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中國哲學書電子化計劃
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-> -> -> 禮四十七

《禮四十七》

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館

虞祭 - Yuji Sacrifice

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 虞祭:
周 後漢 宋 大唐
Zhou Houhan Song Datang

2 虞祭:
周制,士喪既葬,實土三,主人拜鄉人,即位踊襲,迺反哭。有司修虞事。特豕饋食,有司,當時主事者。饋猶歸也。將踊袒,既踊即襲,乃反哭。側烹於廟門外之右,東面。側烹,烹一胖也。烹於爨用鑊。不於門東,未可以吉也。是日也,以虞易奠,祔而以吉祭易喪祭。鬼神所在則曰廟,尊言也。設洗於西階西南,水在洗西,篚在東。反吉也,亦當西榮也。樽於室中北墉下,當戶。素几葦蓆在西序下。有几,始鬼神之。陳三鼎於門外之右。門西。主人及兄弟如葬服,賓執事者如弔服,皆即位於門外之左,如朝夕臨位。婦人及內兄弟服,即位於堂,亦如之。祝免澡葛絰帶,布席於室中,東面,右几,降出,及宗人即位於門西,東面南上。祝亦執事也。免者,祭祀之禮,祝所親也。澡,理也,理葛以為首絰及帶,接神宜變也。宗人請拜賓。主人即位於堂,眾主人及兄弟、賓即位於西方,如反哭位。祝盥,升取苴,降洗之,升,入設於几東席上,東縮。縮,縱。主人倚杖入,祝從,主人北旋,倚仗於西序迺入也。喪服小記曰:「虞杖不入室。」贊薦菹醢。主婦不薦者,齊斬之服不執事也。曾子問曰:「士祭不足,則取於兄弟大功以下者。」鼎入設西階前。俎、豆、敦、鉶入設。鉶,菜羹也。敦音對,黍稷器。祝酌醴,祝奠觶於鉶南,復位,主人再拜稽首。復位,復主人之左。祝饗曰:「哀子某,哀明相,夙興夜處不寧,曰,辭也,祝辭也。喪祭稱哀。相,助祭者。詩云:「於穆清廟,肅雍明相。」不寧,悲思不安也。敢用潔牲剛鬣,敢,昧冒之辭也。豕曰剛鬣。薌合,黍也。嘉薦,普淖,嘉薦,菹醢也。普淖,黍稷也。明齊溲酒,明齊,新水也,言以新水溲釀此酒也。齊音劑。溲音搜。哀薦祫事,始虞謂之祫事者,主欲其合於先祖也,以與先祖合為安也。適爾皇祖某甫爾,汝也。汝死者也。告之以適皇祖,所以安之。皇,君也。某甫,皇祖字也。饗。」命佐食祭。饗,告神饗此祭。祝取奠觶,祭亦如之,主人再拜。主道也。祝祝,卒,主人拜如初,哭,出復位。祝迎尸,尸入門,丈夫踊,婦人踊。踊不同文者,有先後。尸入主人不降者,喪事主哀,不主敬。婦人入於房。避執事也。尸卒食,主人洗廢爵,酌酒酳尸。祝酌授尸,尸以酢主人,主人拜受爵,尸答拜。主人獻祝、獻佐食。主婦洗足爵於房中,酌,亞獻尸,如主人儀。昏禮曰:「內洗在北堂,直室東隅。」兩籩棗栗設於會南。賓長洗繶爵,三獻,燔從,如初儀。繶爵,口足之閒有篆文,又彌飾。繶,緣也,音憶。婦人復位。復堂上西面位。事已,尸將出,當哭踊。祝出戶,西面告利成,主人哭,西面告,告主人也。利猶養也,成猶畢也,主人禮畢也。不言禮畢,於尸嫌之也。皆哭。丈夫婦人於主人哭,斯哭矣。祝入,尸謖。謖,起也。祝入而無事,尸則知起矣。不告尸者,無遣尊者之道也。祝前尸,出戶踊肃初,降堂踊如初,出門亦如之。前,導也。如初者,出如入,降如升,三者之節悲哀同也。祝反,入徹,設於西北隅,几在南,厞用席。改設饌者,不知鬼神之節,改設之,庶幾歆享,所以為厭飫也。几在南,變右文,明東面。不南面,漸也。厞,隱也,隱之者,從其幽暗者也。厞音扶味反,屋西北隅。贊闔牖戶。鬼神尚幽暗,或者遠人乎?贊,佐食者。主人降,賓出。宗人詔主人降,賓則出廟門。主人出門,哭者止,皆復位。門外未入位。宗人告事畢。賓出,主人送拜稽顙。送拜者,明於大門外也。賓執事者皆去,則徹室中之饌。。
According to Zhou dynasty regulations, after a scholar's funeral and burial, the mourners would fill in the grave three times. The master of ceremonies would bow to the townspeople, return to his position, wail while covering himself with a robe, and then turn back to weep. The officials in charge prepared for the Yu ceremony. A pig was specially provided as a food offering, Yousi, those in charge at that time. "Kui" still means to return. One would wail and uncover oneself, then after wailing put on the robe again, and only then turn back to weep." The pig was slaughtered at the right side outside the temple gate, facing east. Ce peng, to slaughter one pig. The pig was cooked using a cauldron over the stove. It could not be done east of the gate, as it would not yet be considered auspicious. On this day, the Yu ceremony replaced the mourning offerings; ancestral rites were conducted and funeral sacrifices were replaced with joyous sacrificial rituals. The place where spirits reside is called a temple, an expression of reverence." A basin for ritual washing was set up at the southwest corner of the western steps, with water placed to the west of the basin and a basket to its east. Returning to auspicious rites also corresponds to facing west in honor." The wine vessels were placed beneath the northern wall inside the room, directly opposite the door. ้อย A plain table and reed mat were located under the western corridor. Having a table signifies the beginning of honoring spirits." Three tripods were arranged to the right outside the gate. West of the gate." The master and his brothers wore mourning attire as for a burial, while the guests and attendants wore clothing appropriate for paying condolences. They all took their positions to the left outside the gate, in the same manner as during morning and evening visits of condolence. Women and brothers within the family wore mourning attire appropriate for their status and took positions on the hall, following the same arrangement. The shaman removed his mourning cap and replaced it with a bamboo hat, fastened the sash, spread a mat in the room facing east, placed a table to his right, descended outside, joined the clan officials at their position west of the gate, all arranged facing east with seniority ordered from south. The shaman was also an attendant." "The removal of the cap is part of ritual attire for sacrifices, a matter directly handled by the shaman. "Zao" means to prepare; bamboo was processed into a headband and sash, as one should change attire when connecting with spirits." The clan official requested the guests to bow. The master took his position on the hall, while other masters of ceremonies, brothers, and guests positioned themselves in the west as they would during the return weeping ceremony. The shaman washed his hands, ascended to take a cloth pad, descended to rinse it, then went up again and placed it on the mat east of the table, arranged in an easterly direction. Suo, meaning lengthwise." The master entered leaning on a staff, followed by the shaman. The master turned northward and leaned his staff against the western corridor before entering. The Xiao Ji section of Sāngfú states: "The mourning staff should not be brought into the room." An assistant presented the relish and sauce. The master's wife did not present offerings, as those in mourning attire of Qi or Zhan rank were not to perform duties." Zengzi asked: "If a scholar lacks sufficient sacrificial assistants, he may take them from his brothers who are in mourning of the Da Gong rank or lower." The tripods were brought in and placed before the western steps. The sacrificial stands, bean vessels, duan, and xing were carried in and arranged. Xing refers to vegetable soup." Duan, pronounced "dui," is a vessel for millet and grain. The shaman poured sweet wine, placed the sacrificial cup south of the xing vessel, returned to his position, and the master bowed twice with forehead touching the ground. Returning to position means returning to the left side of the master." The shaman offered a sacrifice, saying: "Aiji Mǒu, I grieve and mourn with you; I have risen early and rested late in sorrow," "Yue," meaning words, refers to the shaman's words. Funeral sacrifices are referred to as "ai." Xiang refers to those assisting in the sacrifice. The Book of Songs says: "O how solemn is the clear temple, where reverence and harmony are maintained by the assistants." "Bu Ning," meaning sorrowful thoughts and a restless heart." "Dare I offer this pure sacrificial animal with stiff bristles," Gan is an expression of humility and modesty. A pig is referred to as "gang lie." Xianghe, millet. Jiajian, Punao, Jiajian refers to relish and sauce. Punao refers to millet and grain. Ming Qi soujiu, Ming Qi means fresh water; it indicates that this wine was brewed with fresh water. Qi is pronounced Ji. Sou is pronounced Sou." Ai jian xia shi, The Yu ceremony is called "xia shi" at the beginning because the master wishes to unite with his ancestors; uniting with one's ancestors brings peace." Shi er Huang Zu Mǒu Fu Er means "you." You, the deceased. Informing you that you have returned to your illustrious ancestor is meant to bring you peace. Huang means "lord" or "sovereign." Mǒu Fu is the courtesy name of the illustrious ancestor." "Xiang." He ordered an assistant to serve the sacrificial meal. Xiang means to inform the spirits that they have accepted this sacrifice." The shaman took up the sacrificial cup, and during the offering ceremony it was done in the same way; the master bowed twice. This is the proper conduct of the master." The shaman recited his incantations, then upon completion, the master bowed as before, wept, and exited to return to his position. The shaman welcomed the symbolic representative of the ancestor; when the symbolic figure entered through the gate, men wailed, and women also wailed. The different descriptions of wailing indicate a sequence in timing. The master did not descend when the symbolic figure entered, because mourning rites emphasize sorrow rather than reverence. Women entered into the inner chamber. To avoid obstructing those performing duties." After the symbolic figure finished eating, the master rinsed an empty wine cup, poured wine into it, and offered a toast to the symbolic figure. The shaman filled a cup and presented it to the symbolic figure; the symbolic figure then returned the wine to the master as an offering. The master bowed to receive the cup, and the symbolic figure responded with a bow. The master presented offerings to the shaman and to the assistant in charge of serving food. The master's wife rinsed a wine cup with her feet inside the inner chamber, poured wine into it, made a secondary offering to the symbolic figure, following the same procedures as the master. The Rites of Marriage state: "The inner basin for washing is located in the northern hall, directly at the eastern corner of the room." Two baskets containing dates and chestnuts were placed to the south of the altar. The senior guest rinsed his cup, made three offerings, followed by burning incense as in the initial ceremony. Zhen jue refers to a wine cup with inscriptions between its rim and base, further adorned with elaborate decorations. Zhen means "rim" or "edge," pronounced Yi." The women returned to their positions. Returning to the position on the upper hall facing west. When the ceremony was complete and the symbolic figure was about to leave, wailing and weeping occurred. The shaman exited through the gate, faced west, and announced that the rites had been successfully completed; the master wept. Facing west to announce means addressing the master. "Li" still means nourishment, and "Cheng" still means completion; this signifies that the master's rites have been completed. The term "rites complete" was not used directly because it would be disrespectful to refer to the symbolic figure in such a manner." Everyone wept. Men and women cried for the master; this was their expression of grief." The shaman entered, and the symbolic figure departed. Zhu means to rise or depart. When the shaman entered and had no further duties, the symbolic figure understood it was time to leave. The symbolic figure was not directly informed because there is no proper way to send away someone of higher status." The shaman led the symbolic figure forward; upon exiting through the gate, they wailed and stood solemnly as before. When descending from the hall, they wept as initially done, and when leaving the gate, it was also performed in the same manner. Qian means to lead or guide. "Like the beginning" means exiting as one entered, descending as one ascended; the rhythm and sorrow of these three actions were the same." The shaman returned, entered to clear away the sacrificial items, placed them in the northwest corner, with a table positioned to the south, and used mats for covering. Changing the arrangement of offerings was done out of uncertainty regarding the rituals for spirits; by rearranging them, one hoped that the spirits would accept and enjoy the sacrifice, which is referred to as "yan yu," meaning to satisfy or appease. The table being placed in the south changed its previous orientation from right-side positioning, clearly indicating a facing east direction. Not facing south signifies a gradual transition. Bi means to cover or conceal; covering the offerings follows their nature of being in darkness and obscurity. "Bi" is pronounced Fuwei Fan, referring to the northwest corner of a room." The assistant closed the windows and doors. Spirits and deities favor darkness; could this be because they are distant from people? Zan refers to the assistant in charge of food offerings." The host descended, and the guest departed. The head of the clan instructed the host to descend, while the guest exited through the temple gate." When the host left the gate, those who were weeping stopped and all returned to their original positions. They had not yet entered their designated positions outside the gate." The head of the clan announced that all rituals were completed. As the guest departed, the host followed to offer a bow and kowtowed with his forehead touching the ground in farewell. The act of following and bowing took place clearly outside the main gate." After all the guests and attendants had departed, the offerings in the central chamber were removed. ."

