovereign must perform such bows; therefore, the crown prince should also reciprocate with a bow. In official documents, the title "heir son" should be used; it is appropriate to call him "the heir of the king." For the heirs of marquises and dukes, their titles are tied to those of their fathers, clearly indicating that they do not hold independent authority over the state. In informal audiences, he may be addressed by his rank; in official documents and memorials, however, the etiquette of a subject should be observed without formally calling him "minister." In current practice, officials overseeing state affairs must submit written reports to their superiors. "When a crown prince acts as regent, the official documents from his subordinates should be addressed as 'reports' and not include commands or titles of instruction."
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