3 虞祭:
無尸則禮及薦饌皆如初。無尸,謂無孫列可使者也,殤亦如是也。禮謂衣服、即位、升降如有尸也。既饗,祝祝之右反卒,不綏祭,綏當作隳,音許規反。無泰羹、湆、胾、從獻,主人哭,出復位。祝闔牖戶,降復位於門西,門西北面位。男女拾踊三。拾,更也,三更踊。拾音其劫反。如食閒,隱之如尸一食九飯之頃。祝升,止哭,聲三,啟戶,聲者,噫歆也。將啟戶,警覺神。主人入,親之。祝從,啟牖嚮。牖先闔後敨,扇在內也。嚮牖一名也。卒徹,祝、佐食降復位。祝復門西北面位,佐食復西方位也。不復設西北隅者,重閉牖戶,褻也。始虞用柔日。葬之日,日中也。虞欲安之,柔日陰也,陰取其靜也。再虞皆如初,曰哀薦虞事。丁日葬,則己日再虞,其祝辭異者一言耳。三虞、卒哭、他,用剛日,亦如初,曰哀薦成事。當祔於廟,為神安於此。後虞改用剛日,剛日陽也,取其動也。士則庚日三虞,壬日卒哭,其祝辭異者亦一言耳。他謂不及時而葬者。喪服小記曰:「報葬者報虞者,三月而後卒哭。」然則虞卒哭之閒有祭事者,亦用剛日。其祭無名,謂之他者,假設言之。凡虞,天子九,諸侯七,大夫五,士三。虞祭之數。按雜記云:「天子九,諸侯七,大夫五,士三。」士當葬日,柔日一虞,隔明日至後柔日,為二虞,其明日剛日又虞,凡四日也。以次準推之,則大夫五虞,當八日;諸侯七虞,當十二日。虞必用柔日者,取其安靜。最後用剛日者,象陽動,以其將祔廟也。凡日之數,甲剛乙柔,景剛丁柔,其餘皆倣此。
If there is no symbolic figure, then all the rituals and offering of food should be performed as initially done. "No symbolic figure" means there is no grandson or descendant available to serve in that role; this also applies to those who died young. The rituals include wearing appropriate attire, taking one's position, and ascending or descending as if there were a symbolic figure present." After the offering was made, the shaman completed his incantations and did not perform a final ritual of calming or concluding the sacrifice. Shui should be read as Hui, pronounced Xuguī Fan. There were no offerings of taigeng (a type of meat broth), qì (broth), zì (meat slices), or accompanying tributes; the host wept, then exited and returned to his position. The shaman closed the windows and doors, descended, and returned to a position west of the gate. This refers to the northwest-facing position at the gate." Men and women wept and jumped three times in mourning. "Shi" means to change or alternate; "three changes of wailing and jumping." "The pronunciation of 'shi' is Qijie Fan." As during a meal break, concealed as if the symbolic figure were taking one meal of nine bowls of rice." The shaman ascended, and weeping ceased; three sounds were made, then the door was opened. "Sounds" refer to sighs expressing acceptance by the spirits. Before opening the door, a signal was given to alert the spirit. The host entered. To show closeness or intimacy." The shaman followed and opened the window facing east. Windows were first closed then opened, with the shutters on the inside." "Xiangyong is another name for it." After all the offerings were removed, the shaman and the assistant in charge of food descended and returned to their positions. The shaman returns to the northwest-facing position by the gate, while the assistant returns to his west-facing position." They do not place offerings again in the northwest corner because the windows and doors are closed once more, which would be considered disrespectful or indecent." The initial "yu" ritual was performed on a yin day. The burial took place at noon." "Yu" is performed to bring peace, as yin days are associated with darkness; the quiet nature of yin is what is desired." The second "yu" ritual was conducted in the same manner as the first, and it was called "Ai Jian Yu Shi," meaning a sorrowful offering for the "yu" ceremony. If burial took place on a Ding day, then the second "yu" ritual would be held on a Ji day; only one phrase in the shaman's incantation differs." The third "yu" ritual, the final weeping ceremony ("zhuoku"), and other related rites were performed on yang days, also following the same procedures as before, and were called "Ai Jian Cheng Shi," meaning a sorrowful offering to complete the rituals. The spirit should be enshrined in the ancestral temple, so that it may find peace here." Subsequent "yu" rituals were changed to yang days; yang days are associated with brightness and movement, which is what was desired. For a scholar-official ("shi"), the third "yu" ritual would take place on a Geng day, and the final weeping ceremony ("zhuoku") on a Ren day; in these cases too, only one phrase of the shaman's incantations differs. "The 'ta' refers to those who were buried before their time." The Xiao Ji section of the "Sangfu" (Rules for Mourning Attire) states: "Those who report the burial also report the 'yu' ritual; three months later, the final weeping is concluded." Therefore, if there are sacrificial rites between the "yu" and "zhuoku" ceremonies, they should also be performed on yang days. These rituals without specific names are referred to as "ta," a hypothetical or provisional designation." In general, the number of "yu" rituals is nine for an emperor, seven for feudal lords, five for high-ranking officials (dàfu), and three for scholar-officials (shi). The number of "yu" sacrificial rites. According to Zaji: "An emperor has nine, a feudal lord seven, an official five, and a scholar-official three." For a scholar-official (shi), on the day of burial, which was a yin day, one "yu" ritual took place. The next day, after a bright day, another yin day occurred for the second "yu." On the following day, a yang day also had a "yu," making it four days in total. Following this pattern and extrapolating accordingly, an official (dàfu) with five "yu" rituals would require eight days; a feudal lord with seven "yu" rituals would take twelve days. The reason the "yu" ritual must be performed on yin (soft) days is to reflect a state of peace and quiet. The final use of yang (hard) days symbolizes movement and brightness, as the spirit was about to be enshrined in the temple. In general, for the sequence of days: Jia is yang (hard), Yi is yin (soft); Bing is yang, Ding is yin; the rest follow this pattern."

4 虞祭:
說曰:孔子曰:「既封,主人贈而祝宿虞尸。贈,以其幣送死者於壙也。於主人贈,祝先歸。於主人必降。既反哭,主人與有司視虞牲。日中將虞,省其牲也。有司以几筵舍奠於墓左,反,日中而虞。所使奠墓有司來歸乃虞也。舍奠墓左,為父母形體在此,禮其地神也。舍音釋。葬日虞,弗忍一日離也。不忍其無歸也。是日也,以虞易奠。」虞,喪祭也。將虞,沐浴,不櫛。沐浴者,將祭自潔清也。不櫛,未在於飾也。唯三年之喪不櫛,自期以下櫛可也。男則男尸,女則女尸。女尸必使異姓,不使賤者。異姓婦也。賤者,謂庶孫之妾也。尸配尊者,必使嫡。尸服卒者之上服。上服者,如特牲士玄端也。不以爵弁服為上者,祭於君之服,非所以自配鬼神也。士之妻則綃衣。報葬者報虞者,三月而後卒哭。報讀為赴疾之赴,謂不及期而葬也。既葬即虞,虞,安神也。卒哭之祭,待哀殺也。既葬而不報虞,則雖主人,皆冠;及虞,則皆絻。有故不得疾虞,雖主人,皆冠,不可久無飾也。皆絻,自主人至緦麻也。遠葬者比反哭者,皆冠;及郊而後絻,反哭。墓在四郊之外者。曾子問曰:「並有喪,何先何後?」並謂父母若親同者同月死也。孔子曰:「葬,先輕而後重;其虞也,先重而後輕:禮也。」
The commentary says: Confucius said, "After the burial mound was completed, the host presented gifts and the shaman prepared for the symbolic figure of the 'yu' ceremony. "Zeng" means to send offerings with currency or valuables to accompany the deceased into the tomb." Before the host presented his gifts, the shaman returned first. The host must descend." After the return weeping, the host and the officials inspected the sacrificial animal for the "yu" ritual. The inspection of the sacrificial animal was conducted at noon in preparation for the "yu" ceremony." The officials placed a table and mats with offerings to the left of the tomb, then returned; at noon, they performed the "yu" ritual. This means that after the officials sent to make a memorial offering at the tomb had returned, the "yu" ceremony was conducted." The table with offerings was placed on the left side of the tomb to honor the parents' physical remains in this location, and also as a ritual offering to the local earth deity. "Shedian" is pronounced "She."" The "yu" ritual was held on the burial day, as one could not bear to be separated from the deceased for even a single day. Because they could not bear the thought of the deceased having no place to return to." On this day, the memorial offering was replaced by the "yu" ritual." The "yu" is a mourning sacrifice." Before the "yu" ritual, one bathed and washed but did not comb their hair. Bathing and washing is to purify oneself before a sacrifice." Not combing one's hair indicates that the person was not yet focused on personal adornment. Only in the case of a three-year mourning period is it appropriate not to comb one's hair; for lesser periods, such as those lasting only one year or less, combing is acceptable." If the deceased was male, a male symbolic figure (shi) would be used; if female, then a female symbolic figure. A female symbolic figure must always come from another family and not from a servant or person of low status. This refers to a woman from a different clan." "Lowly individuals" refer to the concubines of common descendants. The symbolic figure representing a revered ancestor must be chosen from the legitimate line." The symbolic figure (shi) wore the highest mourning attire of the deceased. "Highest mourning attire" refers to something like the "xuanduan" ceremonial robe worn by a scholar-official for a single sacrificial animal." The official cap and robes ("ju bian") were not considered the highest attire, because they were garments worn when sacrificing to one's lord; such clothing was not appropriate for personally representing spirits in a ritual. The wife of a scholar-official wore plain silk robes." Those who reported the burial also reported the "yu" ritual; three months passed before the final weeping was concluded. "Bao" should be read as "fu," meaning to hasten or rush, referring to a burial conducted before the scheduled time." As soon as the burial was completed, the "yu" ritual took place; the purpose of "yu" is to bring peace and comfort to the spirit. The final weeping ceremony ("zhuoku") was held after one's grief had somewhat subsided." If the "yu" ritual was not reported or conducted after burial, then even the host and all others would wear formal caps; but upon performing the "yu" ritual, they would instead wear mourning caps. If there was a reason preventing an immediate "yu" ritual, even the host had to wear formal caps; one could not remain without proper mourning attire for too long." All were required to wear mourning caps, from the host down to those in the lightest mourning (sima) attire." Those who had traveled far for the burial and returned with the body were treated like those participating in the return weeping; they all wore formal caps; only after reaching the outskirts did they switch to mourning caps, marking the return weeping ceremony. This refers to tombs located beyond the four suburbs." Zengzi asked, "When multiple funerals occur at the same time, which should take precedence and which should follow?" "Bing" refers to a situation where parents or close relatives die in the same month." Confucius said, "In burial matters, one should attend to the less important first and then proceed to the more important; but for the 'yu' ritual, one should begin with the more important and then move on to the less important: this is in accordance with the rites."

5 虞祭:
後漢鄭玄云:「子為父三月而葬,腰絰散垂,如始時也。葬日,日中而虞。反哭,升自西階,虞祭於堂,杖不入室。凡葬以平明,日中反虞者安也,棺柩已去,恐父母精神彷徨無所依,故祭以安之也。」蜀譙周云:「為父,至葬,腰絰散垂如小斂時。反哭於廟,升自西階。虞祭於寢,杖不入室。」射慈云:「為父既葬,日中反哭。諸侯於太祖廟。別子為卿大夫,亦於太祖廟。其非別子為卿大夫,於皇考廟。上士於皇考廟,中士、下士於王考廟。皆升自西階,東面哭踊,虞祭於殯宮。」
In the Later Han, Zheng Xuan said, "When a son buries his father after three months, he should wear the sash of mourning with loose ends hanging down as in the initial period of mourning. On the day of burial, the "yu" ritual was performed at noon. The return weeping procession ascended from the western steps; the "yu" sacrifice took place in the hall, and the mourning staff was not taken into the room. Generally, burials took place at dawn; the "yu" ritual was held at noon to bring comfort and peace. Since the coffin had already been removed, there was concern that the spirits of one's parents might wander aimlessly without support, so a sacrifice was made to console them." Qiao Zhou of Shu said: "For the father, until burial, one should wear a sash with loose ends hanging as in the time of minor wrapping (xiaolian)." The return weeping took place at the ancestral temple, ascending from the western steps. The "yu" sacrifice was conducted in the sleeping chamber; the mourning staff did not enter the room." She Ci said, "After burying one's father, the return weeping takes place at noon. The feudal lords performed it at the temple of their great ancestor. For a collateral descendant who became an official or gentleman, it was also conducted in the temple of the great ancestor. If one was not a collateral descendant but had become an official or gentleman, then the ritual took place at the temple of his immediate predecessor (huangkao). High-ranking scholars-officials performed it in the temple of their immediate ancestor, while middle- and lower-ranking officials did so in the temple of a more distant ancestor (wangkao). All ascended from the western steps, faced east while weeping and wailing, and performed the "yu" sacrifice in the temporary mourning hall."

6 虞祭:
宋崔凱云:「子為父,三月而葬。將啟出棺,皆絻散帶垂。既啟,袒,哭踊無數。日中虞,絻無時之哭矣。」
Cui Kai of Song said: "When a son buries his father, it should be done after three months. Before opening the coffin to remove the body, all participants wore mourning caps with loose sashes hanging down. After the coffin was opened, they removed their outer garments and wept and wailed without limit. At noon for the "yu" ritual, it marked a mourning cry that had no fixed time."

7 虞祭:
大唐元陵儀注:「將啟,太祝捧主匱置於座,啟匱於前,捧出神主,置於座上,東向。諸侍奉官各退就位,輿繖等亦退。通事舍人引群官俱退於太極殿門外,就次,以俟虞祭。所由陳杖衛如式。典儀設太尉、司徒、宗正卿、禮儀使及諸行事官位於東階之東,設太祝等位於公卿之前少南,如不親行事,中書、門下差奏攝。又少南設典儀位,俱西向。典儀帥禮生二人先就次立,禮生乃引太尉、司徒以下祭服立於左延明門外之南,北向西上。光祿卿帥其屬捧饌立於太尉、司徒之東,太祝帥齋郎捧祝版立於饌東。立定,禮生乃引太尉、司徒以下入就位,通事舍人分引群官、皇親、諸親皆素服各入就位。侍中版奏『中嚴』,皇帝素服就次。諸王升就位。如不獲親奠,即太尉行事如常。光祿卿帥其屬捧饌入,俟於東階之前,太祝帥齋郎捧祝版立於其南。光祿卿帥其屬升設醴甒、酒樽於帷門外前楹中閒之東,北向西上。設篚於樽西,實觶一、杓一,皆有审。設罍洗於東階之東,北向,罍水在洗東;篚在洗西,南肆,實爵二、巾一,有审。執罍洗者立於其後。侍中版奏『外辦』,近侍扶引皇帝再拜,通事舍人分贊群官在內外位者哭拜。禮生引禮儀使省饌訖,升就位。禮官升位後,光祿卿帥進饌捧饌,司徒捧俎,光祿卿引饌及諸執事官並升自東階,設於帷東門外席上訖,降復位。太尉捧祝版升立於樽所,執樽篚者各立於樽篚之後。禮儀使導皇帝於饌東,西面。禮儀使跪奏『請皇帝止哭奉奠』,承傳內外皆止哭。太祝以觶酌醴齊於皇帝之左,跪進;皇帝受醴齊,跪奠於饌前,俛伏,興。太祝持版進神座之南,北面跪讀祝文訖,奠版,俛伏,興。禮儀使導皇帝復位,跪奏『請再拜』,皇帝哭再拜。禮生引太尉亞獻終獻訖,降復位如常儀。通事舍人分贊內外哭再拜。禮儀使又跪奏『請再拜』,俛伏,興,皇帝哭再拜。奉禮郎傳贊內外再拜。禮儀使跪奏『禮畢』,俛伏,興,近侍扶皇帝還閤,群官等俱退。太祝乃跪匱神主,遂閉帷門,降出。內侍之屬及行事者皆出。祝版焚於左延明門外。百僚乃於太極門外奉慰如常儀。每虞日朝哭禮皆準此。」如不親行事,則宗正卿亞獻,光祿卿終獻。其百官之制,既葬而虞,其儀具開元禮。
The Tang Dynasty Yuanling Ritual Notes state: "Before opening the coffin, the chief priest held the lacquered box containing the spirit tablet and placed it on a seat. The box was opened in front of him; he then took out the spirit tablet, placed it upon the seat facing east, the various attendants and officials each withdrew to their designated positions, and the palanquin and parasols also retreated. The Tongshi She Ren led all officials to withdraw outside the Taixi Hall gate, where they took their places and waited for the "yu" sacrifice. The ceremonial staffs and guards were arranged according to established protocol. The Director of Ceremonies arranged the positions for the Taiwei, Siku, Zongzheng Qing, Liyi Shi, and other officials involved in the ceremony to the east of the eastern steps. The positions for the chief priests were set slightly south of where the high-ranking ministers stood, and if these officials did not personally participate, the Secretariat and Menxia would appoint substitutes by imperial decree. Further to the south were set up positions for the Director of Ceremonies, all facing west. The Director of Ceremonies led two ritual attendants to first take their positions. The attendants then guided the Taiwei, Sikong, and officials below them in sacrificial robes to stand south of the Zuo Yanming Gate outside, facing north with ranks arranged westward. The Guanglu Qing led his subordinates to stand east of the Taiwei and Sikong, holding sacrificial food offerings. The chief priests led the zhai lang (ritual attendants) to hold the ritual tablets and stood east of where the food was placed. Once in position, the ritual attendants led the Taiwei, Sikong and officials below them to their designated places. The Tongshi She Ren separately guided all officials, imperial relatives, and other family members, who were dressed in plain mourning attire, into their respective positions. The Shizhong presented a wooden tablet to announce "Zhongyan" (the signal for strict preparation), and the emperor, dressed in plain mourning attire, took his place at the designated location. The various princes ascended to their positions. If the emperor could not personally offer sacrifices, then the Taiwei would perform the ceremony as usual." The Guanglu Qing led his attendants to carry the sacrificial food into the hall and waited in front of the eastern steps, while the chief priests led the zhai-lang (ritual assistants) to hold the ritual tablet and stood south of them. The Guanglu Qing led his staff to ascend and set up the wine vessels, including the liwu (wine jars) and zun (ritual wine vases), east of the central space between the front pillars outside the curtain gate, facing north with ranks arranged toward the west. Baskets were placed to the west of the wine vases, containing one zhe (small cup) and one biao (ladle), each properly arranged. The leixian (ritual water basin and washing vessel) was set up to the east of the eastern steps, facing north, with the leipan (large wine jar used for ritual water) placed to the east of the washing basin; the basket was placed west of the washing vessel, facing south, containing two jue (ritual cups) and one cloth towel, all properly arranged. The attendants responsible for the leixian stood behind them. The Shizhong presented the wooden tablet and announced "Waiban" (the signal that all preparations were complete), then court attendants assisted the emperor in bowing twice. The Tongshi She Ren divided their roles to guide officials inside and outside the designated positions to weep and prostrate themselves. The ritual attendants guided the Liyi Shi (Ritual Officer) to inspect the sacrificial offerings, then ascended to his position. After the ritual officials had taken their positions, the Guanglu Qing led those carrying the sacrificial food to present it. The Sikong carried the sacrificial platters. The Guanglu Qing guided the food and all attending officials up from the eastern steps, placing them on the mats outside the eastern curtain gate. Once completed, they descended back to their original positions. The Taiwei carried the ritual tablet and ascended to stand at the location of the wine vases; those holding the vases and baskets stood behind them, respectively. The Liyi Shi guided the emperor east of the sacrificial table, facing west. The Liyi Shi knelt and presented a report: "Please request that the emperor cease weeping to offer sacrifices," and upon receiving this instruction, both those inside and outside stopped their mourning. The chief priest poured a mixture of wine and sweet rice liquor into the zhe (cup) with his left hand, then knelt to present it; the emperor received the offering, knelt and placed it before the sacrificial table, bowed his head in reverence, then rose. The chief priest held up the ritual tablet, approached south of the spirit table, faced north, knelt, and read the sacrificial text. After finishing, he placed down the tablet, bowed his head in reverence again, then rose. The Liyi Shi led the emperor back to his original position and knelt to report: "Please request a second bow," and the emperor wept while performing two bows. The ritual attendants led the Taiwei to perform the secondary and final offerings, after which he descended back to his position as per usual protocol. The Tongshi She Ren divided their duties to guide those inside and outside in weeping and performing two bows again. The Liyi Shi once more knelt and reported, "Please request a second bow," bowed his head in reverence and rose; the emperor wept and performed two bows again. The Fengli Lang (Assistant Ritual Officer) transmitted instructions to guide those inside and outside to perform a second bow. The Liyi Shi knelt to report, "The ceremony is complete," bowed his head in reverence and then rose; court attendants assisted the emperor back into the palace, while all officials withdrew. The chief priest then knelt to place the spirit tablet back in its lacquered box; the curtain gate was closed, and he descended from the hall. All palace attendants and those who had participated in the ceremony exited. The ritual tablets were burned outside the Zuo Yanming Gate. All officials then offered condolences to the emperor at the Taixi Gate as per usual protocol. The morning weeping and ceremonial rites on each "yu" day were conducted according to this procedure." If the emperor did not personally perform the ceremony, then the Zongzheng Qing would conduct the secondary offering and the Guanglu Qing the final offering. The regulations for officials' participation were as follows: after burial, a "yu" ritual was conducted; the specific ceremonies are detailed in the Kaiyuan Li (Rites of the Kaiyuan Era).

既虞餞尸及卒哭祭 - Rites After the Sacrificial Mourning: Farewelling the Ancestral Spirit and the Ceremony of Ceasing to Weep

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 既虞餞尸... :
Zhou

2 既虞餞尸... :
周制,士喪,三虞獻畢,未徹乃餞。卒哭之祭既三獻也。餞,送行之酒也。詩曰:「出宿于濟,飲餞于禰。」尸將祔於皇祖,是以餞送之也。樽兩甒於廟門外之右。饌籩豆,脯四脡,酒宜脯也。有乾肉折俎。乾肉,牲體之脯。尸出,執几從,席從。祝亦告利成,入前尸,尸乃出也。几席,素几葦席。尸出門右,南面。候設席也。席設於樽西北,東面,几在南。賓出復位。將入臨之位也。主人出,即位於門東,少南,婦人出即位於主人之北,皆西面,哭不止。婦人出者,重餞尸也。尸即席坐。唯主人不哭,洗廢爵,酌獻尸,尸拜受,主人拜送,哭,復位。薦脯醢,設俎於薦東,朐在南。主人及兄弟踊,婦人亦如之。主婦洗足爵亞獻尸,如主人儀,踊如初。賓長洗繶爵三獻,踊如初。佐食取俎實於篚。尸謖,從者奉篚哭從之,祝前,哭者皆從,及大門內,踊如初。男女從尸,男由左,女由右也。及,至也。從尸不出大門者,猶廟門外無事尸之禮也。尸出大門,哭則止。以餞於外,大門猶廟門也。賓出,主人送,拜稽顙。送賓拜於大門外也。主婦亦拜賓。女賓也。不言出,不言送,拜之於闈門之內也。丈夫說絰帶於廟門外,既卒哭,當變麻,受以葛。婦人說首絰,不說帶。不說帶,齊斬婦人帶不變也。婦人少變而重帶,帶,下體之上也。大功小功者葛帶,時亦不說者,未可以輕文變於主婦之質也。至祔,葛帶以即位。無尸則不餞,猶出几席設如初,拾踊三,以餞尸者本為送神也。丈夫婦人亦從几席而出。丈夫婦人更踊。哭止,告事畢,賓出。
According to Zhou dynasty regulations, when a scholar-official died, after the three sacrificial rites for mourning were completed and the offerings presented, the farewell ceremony would take place before the removal of the corpse. The sacrifice at the time of ceasing to weep is already after three offerings have been made. A farewell banquet involves a wine ceremony for those departing. The Odes say: "He lodged by the Ji River, and was given a farewell drink at Ni." Since the ancestral tablet is about to be enshrined with the great ancestor, this is why it is sent off with a farewell. Two wine vessels were placed on the right side outside the temple gate. The food offerings included 笾 and 簠, four pieces of dried meat, wine is appropriate with dried meat offerings. There were also dried meat sacrifices on a wooden stand. Dried meat is the preserved flesh of sacrificial animals. When the ancestral spirit left, someone carried the small table to follow it, and a mat was also taken along. The shaman also announced the successful completion of the rite, approached in front of the ancestral spirit, and then the spirit departed. The table and mat were a plain wooden table and a reed mat. The ancestral spirit exited to the right side of the gate, facing south. To await the arrangement of the mat. The mat was placed to the northwest of the wine vessels, facing east, with the table located to the south. The guest exited and returned to his position. This is the position for entering to pay respects. The master of the house went out and took his place east of the gate, slightly to the south; the women also exited and took their positions north of the master. All faced west and continued weeping without ceasing. The reason why the women went out was to emphasize the farewell for the ancestral spirit. The ancestral spirit sat on the mat. Only the master did not weep; he rinsed an empty wine vessel, poured a libation to offer to the ancestral spirit. The spirit bowed to accept it, and the master bowed in return as he sent off the offering, then resumed weeping and returned to his position. Dried meat and minced meat sauce were presented; the sacrificial stand was placed east of the offerings, with its curved end facing south. The master and his brothers expressed grief by stamping their feet in sorrow; the women did likewise. The lady of the house rinsed a wine vessel, made a secondary offering to the ancestral spirit following the same procedures as the master, and expressed her grief by stamping her feet just as before. The eldest guest rinsed another wine vessel and made a third offering to the ancestral spirit, expressing his sorrow through foot-stamping as he had done at first. The assistant in charge of food took the sacrificial offerings from the stand and placed them into a bamboo basket. The ancestral spirit wept, followed by attendants carrying the basket who cried as they accompanied it. The shaman led the way, and all those mourning also followed. Upon reaching inside the main gate, they expressed their grief through foot-stamping just as before. Men and women followed the ancestral spirit; men went on the left side, while women went on the right side. "Ji," means "reaching." The reason the ancestral spirit did not exit through the main gate was because there were no rituals for honoring the spirit outside the main gate, just as there are none outside the temple gate. When the ancestral spirit exited the main gate, the weeping ceased. Because the farewell took place outside, the main gate is considered like the temple gate in this context. The guest exited, and the master of the house followed to see him off, bowing deeply with his forehead touching the ground. This refers to the master performing a deep bow outside the main gate to send off the guest. The lady of the house also bowed to the guest. This refers to female guests. It does not mention exiting or sending off, because the bow was performed inside the inner gate. Men removed their mourning cords and belts outside the temple gate, after the period of continuous weeping had ended, they should change from hemp to kudzu fiber. Women removed only their head mourning cords but not their waist belts. They did not remove the belt, because for women in mourning of either "Qi" or "Zhan," the belt remained unchanged. Women made slight changes but still emphasized wearing the belt, as it is located above the lower part of the body. Those in mourning for "Da Gong" or "Xiao Gong" wore kudzu fiber belts; at this time, they did not remove them either, because it was still inappropriate to change the simple style of the lady of the house into a more elaborate one. Only upon reaching the enshrinement ceremony did they wear kudzu fiber belts and take their positions. If there was no ancestral spirit figure, then the farewell would not take place; still, the table and mat were placed as before, and three expressions of grief through foot-stamping occurred. The reason for sending off the ancestral spirit is essentially to escort the deity away. / Both men and women also followed the table and mat as they were carried out. Men and women alternated in expressing their grief through foot-stamping. The weeping ceased, the shaman announced that the rites were complete, and the guest departed.

3 既虞餞尸... :
凡喪,天子七月而葬,九月而卒哭;諸侯五月而葬,七月而卒哭;大夫三月而葬,五月而卒哭;士三月而葬,是月也卒哭。尊卑之差。將明旦而祔,則薦。薦謂卒哭之祭。卒辭曰:「哀子某,來日某,隮祔爾於爾皇祖某甫,尚饗。」卒辭,卒哭之祝辭也。隮,升也。尚,庶幾也。不稱饌,明主為告祔也。女子曰皇祖妣某氏,女孫祔於皇祖母也。婦曰孫婦於皇祖姑某氏。不言爾曰孫婦,婦差疏也。其他辭一也。饗辭曰:「哀子某,圭為而哀薦之,饗。」饗辭,勸強尸之辭也。圭,潔也。凡吉祭饗尸,曰孝子也。卒哭曰成事,既虞之後,卒哭而祭,其辭蓋曰「哀薦成事」,成祭事也,祭以吉為成也。是日也,以吉祭易喪祭。卒哭,吉祭。明日,以其班祔。卒哭之明日也。班,次也。父母之喪,既虞卒哭,柱楣翦屏,芐翦不納。君既卒哭,而服王事。大夫既卒哭,弁絰帶,金革之事無避也。此權禮也。弁絰帶者,變喪服而弔服,輕,可以即事也。
In all mourning rituals, the Son of Heaven would be buried after seven months and cease weeping after nine months; princes would be buried after five months and cease weeping after seven months; high officials would be buried after three months and cease weeping after five months; scholar-officials would be buried after three months, and they would also cease weeping in that same month. This reflects the differences in rank and status. If enshrinement was to take place on the following day, then offerings were presented. "Jian" refers to the sacrifice at the time of ceasing weeping. The final words of mourning were said: "I, your grieving son [Name], will on the day [Date] bring you to be enshrined alongside your great ancestor [Ancestor's Name]. May you partake in this offering." The "Zu Ci" is the shaman's prayer at the time of ceasing mourning. "Ji," means to ascend. "Shang," means "may it be so" or "I hope." The offerings were not mentioned by name, to clarify that the master was merely informing of the enshrinement. For women, it would be said "the great ancestor and matriarch [Name] of the clan," indicating that a granddaughter was being enshrined alongside her great grandmother. For married women, it would be stated as "the granddaughter-in-law to the great ancestor's aunt [Name]." The term "granddaughter-in-law" is not used with "you," because a married woman is more distantly related. All other wording remained the same. The words of invitation were said: "I, your grieving son [name], now present these offerings with sincere sorrow; please partake." "Xiang Ci" is the phrase used to encourage and invite the ancestral spirit. "Guan," means purity or sincerity. In all joyous sacrificial rites, when inviting the ancestral spirit to partake, one is referred to as a filial son. The rite of ceasing to weep was called "Cheng Shi," after the mourning rites, when one ceased weeping and made an offering, the words used were likely "grieving offerings for a completed matter," meaning that the sacrificial ceremony had been successfully concluded. A sacrifice is considered complete only if it brings auspiciousness. On this day, the mourning rites were replaced with joyous sacrificial ceremonies. The rite of ceasing weeping marks a transition to joyous sacrifices. The following day, the ancestral tablet was enshrined according to its proper rank. This refers to the day after ceasing weeping. "Ban," means order or rank. In the case of mourning for one's parents, after completing the mourning rites and ceasing to weep, the pillars and door lintels were removed, screens were cut down, and incense was burned without being enclosed. After a ruler had ceased mourning, he would resume his duties as king. Once high officials had ceased weeping, they resumed wearing their ceremonial caps and mourning cords; they did not avoid military or official matters. This is an example of a flexible adjustment to ritual practices. Wearing the cap, mourning cord, and belt meant changing from full mourning attire into a lighter form of ceremonial dress; it was appropriate for resuming official duties.

祔祭 - Funeral Sacrifice Rituals

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 祔祭:
殷 周 晉 大唐
Yin Zhou Jin Datang

2 祔祭:
殷人練而祔,孔子善之。周而神之,人情也。
The Yin people practiced the ritual of wearing plain mourning clothes and performing the funeral rites, which Confucius approved. Zhou er shen zhi, renqing ye.

3 祔祭:
周制,卒哭而祔。士喪,既卒哭之明日,沐浴,櫛,搔翦,彌自飾也。用專膚為折俎,取諸脰膉。專猶厚也。折俎謂主婦以下俎也。體盡人多,故折骨以為之。今以脰膉,貶於純吉也。其他如饋食。如特牲饋食之事也。用嗣尸。虞祔尚質,未暇筮尸。曰:「孝子某,孝顯相,夙興夜處,小心畏忌,不惰其身,不寧。稱孝者,吉祭也。用尹祭,尹祭,脯也。大夫士祭無云脯者,今不言牲號,而云尹祭,記者誤耳。嘉薦,普淖,普薦,溲酒,普薦,鉶羹也。不稱牲,記其異也。適爾皇祖某甫,以隮祔爾孫某甫,尚饗。」欲其祔合,兩告之也。曾子問曰:「天子崩,國君薨,則祝取群廟之主而藏諸祖廟,禮也。卒哭成事,而後主各反其廟。」然則士之皇祖,於卒哭亦反其廟矣。無主其反廟之禮未聞,其以幣告之乎?
The Zhou dynasty system was to perform the funeral rites after the mourning period for death had ended. When a scholar-official died, on the day following the completion of the mourning period for his death, the mourners would bathe, comb their hair, and trim their nails; this was to fully adorn themselves. They used specially prepared meat for the sacrificial offerings, taken from the neck and shoulder parts of the animal. Zhuan you hou ye. Zhezu refers to the sacrificial platters used by the lady of the house and those below her rank. Because there were many people participating, more meat was needed, so bones were broken apart to prepare it. Now using the neck and shoulder parts implies a lesser status compared to purely auspicious offerings. Other aspects were similar to those of sacrificial food offerings. Like the matters concerning special animal sacrifices for food offerings. They used a successor as the symbolic sacrificial victim. The rites of Yu and Fu emphasized simplicity, so there was no time to divinely select a substitute for the sacrificial victim. It said: "The filial son, [name], with filial piety and reverence, rises early and rests late, is cautious and reverent, does not neglect his body, and remains unsettled. Calling oneself a filial son refers to a sacrificial rite for auspicious occasions. They used Yin jia; Yin jia refers to dried meat offerings. There is no mention of dried meat in the sacrificial rites for officials and scholar-officials; now, without mentioning the name of the sacrificial animal but instead referring to Yin jia, this must be an error by the recorder. Jiajian, Punao, Pujian, soujiu; Pujian refers to Xue soup. They did not mention the sacrificial animal, but recorded its uniqueness instead. "O great ancestor [name], may you ascend and be united with your grandson [name]; please partake of the offering." This expresses a desire for their union; it is an announcement to both ancestors. Zengzi asked: "When the Son of Heaven dies, or when a feudal lord passes away, then the shu (priest) takes the tablets from all ancestral temples and stores them in the temple of the founding ancestor; this is according to ritual. After the mourning rites for death have concluded, then each tablet should be returned to its respective ancestral temple." If so, then a scholar-official's great ancestor would also return the tablet to its original temple after the mourning rites for death. There is no known ritual for returning a tablet to its temple without an ancestral tablet; would they instead inform it with offerings?

4 祔祭:
說曰:卒哭明日,祔於祖父。祭告於其祖之廟。其變而之吉祭也,比至於祔,必於是日也接,不忍一日末有所歸也。末,無也。日有所用接之,虞禮所謂「他用剛日」者也。其祭,辭曰「哀薦」「成事」也。士大夫不得祔於諸侯,祔於諸祖父之為士大夫者,其妻祔於諸祖姑。妾祔於妾祖姑,亡則中一以上而祔之。祔必以其昭穆。士大夫,謂公子公孫為士大夫者也。不得祔於諸侯,卑別之也。既卒哭,各就其先君為祖者兄弟之廟而祔之。中猶閒也。諸侯不得祔於天子,天子、諸侯、大夫可以祔於士。人莫敢卑其祖也。祖爵尊,子孫爵卑,則不得上祔。祖爵雖卑,則祔之。妾無妾祖姑者,易牲而祔於女君可也。女君,嫡祖姑也。易牲而祔,凡妾下女君一等。婦祔於祖姑,祖姑有三人,則祔於親者。謂舅之母死,而又有繼母二人也。親者,謂舅所生者也。其妻為大夫而卒,而後其夫不為大夫,而祔於其妻則不易牲。妻卒而後夫為大夫,而祔於其妻,則以大夫牲。妻為大夫,夫為大夫時卒也,不易牲,以士牲也。此謂始來仕無廟者也。無廟者不祔。宗子去國,乃以廟從。又云:大夫祔於士,士不祔於大夫,祔於大夫之昆弟之為士者,無昆弟則從其昭穆,雖王父母在亦然。大夫祔於士,不敢以己尊自殊於其祖也。士不祔於大夫,自卑別於尊者也。大夫之昆弟,謂為士者。從其昭穆中一以上,祖又祖而已。祔者祔於先死者。婦祔於其夫之所祔之妃,無妃則亦從其昭穆之妃。妾祔於妾祖姑,無妾祖姑則從其昭穆之妾。夫所祔之妃,於婦則祖姑也。公子祔於公子。不敢戚君。男子祔於王父則配,女子祔於王母則不配。配謂并祭王母,不配則不祭王父也。有事於尊者,可以及卑;有事於卑者,不敢援尊。配與不配,祭饌如一,祝辭異者,不言以某妃配某氏耳。女子謂未嫁者也。嫁未三月而死,猶歸葬於女氏之黨。婦之喪,虞,卒哭,其夫若子主之,祔則舅主之。婦謂凡嫡婦、庶婦也。虞卒哭祭婦,非舅事也。祔祖廟,尊者宜主焉。王父死,未練祥而孫又死,猶是祔於王父也。未練祥,嫌未祫祭序於昭穆耳。王父既祔,則孫可祔焉。父母之喪偕,先葬者不虞祔,待後事,其葬服斬縗。偕,俱也,謂同月若同日死也。先葬者,母也。曾子問曰:「葬先輕而後重。」又曰:「反葬奠而後辭於殯,遂修葬事。其虞也,先重而後輕。」待後事謂如此也。其葬服斬縗者,喪之崇,哀宜從重也。假令父死在前月而同月葬,猶服斬縗,不葬不變服也。言其葬服斬縗,則虞祔各以其服矣。及練祥皆然,卒事反服重。有父母之喪,尚功縗,而祔兄弟之殤,則練冠。祔於殤,稱陽童某父,不名,神也。此兄弟之殤,謂大功親以下之殤也。斬縗齊縗之喪,練皆受以大功之縗。此謂之功縗,以是時而祔大功親以下之殤,大功親以下之殤輕,不易服也。冠而兄為殤,謂同年者也。兄十九而死,己明年因喪而冠。陽童謂庶殤也。宗子則曰陰童。童,未成人之稱也。某父,且字也,尊神不名,為之造字。主妾之喪則自祔,至於練祥,皆使其子主之。其殯祭,不於正室。祔自為之者,以其祭於祖廟也。上大夫祔太牢,下大夫少牢。祔與虞異。朋友之喪,虞祔而已。
It was said: On the day after the mourning rites concluded, one should perform the funeral rite in honor of one's grandfather and grandmother. Offer sacrifices and make announcements at the temple of one's ancestor. When changing from mourning rites to auspicious sacrifices, before reaching the rite of Fu, it was necessary on that day itself to make a connection; they could not bear for even one more day to have no place of return. "Mo" means "none." On that day, there was a need to make the connection; this is what the Yu rites refer to as "using an odd-numbered day for other purposes." The sacrificial offering was referred to in words such as "Ai jian" and "Cheng shi." Scholar-officials could not be united with feudal lords in ancestral rites; they were to be united with their grandfathers and grandmothers who had been scholar-officials, while their wives would be united with the great aunts of the ancestors. Concubines were to be united in ancestral rites with their concubine grandmothers; if none existed, they would be united with the grandmother of one rank above. The rite of Fu must follow the order of Zhaomu (the east-west arrangement in ancestral temple hierarchy). "Scholar-officials" refers to those among the sons and grandsons of feudal lords who held the rank of scholar-official. They could not be united with feudal lords, as this marked their lower status separately. After the mourning rites had concluded, they would each proceed to the temple of an elder brother or uncle who was considered the founding ancestor and perform the rite of Fu there. "Zhong" means "between." Feudal lords could not be united with the Son of Heaven in ancestral rites, but the Son of Heaven, feudal lords, and officials could all be united with scholar-officials. No one dares to belittle their ancestors. If the ancestor's rank was higher and the descendants' rank lower, then they could not ascend for unification in ancestral rites. But if the ancestor's rank was low, then unification would still take place. If a concubine had no grandmother who was also a concubine, it was acceptable to change the sacrificial offering and perform the rite of unification at her female lord's temple. "Nu jun" refers to the legitimate grandmother. Changing the sacrificial offering for unification indicates that, in general, a concubine ranks one level below her female lord. A wife should be united with her grandmother; if there were three grandmothers, she would be united with the one who was most closely related. This refers to a situation where the mother of one's maternal uncle has died and there are also two stepmothers. "The most closely related" means the grandmother who was the mother of one's maternal uncle. If a man's wife had been an official and died, but after her death he did not become an official himself, then if he were to be united with his wife in ancestral rites, there would be no need to change the sacrificial offerings. If a man became an official after his wife's death and was then united with her in ancestral rites, he would use the sacrificial offerings appropriate for an official. If a wife had been an official when she died and her husband was also an official at that time, there would be no change in the sacrificial offerings; they would use those of a scholar-official. This refers to someone who had just begun serving as an official and did not yet have an ancestral temple. Those without an ancestral temple could not perform the rite of Fu. Only when the head of the clan left his native land would he take the ancestral temple with him. It is also said: Officials may be united with scholar-officials in ancestral rites, but scholar-officials cannot be united with officials; they should instead be united with the brothers of the official who were themselves scholar-officials. If there are no such brothers, then follow the Zhaomu order (the east-west hierarchy). Even if their great-grandparents were still alive, this rule would apply. Officials being united with scholar-officials means they dare not elevate themselves above their ancestors by rank. Scholar-officials do not unite with officials, as this distinguishes the lower from the higher ranks. The brothers of an official refer to those who were scholar-officials themselves. Following the Zhaomu hierarchy, one level above or below sufficed; it was merely a matter of being united with an ancestor and then another ancestor again. Fu rites are performed in honor of those who died earlier. A wife should be united with the concubines at whose level her husband was united; if there were no such concubine, then she would also follow the rank of a concubine according to Zhaomu. A concubine should be united with her concubine grandmother; if there was no such grandmother, then she would follow the rank of another concubine according to Zhaomo. The concubine at whose level a wife is united corresponds to her grandmother in status. Princes should be united with other princes. They dared not grieve for the ruler. If a man was united with his great-grandfather, he would be paired; if a woman was united with her great-grandmother, she would not be paired. "Pairing" means being sacrificed alongside the great-grandmother; if one is not paired, it means they are not sacrificed with the great-grandfather. When performing rites for a higher-ranking ancestor, it was acceptable to include those of lower rank; But when performing rites for one of lower rank, one dared not elevate them by association with the higher. Whether or not a person was paired in sacrifice, the sacrificial offerings were the same; only the words of the priest differed, as they would simply refrain from stating that a certain concubine was paired with a particular lady. "Women" here refers to those who had not yet married. If a woman died within three months of marriage, she would still be buried in the ancestral land of her maiden family. In the case of a wife's death, during the Yu and the mourning rites for her passing, her husband or son would preside; but in the rite of Fu (unification), it was her maternal uncle who took charge. "Wu" refers to any legitimate wife or concubine. The Yu and mourning rites for a deceased wife were not the responsibility of her maternal uncle; the rite of Fu in the ancestral temple was an affair concerning honor, so it should be presided over by a more respected figure. If a great-grandfather died and the mourning period had not yet concluded when his grandson also passed away, the grandson would still be united with the great-grandfather in ancestral rites. "Not having completed Lianxiang" merely indicates that a joint sacrifice according to Zhaomu had not yet taken place. Once the great-grandfather has been united in ancestral rites, then the grandson may also be united with him. If a father and mother both died at the same time, the one buried first would not have the Yu or Fu rites performed for them; these rites were postponed until after the burial of the second. The mourning attire for their burials was Qiancai (the most severe form of mourning). "Xie" means "together," referring to both dying in the same month or on the same day. The one buried first was the mother. Zengzi asked: "In burial, the lighter comes first and the heavier follows." It also said: "After returning from the burial offerings, one would say farewell at the bier, then proceed with completing the funeral arrangements. For the Yu rites, it was first for the heavier and then for the lighter." "Waiting for the later rites" refers to this situation. The mourning attire of Qiancai worn at their burial was a sign of great respect; grief should follow the heavier form as well. Even if the father had died in a previous month but was buried in the same month, one would still wear Qiancai; without burial, there should be no change of mourning attire. To say that their burial required the wearing of Qiancai means that for the Yu and Fu rites, each would follow its appropriate mourning attire. This was also true during Lianxiang; after completing all rites, one returned to wearing heavier mourning attire. If someone was still in the mourning period of Gongcai for their parents' deaths and had to perform the Fu rites for a deceased younger or older brother who died young, they would wear Lian guan (a cap used during the Lian ritual). When performing Fu rites for a child who had died young, one would refer to them as "Yang Tong [name] Fu," without using their personal name; this was an expression of reverence. This refers to deceased young brothers, meaning the children who died before reaching adulthood and were related by ties as close as Da gong kinship or closer. During mourning periods of Qiancai or Zhaicai, the Lian ritual would involve changing to Da gong level mourning attire. This is referred to as Gongcai, and during this time, if one were to perform the Fu rites for deceased young relatives of Da gong or lower rank, since these were considered lighter mourning obligations, there would be no need for a change in attire. If one had already come of age and their older brother died young, this refers to brothers born in the same year. If an elder brother died at nineteen, and the younger sibling was then given a capping ceremony the following year due to mourning obligations. "Yang Tong" refers to deceased children of lower status or concubine-born offspring. For the head of a clan, they would be referred to as "Yin Tong." "Tong" is a term used for those who had not yet reached adulthood. "[Name] Fu," this was also the given name; out of reverence, one did not use their personal name for the deity, and instead created a new character for them. For mourning rites concerning the death of a principal wife or concubine, one performed the Fu rite personally; however, from the Lian ritual onward to the Xiang ceremony, these were all conducted by their sons. Their burial rites and sacrificial ceremonies were not held in the main hall (Zhengshi). The reason why one performed the Fu rite by oneself was because these rites involved offerings at the ancestral temple. An upper-ranking Da Fu would perform the Fu rite with Taolao (a sacrifice of one ox, one pig, and one sheep), while a lower-ranking Da Fu used Shaolao (sacrifices of only a pig and a sheep). Fu differs from Yu. For the death of a friend, one would perform only the Yu and Fu rites.

5 祔祭:
晉賀循云:「卒哭祭之明日,以其班祔於祖廟,各以昭穆之次,各有牲牢,所用卒哭。今無廟,其儀:於客堂設亡者祖坐,東向;又為亡者坐於北,少退。平明持饌具設及主人之節,皆如卒哭儀。先向祖座拜,次向祔座拜,訖,西面南上伏哭。主人進酌祖座,祝曰:『曾孫某,敢用潔牲嘉薦於曾祖某君,以隮祔某君之孫某。』又酌亡者座,祝曰:『哀子某,夙興夜處不寧,敢用潔牲嘉薦,祔事於皇祖某君,適明祖某君,尚饗。』皆起再拜,伏哭盡哀,復各再拜,以次出。妻妾婦女以次向神座再拜訖,南向東上,異等少退,哭盡哀,各再拜還房。遂徹之。自祔之後,唯朔日月半殷奠而已,其饌如來時儀,即日徹之。」
Jin Hegun said: "On the day after the completion of the sacrificial rites, they were enshrined in the ancestral temple according to their rank and position. Each was placed in order of Zhaomu (the hierarchical arrangement of ancestors), with each receiving appropriate animal sacrifices as used during the Chukou ceremony." Nowadays, without an ancestral temple, the ritual is: set up a seat for the ancestor of the deceased in the guest hall, facing east; Another seat was also prepared for the deceased to the north, slightly behind. At dawn, the sacrificial offerings and preparations were arranged along with the host's ceremonial items, all following the procedures of the Chukou rite. First bow toward the ancestor's seat, then bow toward the Fu seat; after finishing, kneel and weep facing west with one's head to the south. The host approached and poured a libation at the ancestor's seat, while the shang offered a prayer: "Zengsun [name], dares to offer pure sacrificial animals and fine offerings to Zengzu [name] Jun, in order to elevate and enshrine his grandson [name]." Then, a libation was poured at the deceased's seat, and the shang recited: "Ai Zi [name], having long been restless from early morning to night, dares to offer pure sacrificial beasts and fine offerings, performing Fu rites before His Majesty Zong [name] Jun and Shang Zong [name] Jun. May they kindly accept these offerings." All then rose to bow twice, knelt and wept with utmost sorrow, and finally bowed again before exiting in order. Wives, concubines, and women followed in turn to bow twice toward the spirit seat; after finishing, they faced south with their heads eastward, slightly retreating according to rank, wept with utmost sorrow, bowed again, and returned to their rooms. Then all offerings were removed. After the Fu rite, only solemn memorial offerings on the first and fifteenth days of each month were performed. The sacrificial items followed the same procedures as when they were brought in, and these were removed on the same day."

6 祔祭:
宋崔凱云:「祔祭於祖廟,祭於祖父,以今亡者祔祀之也。以卒哭明日,其辭曰:『哀子某,敢用潔牲剛鬣普淖普薦醴酒,用薦祔事,適爾皇祖某甫以隮祔。』女子祔於祖姑,此皆於今亡者為祖姑也。今代皆無廟堂,於客堂設其祖座,東面,今亡者在其北,亦東面而共此饌也。若祖父母生存,無亡祖可祔者,當中一以上祔高祖父母姑也。」
Song Cui Kai said: "The Fu rite is performed in the ancestral temple, offering sacrifices to one's grandfather, and now includes the deceased being enshrined among them. On the day after completing the Chukou rites, the prayer said: "Ai Zi [name], dares to use pure sacrificial animals with unshorn hair and abundant wine and offerings, to present them for the Fu rite. May they be offered before your Majesty Zong [name] Fu, so that you may ascend and join in the ancestral enshrinement." Women perform the Fu rite for their maternal grandmothers; this means that the deceased is now considered as a Zugu (maternal grandmother) to them. In modern times, since ancestral temples are no longer available, the ancestor's seat is set up in the guest hall facing east. The deceased is placed to the north of this, also facing east, and all share these sacrificial offerings together. If one's grandparents are still alive and there is no deceased ancestor to perform the Fu rite for, then one should perform it for a maternal great-grandmother or higher-ranking female ancestors."

7 祔祭:
大唐元陵儀注:
The Ritual Notes of Datang Yuanling:

8 祔祭:
祔廟前二日告遷,其禮如常告之儀。宗正起科申牒所由,祝文出祕書省。所由先備腰輿等并舁人。帝以三衛充,后以中官充。告訖,太祝先匱代祖神主,奉遷於西夾室埳中,鎖閉如式。次腰輿遷第三室神主,二主各一腰輿。凡主出則帝主先出,其入室則后主先入。入第二室;宮闈令捧后主先置於埳室,太祝捧帝主復置於埳室,俱東向。次遷第四室入第三室,次遷第五室入第四室,次遷第六室入第五室,次遷第七室入第六室,室有二后,昭成於前,肅明於後。次遷第八室入第七室,次遷第九室入第八室,皆如上儀。入埳室各鎖閉訖,次所司移幄帳等物,依次各遷入本室訖,其九室應緣幄帳、香案、斧扆、席褥等所司先造,其日陳設於室中。其代祖室舊帳幄等物,並移於西夾室中,虛設鎖閉如式。
Two days before the Fu rite in the temple, an announcement was made to inform others; the ceremony followed the usual procedures for such notifications. The Office of Zongzheng would initiate a report and submit it to the relevant authorities, while the prayer text was prepared by the Secretariat. The responsible officials first prepared the waist yu (a type of palanquin) and the bearers to carry it. For emperors, three guards were assigned; for empresses, eunuchs were appointed instead. After the announcement was completed, the Tai Zhu (chief priest) first removed the ancestral tablet of the substitute ancestor and respectfully moved it to a recess in the western side chamber. It was then locked as per established procedures. Next, the waist yu carried the ancestral tablet from the third chamber; each of the two tablets was placed in a separate waist yu. Whenever the tablets were moved, the emperor's tablet went first; when entering the chamber, however, the empress's tablet was placed inside first. Then they entered the second chamber; The Palace Gate Officer held the empress's tablet and placed it first into the recessed chamber, while the Tai Zhu respectfully carried the emperor's tablet and also placed it in the recess. Both tablets faced east. Next, the tablet from the fourth chamber was moved into the third; then the fifth into the fourth, the sixth into the fifth, and the seventh into the sixth. Each chamber contained two empresses: Zhaocheng in front and Suming behind. Next, the tablet from the eighth chamber was moved into the seventh; then the ninth into the eighth, following the same procedures as above. After all tablets were placed in their respective recessed chambers and locked, the responsible officials then moved items such as canopies and other ceremonial objects into each chamber according to order. On this day, these nine chambers had already been prepared with 幄帐 (canopies), incense tables, axes, yǐ (a type of screen or partition), mats, and cushions by the relevant departments, which were arranged in the rooms accordingly. The old canopies and other items from the chamber of the substitute ancestor were all moved to the western side room, where they were arranged as empty displays and locked according to established procedures.

9 祔祭:
將遷代宗睿文孝武皇帝,所司先擇日,奏定,散下所由,各供其職。應用法駕鹵簿,黃麾大仗,前一日陳設,及太廟四門量設方色兵仗如儀。將作監先清掃廟之內外。京兆府修路,從承天門向南至太府寺南街,向東入太廟三門,又向南,又向東至廟南門。宗正具祔饗料,差三公及應行事官齋戒,如常饗儀。其祝文具祔饗意,出祕書省。又申太極殿告靈座料如常式。其祝文出祕書省。太樂令設登歌於太廟殿上,並如常式。尚舍於廟南門道西設神主幄座,東向,幄內設床、席、褥、黼扆、香案如式。內中尚先造栗木主并匱及趺,其制度並如常儀。祔前一日盛以箱,覆以帕,置於腰輿,詣廟南門幄帳中;太祝捧置於座上,乃下簾帷。內侍省量差中官侍衛。禮儀使奏請差題神主官,即以饗前一日,尚舍具香湯并題神主席褥;內中尚具浴神主盆并白羅巾、光漆、筆墨等詣於幄帳所。禮儀使與題神主官等,其日質明,詣幄下。太祝以香湯浴栗主,拭以羅巾。題栗主官盥洗,捧栗主就褥,題云『代宗睿文孝武皇帝神主』,墨書訖,以光漆重摸之,遂捧授;太祝受,詣帳座,置於匱中所,侍衛如式。
When preparing to move the remains of Emperor Daizong Ruwen Xiaowu, the responsible officials first selected a suitable date, submitted it for approval, and then distributed instructions to all relevant departments so that each could fulfill their duties. The appropriate ceremonial procession, including the full complement of halberd-bearers and banners, was arranged. On the day before, all items were set up as required, and at the four gates of the Grand Temple, colored military guards and weapons were stationed according to established rituals. The Jianzuojian (Office of Works) first cleaned both inside and outside the temple premises. The Jingzhao Fu (Jingzhao Prefecture) repaired the road, starting from Chengtian Gate heading south to Nanjie Street of Taifu Si, then turning east into the third gate of the Grand Temple. From there it turned south again and then eastward until reaching the southern gate of the temple. The Zongzheng Office prepared all necessary offerings for the Fu and Xiang rites, assigned the Three Dukes and other officials responsible for conducting the ceremony to observe a period of fasting and purification, following standard procedures for sacrificial rituals. The prayer text included both the meanings of Fu and Xiang rites and was prepared by the Secretariat Office. Additionally, offerings were arranged at the Taiji Palace to inform the spirit seat according to standard procedures. The prayer text was also prepared by the Secretariat Office. The Ta Yue Ling (Head of Music) arranged the Dengge (a type of musical performance) on the Grand Temple's main hall stage, following standard procedures. The Shangshe Office set up a canopy and seat for the ancestral tablet on the western side of the southern gate road at the temple, facing east. Inside the canopy, a bed, mat, cushion, fu yi (a decorative screen or partition), and incense table were arranged according to established standards. The Inner Office had previously prepared the chestnut wood tablet, its case, and base; their specifications were all in accordance with standard rituals. On the day before the Fu rite, the tablet was placed in a box, covered with silk cloth, and put into the waist yu, which then transported it to the canopy at the southern gate of the temple; The Tai Zhu (chief priest) respectfully placed it on the seat and then lowered the curtain. The Neishi Sheng (Office of Eunuchs) assigned an appropriate number of eunuch guards for protection. The Liyi Shi (Ritual Director) submitted a request to appoint an official responsible for inscribing the ancestral tablet. On the day before the Xiang rite, the Shangshe Office prepared incense water and a chair with cushion for this official; The Inner Office also provided the basin for cleansing the tablet, white silk towels, lacquer polish, brushes, ink, and other necessary items to be delivered to the canopy site. On that day at dawn, the Liyi Shi (Ritual Officer) and the official responsible for inscribing the tablet arrived at the canopy. The Tai Zhu used incense water to cleanse the chestnut wood ancestral tablet, then wiped it with a silk towel. The official responsible for inscribing the chestnut tablet first washed his hands and face, then respectfully held the tablet on a cushion. He inscribed it with "Dai Zong Ruwen Xiaowu Huangdi Shen Zhu" (Emperor Daizong Ruwen Xiaobing's Ancestral Tablet), completed in ink, applied lacquer over it for protection, and finally presented it; The Tai Zhu received the tablet, carried it to the canopy seat, placed it into its designated case, and guards were stationed around as per established procedures.

10 祔祭:
前一日,尚舍與西內使、計會、鴻臚除太極殿上白幕,並以吉幕代之。殿中省除版城。太僕進玉輅於承天門外,當中南向,及諸輦輅、羽儀、仗衛、繖扇陳列於玉輅前,左右金吾引駕,所由陳布如式。太常奏前一日之夕,嚴警於承天門外之南;皇城留守奏祔饗日質明,開朱雀門;大內留守與內檢校使奏開太極殿門、嘉德門、承天門。衛尉於太極殿門外廊下,量設文武百官次;又於太廟南門外,量設百官次於道東,如在太極殿庭儀。
On the day before, the Shangshe Office, along with the Xinei Shi (Western Inner Officials), Ji Hui (a department for accounting and logistics), and Honglu Si (Office of Ceremonial Guests) removed the white curtains from the Taiji Hall and replaced them with auspicious-colored ones. The Dianzhong Sheng (Imperial Palace Department) cleared away the wooden barriers surrounding the hall. The Ta Pu (Ministry of War) brought the jade carriage to outside Chengtian Gate, placing it in the center facing south. Other carriages, ceremonial standards, military guards, parasols, and fans were arranged before the jade carriage. The Jinwu troops on both sides led the procession, with all arrangements following established procedures. The Taichang Sheng (Ministry of Rites) reported that on the evening before, strict security was enforced to the south outside Chengtian Gate; The Huangcheng Liu Shou (commander of the imperial city) reported that on the day of the Fu and Xiang rite at dawn, Zhuque Gate would be opened; The Dainei Liu Shou (imperial palace commander) and Nei Jianjiao Shi (internal inspection officer) reported the opening of Taiji Hall Gate, Jiade Gate, and Chengtian Gate. The Weiwei Si (Ministry of Ceremonies) arranged designated positions for civil and military officials outside the corridor at Taiji Hall's gate; Additionally, outside the southern gate of the Grand Temple on the eastern side of the road, designated positions for all officials were arranged according to procedures used in Taiji Hall's courtyard.

11 祔祭:
先奏靈座祔之日,質明,宗正卿帥執饌齋郎,光祿卿帥太官良醞實樽俎籩豆并應行事官,皆祭服序列於左延明門以俟。至祭時,應行事官詣太極殿東階下,西向序立,典儀於太極殿庭布文武官、皇親、諸親位如常儀。俟祭官欲升殿行事時,通事舍人引文武百僚等常服入就位,禮生贊眾官再拜,在位者皆再拜。尚輦帥腰輿、香案、繖扇入詣殿庭階下,分東西立。侍從官攝侍中中書令以下,並列位於左右序立。太僕進玉輅於嘉德門外,當中南向。禮生引祭官等行告禮如常儀。告訖,宗正卿、光祿卿帥齋郎長祠徹饌。禮官引侍中升,尚輦帥腰輿升詣帳座前,其繖扇侍臣等夾於階間。侍中進跪於幄前,西向奏:『請降座升輿祔廟。』內侍捧几置輿上,太祝匱神主,捧置輿上几後,扶侍降自西階,繖扇侍臣夾引以出,自太極殿門中門出,在位文武百官及皇親、諸親等便從神輿而出。至嘉德門,分左右序立,神輿至玉輅後。侍中跪奏:『請降輿升輅。』內侍捧几置輅中,太祝捧匱升輅,其太祝便於輅中侍奉。千牛將軍夾輅而趨。出承天門五十步,侍中進,當輅前跪奏『請敕侍臣上馬』,侍臣等皆上馬,鼓吹振作。其文武百官等候玉輅出承天門,各逐便路先赴太廟南門次,以俟神輿。鹵簿至廟門西三門,鼓吹止,分左右以俟饗訖,退。其儀仗等並於廟南門分左右列位,俟饗禮畢,退。玉輅既發赴廟,尚舍收拆殿上帷幄及版城等,應合收者,與內檢校使、計會處置。西宮內人縗裳,其日並焚之。
On the day designated for informing the spirit seat of the Fu rite, at dawn, the Zongzheng Qing (Minister of Ancestral Affairs) led the sacrificial attendants and fasting clerks, while the Guanglu Qing (Minister of Ceremonial Banquets) led the Taiguan officials responsible for preparing wine and food to fill the ritual vessels,笾 (ritual baskets), and 豆 (ritual trays). All officials involved in conducting the ceremony wore their ceremonial attire and lined up at Zuo Yanming Gate in order, waiting. At the time of the sacrifice, all officials responsible for conducting the rite gathered at the eastern steps of Taiji Hall, standing in order facing west. The Dianyi (ceremonial officer) arranged positions for civil and military officers, imperial relatives, and other family members in the courtyard according to standard procedures. When the officials responsible for the rite were about to ascend the hall, Tongshi She Ren (attendants) led all civil and military officials in plain attire into their designated positions. The Li Sheng (ritual attendants) announced that all officials should bow twice; those present did so accordingly. The Shangnian Shi (carriage officer) led the waist yu, incense tables, parasols, and fans into the hall courtyard, where they stood in formation on either side of the steps. Attendants and officials from the Shizong Guan (attendant officers) down to the Zhongshu Ling (Minister of the Secretariat), all stood in their designated positions along both sides. The Ta Pu (Office of War) brought forward the jade carriage to Jiade Gate's exterior, placing it in the center and facing south. Ritual attendants led the officials conducting the rite through the announcement ceremony according to standard procedures. After completing the announcement, the Zongzheng Qing and Guanglu Qing led the fasting clerks in removing the sacrificial offerings from the main altar. The ritual officials led the Shizhong (Attendant-in-Ordinary) to ascend, while the Shangnian Shi led the waist yu up to the canopy seat in front. The parasols and fan-bearers, along with attending ministers, stood on both sides of the steps. The Shizhong knelt before the canopy and faced west to report: "Please descend from the seat, ascend into the carriage, and proceed to perform the Fu rite at the temple." Eunuchs carried the small table and placed it on top of the carriage. The Tai Zhu removed the ancestral tablet, respectfully placing it behind the table in the carriage. Then, with attendants supporting from below, they descended via the western steps. Parasols, fans, and attending ministers flanked the procession as they exited through the central gate of Taiji Hall. Civil and military officials present, along with imperial relatives and other family members, followed the sacred carriage out. Upon reaching Jiade Gate, they formed ranks on both sides in order; the sacred carriage arrived behind the jade carriage. The Shizhong then knelt and reported: "Please descend from the carriage and ascend into the jade carriage." Eunuchs placed the small table inside the jade carriage, while the Tai Zhu carried the case and ascended into it. The Tai Zhu then served from within the jade carriage. The Qinniu Jiangjun (Imperial Guards) flanked the jade carriage and moved forward in procession. Fifty paces outside Chengtian Gate, the Shizhong stepped forward and knelt before the jade carriage to report: "Please order the attending ministers to mount their horses." The attending ministers all mounted their steeds, and the drum and musical procession began. Civil and military officials waited for the jade carriage to exit Chengtian Gate, then each took their own route ahead of time to reach designated positions at the southern gate of the Grand Temple in preparation for the sacred procession. The halberd-bearer procession arrived at the western third gate of the temple, where the drum and music stopped. Officials on both sides stood by until the Xiang rite was completed before withdrawing. The ceremonial guards and attendants were arranged in ranks on both sides at the southern gate of the temple, waiting until the Xiang rite concluded before retreating. After the jade carriage departed for the temple, the Shangshe Office dismantled and collected all canopies and wooden barriers on the hall's stage. All items requiring removal were handled in coordination with the Nei Jianjiao Shi and Ji Hui departments. The mourning attire of women from the western palace was all burned on that day.

12 祔祭:
其日,太廟祔饗應緣齋戒齋官、陳設樽彝酒醴坫爵、省牲告潔、進署祝版、陳設樂器,並如東饗常儀。玉輅將至廟西門,尚舍奉御設奉謁褥位於廟庭橫階南,當中北向。奉禮郎於廟南門外稍南,設文武百官及皇親諸親位,如太極殿庭之儀,又於廟庭橫階南,設文武百官及皇親諸親位,亦準此。其六品以下非常參官,並列位於廟南門外。通事舍人引文武百官、皇親諸親等,常服就南門外位。禮生引應饗官俱祭服立於廟東門外,北向西上位立。又禮生引禮儀使、御史以下執事官等先入,當中階,北向立於褥位之南。禮生贊再拜,禮儀使、御史以下皆再拜訖,引自東階升,各就位。次引司空入就位,再拜,行掃除訖,降復位。禮官與太祝自西第一室開埳室,捧神主匱,置於幄中近東,啟匱出神主,捧置於座几後趺上;次宮闈令入室,捧后主匱,置於幄中近西,啟匱出后主,置於座几後趺上。自第一室至第八室,皆如上儀。訖,並齋郎室長各於本室依儀出入,須知次序。太祝退立於樽坫所,宮闈令退就階下執事位。
On that day, all matters related to the Fu and Xiang rites at the Grand Temple—such as fasting and purification for officials, arranging ritual vessels, wine, sacrificial animals, inspecting their purity, submitting prayers, and setting up musical instruments—followed standard procedures used during eastern offerings. As the jade carriage approached the western gate of the temple, the Shangshe Fengyu (Imperial Attendant) set up a mat and position for presenting homage in the southern part of the courtyard at the transverse steps, facing north. The Fengli Lang (Attendant of Rites) set up positions for civil and military officials as well as the emperor's relatives slightly south of the southern gate of the temple in accordance with the procedures used at Taiji Hall. Additionally, within the southern part of the temple courtyard at the transverse steps, positions were also arranged for these groups following the same standards. Officials of the sixth rank and below who did not hold regular court attendance posts stood in their designated positions outside the southern gate of the temple. The Tongshi She Ren led civil and military officials, as well as members of the imperial family, to their designated positions outside the southern gate in regular court attire. The Li Sheng (ritual attendants) led all officials participating in the Xiang rite to stand outside the eastern gate of the temple wearing sacrificial robes, arranged in positions facing north with ranks ordered from west to east. The Li Sheng also led the Liyi Shi (Ritual Commissioner), Yushi (Censor) and other subordinate officials to enter first, standing on the central steps facing north in a position south of the mat. The Li Sheng announced the double bow, and after the Liyi Shi, Yushi, and all officials below them had completed their bows, they were led up the eastern steps to take their designated positions. Next, the Sikong (Minister of Works) was led in and took his position, performed a double bow, completed the ritual cleansing, then descended and returned to his original place. The Li Guan (ritual officials) and Tai Zhu opened the first room from the west, entered the kǎn chamber, carried the wooden chest containing the ancestral tablet, placed it near the east side of the canopy, then opened the chest to retrieve the tablet and presented it onto a stand behind the throne. Next, the Gongwei Ling (Palace Gate Officer) entered the chamber, carried the chest containing the empress's tablet, placed it near the west side of the canopy, opened the chest to remove the tablet, and positioned it on a stand behind the throne. From the first chamber to the eighth chamber, all procedures followed the same rites as above. After completion, each Zhai Lang (fasting attendant) and Shichang (chamber official) entered and exited their respective chambers according to the prescribed rituals, following a strict order. The Tai Zhu withdrew and stood at the position of the wine vessels, while the Gongwei Ling retreated to his designated subordinate official's position on the steps.

13 祔祭:
玉輅既至廟南門,迴輅南向。侍臣等序列於輅前。神輿入幄,則侍臣列於幄門外。尚輦帥腰輿進輅後,侍中跪奏『請降輅升輿詣幄座』。內侍捧几置輿上,太祝捧神主匱置輿上几後,遂舁詣幄座;內侍捧几置座上,東向,太祝捧匱置几後。訖,禮生於廟東門引行事官、太尉以下入就廟庭位,西向立。其殿上御史、禮官、太祝、樂官等,各逐便自東西階下相向序立,候神主升殿,卻復階上位。
After the jade carriage arrived at the southern gate of the temple and turned around, it faced south. The attending ministers formed a procession in front of the jade carriage according to their ranks. When the sacred palanquin entered the canopy, the attending ministers stood outside the entrance of the canopy in formation. The Shangnian led the yao yu (attendant palanquin) to proceed behind the jade carriage, and the Shizhong knelt to report: "Please descend from the jade carriage and ascend into the sacred palanquin to approach the canopy seat." Imperial attendants carried a stand onto the palanquin, and the Tai Zhu placed the chest containing the ancestral tablet behind the stand on the palanquin. The procession then proceeded to the canopy seat. Imperial attendants placed the stand onto the throne, facing east, and the Tai Zhu positioned the chest behind the stand. After completion, the Li Sheng led officials in charge of ceremonies and those ranked Taiwei (Grand Commandant) and below into their designated positions in the temple courtyard from the eastern gate, where they stood facing west. The Yushi (Censors), Li Guan, Tai Zhu, and Yueguan (musical officials) on the hall stage stood in formation facing each other from the east and west steps according to convenience. They waited for the ancestral tablet to ascend onto the dais before returning to their positions on the steps.

14 祔祭:
侍中進於幄座前,跪奏『請降座升輿祔謁』。內侍捧几置輿上,太祝捧栗木神主匱置几後。禮官引入,通事舍人引文武百官、皇親、諸親自南門外,分左右從入,就東西班位立。神輿至廟門,繖扇分左右立於門外。神輿至廟庭褥位,侍中各退就本班。其侍中未退。太祝捧匱跪置於褥,啟匱出神主,置於趺上。訖,侍中進於褥位西,北面跪奏稱『以今吉辰,代宗睿文孝武皇帝祔謁』。奏訖,俛伏,興,退。
The Shizhong advanced in front of the canopy seat, knelt, and reported: "Please descend from the throne and ascend into the palanquin for the Fu yè (ancestral tablet enshrinement) ceremony." Imperial attendants placed a stand onto the palanquin and the Tai Zhu put the chest containing the pine-wood ancestral tablet behind it. The Li Guan led the procession forward, while the Tongshi She Ren guided civil and military officials, imperial relatives, and other kin from outside the southern gate to enter in formation on both sides, taking their positions at the eastern and western ranks. When the sacred palanquin arrived at the temple gate, parasols and fans were arranged on both sides outside the gate. When the sacred palanquin reached its designated mat position in the temple courtyard, the Shizhong and others withdrew to their respective ranks. The Shizhong had not yet withdrawn. The Tai Zhu knelt and placed the chest onto the mat, opened it to remove the ancestral tablet, then positioned it on the stand. After completion, the Shizhong moved to the west of the mat position and knelt facing north to report: "On this auspicious day, we present the ancestral tablet of Emperor Ruizhen Xiaowu of the Daizong lineage for enshrinement." After finishing his report, he bowed low to the ground, rose, and withdrew.

15 祔祭:
少頃,侍中詣褥之西,東面跪奏『請升輿祔饗』。俛伏,興,退降就位本班。太祝進跪於褥位,捧神主匱於輿。其匱蓋亦置輿上近後。腰輿既升,禮官奉引神輿,詣玄宗室,太祝跪捧神主匱,置於東壁下祔位褥上西南,退立戶外。少頃,太祝進就褥跪,捧神主置於輿,奉引入第九室;至帷座前,內侍捧几置於座,如幄中別有几,其几留於腰輿而退。太祝捧神主置於曲几後趺上,以題處向北也。其匱置於几東近後。腰輿退於幄座之西近北,舁腰輿所由並降自東階,由廟東門出。神主置座訖,禮生贊再拜,太尉以下及應在位官並再拜。
After a short while, the Shizhong approached to the west of the mat and knelt facing east to report: "Please ascend into the palanquin to proceed with the Fu Xiang (ancestral tablet offering) ceremony." He bowed low, rose, and withdrew to his original position among his rank. The Tai Zhu advanced and knelt at the mat position, then carried the chest containing the ancestral tablet onto the palanquin. The lid of the chest was also placed near the rear of the palanquin. After the yao yu was raised, the Li Guan escorted and guided the sacred palanquin toward Xuanzong's chamber. The Tai Zhu knelt to carry the chest containing the ancestral tablet and placed it on a mat at the southwest corner of the eastern wall in the designated Fu position before retreating to stand outside the door. After a short while, the Tai Zhu approached the mat and knelt, carrying the ancestral tablet into the palanquin before being escorted to the ninth chamber; Upon reaching in front of the curtained throne, imperial attendants placed a stand on the seat. If there was already another stand inside the canopy, this one remained with the yao yu and was withdrawn later. The Tai Zhu placed the ancestral tablet on a stand behind the curved table. This arrangement ensured the inscription faced north. The chest was placed near the eastern side, close to the rear of the stand. The yao yu withdrew to a position near the north side of the western area in front of the canopy throne. The bearers of the yao yu descended via the eastern steps and exited through the eastern gate of the temple. After the ancestral tablet was placed on the throne, the Li Sheng announced a double bow, and all officials ranked Taiwei and below, as well as those present in their positions, performed the bow.

16 祔祭:
禮生詣太尉之左,白『有司謹具,請行事』。登歌,奏永和之樂九成畢,禮生贊再拜,太尉以下及在位者皆再拜。禮生引太尉盥洗,執瓚升,詣從西第一室,酌鬱鬯,登歌作,太尉入室神座前,祼訖,奠瓚於饌席,俛伏,興,退出戶,北向再拜。次引詣第二室,次引詣第三室,以至第九室,皆如上儀。訖,登歌止,引太尉降復位。太祝奠毛血之豆,禮生引司徒執俎入自正門。俎初入門,雍和之樂作;饌升階,樂止。禮生徹毛血之豆,降自東階以出。諸太祝取蕭蒿焚於鑪炭。饌升設訖,齋郎降自東階,由廟東門以出。禮生引太尉盥洗,執爵奏自第一室至第八室,各奏本室樂;至第九室,奏保大之樂。行饗禮亞獻終獻,並如常饗之儀。訖,降復位。登歌作。太祝各入室徹豆,還樽所,登歌止。禮生唱賜胙,又唱再拜,眾官應在位者皆再拜。其三獻官不拜。永和之樂作,禮生又唱再拜,在位者皆再拜,樂一成止。禮生進太尉之左,白『禮畢』。禮生引饗官自東門出,通事舍人引在位群官南門出。太祝入室,各匱神主納於埳室如常儀。禮官帥腰輿詣廟門南幄下,太祝捧桑木主并匱置於輿,遂自廟門南西偏門舁入,詣廟殿北簾下兩階之閒。將作先具鍬钁穿坎,方深令可容木主匱,遂埋之而退。明日,百僚及皇親諸親詣延英門,進名奉慰如常儀。
The Li Sheng approached to the left of the Taiwei and announced: "All preparations have been completed by the responsible officials. Please proceed with the ceremony." The ascending chant began, and after completing nine sections of the "Yonghe" musical piece, the Li Sheng announced another double bow. The Taiwei and all officials present performed the bow accordingly. The Li Sheng led the Taiwei to perform ritual hand washing, took up the zan (ritual ladle), ascended, and approached the first chamber from the western side. He poured yu chang (sacred wine) while the ascending chant played. The Taiwei entered the chamber in front of the ancestral tablet's seat, completed the libation rite, placed the zan on the sacrificial table, bowed low to the ground, then rose and exited through the door, performing a double bow facing north. Next, he was led to the second chamber, then to the third chamber, continuing until the ninth chamber, with all procedures following the same rites as above. After completion, the ascending chant ceased, and the Taiwei was led down to return to his original position. The Tai Zhu placed ritual beans containing sacrificial blood and hair onto their stand, while the Li Sheng led the Siku (Minister of Land) carrying the sacrificial tray to enter through the main gate. As soon as the sacrificial trays entered the gate, the "Yonghe" musical piece began playing. When the offerings ascended onto the steps, the music stopped. The Li Sheng removed the beans containing sacrificial blood and hair, descended via the eastern steps, and exited. lógica All Tai Zhu took fragrant herbs and burned them on the charcoal brazier. After all sacrificial offerings were placed, the Zhai Lang descended via the eastern steps and left through the eastern gate of the temple. The processions and rituals described reflect a highly structured ceremonial sequence in ancient Chinese ancestral rites, emphasizing order, symbolism, and reverence for imperial ancestors. The Li Sheng led the Tai Wei to perform ritual hand washing and take up a wine cup, then proceeded from the first chamber to the eighth. At each chamber, they performed the rites accompanied by its designated musical piece. At the ninth chamber, the "Baoda" musical piece was played. The rites of Xiang (offering), Ya Xian (second offering), and Zhong Xian (final offering) were all conducted according to standard ceremonial procedures. After completion, they descended and returned to their original positions. The ascending chant began. Each Tai Zhu entered their respective chamber to remove the ritual beans, returned to the wine vessel area, and then the ascending chant ceased. The Li Sheng announced that sacrificial meat would be bestowed, then called for a double bow again. All officials present in their designated positions performed the bow accordingly. The three Xian (offering) officials did not kneel or bow. The "Yonghe" musical piece began, and the Li Sheng again called for a double bow. All officials in their positions performed the bow as the music completed one section before stopping. The Li Sheng advanced to the left side of the Taiwei and declared: "The rites are complete." The Li Sheng led Xiang officials to exit through the eastern gate, while the Tongshi Sheren guided all other officials present at their positions out through the southern gate. The Tai Zhu entered each chamber and, following standard procedures, placed the ancestral tablets back into their respective kǎn chambers within the wooden chests. The Li Guan led the yao yu to the southern canopy at the temple gate. The Tai Zhu carried both the pine-wood tablet and its chest onto the palanquin, which was then borne through a western side door of the southern section of the temple gate into the area between the two steps beneath the northern curtain of the hall. The Jiangzuo Office had previously prepared spades and mattocks to dig a pit, its size and depth sufficient to accommodate the wooden chest containing the tablet. Afterward, they buried it and withdrew. The next day, civil and military officials along with imperial relatives approached Yanying Gate to submit their names for formal condolences in accordance with standard procedures.

17 祔祭:
其百官之制,如開元禮。若祔曾祖妣,則不告祖。若父在,不可遞遷祖、祖妣、先妣,宜於廟東北,別立一室藏其主,待後者同祔也。嫡殤者時享,皆祔食祖,別無祝文,亦不拜。設祔食之座於祖座之左,西向,獻一而已,以其從祖祔食。祝辭末云「孫某祔食」。庶子不祔食,庶子之嫡祔如嫡殤。
The regulations governing the participation of officials followed those established during the Kaiyuan era. If a great-grandmother is being enshrined, then there is no need to announce it to the ancestral tablet of the grandfather. If the father is still alive, it is inappropriate to transfer the ancestral tablets of the grandfather, grandmother, or mother in succession. Instead, a separate chamber should be established at the northeast corner of the temple to house their tablets until they can be enshrined together with later additions. For legitimate children who died young, during regular sacrificial rites their tablets are included in the offerings to the ancestral tablet of their grandfather. No separate prayers are recited for them, and no bows are performed specifically for them. A seat for the enshrined tablet of a young child was placed to the left side of his grandfather's ancestral seat, facing west. Only one offering was made, as it followed the rites of being included in the grandfather's sacrificial ceremony. The final words of the prayer read: "Grandson [Name] joins the offering." Illegitimate sons are not included in ancestral offerings, but if an illegitimate son has a legitimate heir, that heir is enshrined and offered to following the same rites as for a legitimate child who died young.

小祥變 - Xiao Xiang Bian

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 小祥變:
周 大唐
Zhou Dachang

2 小祥變:
周制,士喪,周而小祥。小祥,祭名。祥,吉也。筮日、筮尸、視濯,皆腰、絰、杖、繩屨,有司告具而後去杖。筮日、筮尸,有司告事畢而後杖,拜送賓。臨事去杖,敬也。濯謂溉祭器也。辭曰「薦此常事」。祝辭之異於虞祔者也。言常者,周而祭禮也。古文常為祥。周之喪,二年也。故周祭,禮也;周而除喪,道也。祭不為除喪也。此謂練祭也。禮,正月存親,親亡至今而周,周則宜祭。周,天道一變,哀惻之情益衰,衰則宜除,不相為也。十三月而練冠。又云:周之喪,十一月而練,自諸侯達諸士。小祥之祭,主人之酢也嚌之,眾賓兄弟皆啐之。嚌啐皆嘗也。嚌至齒,啐入口。既練,居外寢堊室,不與人居。君謀國政,大夫謀家事。始食菜果,飯素食。哭無時。外寢,中門之外,大門之內,壘墼為之,不塗塈,謂之堊室。哭無時者,不復朝夕哭也,或數日哀至而哭。戴德云:「哭時,隨其哀殺,五日十日可哭矣。」寢有席。練冠縓緣,腰絰不除,男子除乎首,婦人除乎帶。所除服者先重者,易服者易輕者。婦人葛絰不葛帶。易服謂為後喪所變也。婦人重帶,帶在下體之上,婦人重之,避男子也。其為帶,猶五分絰去一耳。又云:練,練衣黃裏,縓緣,小祥練冠練中衣,以黃為內。縓為飾者,黃之色卑於纁。縓,纁之類也,明外除也。葛腰絰,繩屨,無絇,角瑱,瑱,充耳也。吉時以玉,人君有瑱也。鹿裘衡長袪,衡當為橫。袪謂褎緣袂口也。練而為裘,橫廣之,又長之,又為袪,則先時狹短無袪可知也。袪,裼之可也。裼,表裘也。有袪而裼之,備飾也。玉藻曰:「麛裘青豻褎,絞衣以裼之。」鹿裘亦用絞衣也。
According to Zhou system, when a scholar-official died, the mourning period lasted for one year and then was followed by the Xiao Xiang ceremony. Xiao Xiang, a name of a ritual sacrifice. Xiang means auspiciousness. During the divination for a date, the selection of the person to represent the deceased in rituals, and the inspection of ritual preparations, all should be done wearing sashes, mourning cords, staffs, and rope-soled shoes. The attendants would announce that everything was prepared before one could remove the staff. When divining for a date and selecting the person to represent the deceased, after the attendants announced that all matters were completed, one could then use the staff again and perform bows to send off guests. Removing the staff when attending to affairs is a sign of respect. Zhuo refers to rinsing ritual vessels. The words of the rite said, "Offer these regular matters." This is a difference in the ritual words from those used in Yu Fu. Mentioning "regular matters" refers to the sacrificial rites after one year. In ancient script, Chang was written as Xiang. The mourning period in the Zhou system lasted for two years. Therefore, the Zhou sacrificial rites were proper rituals; To end mourning after one year was in accordance with the Way. Sacrifices were not performed for the purpose of ending mourning. This refers to the Lian Ji ritual. According to rites, in the first month after a relative's death, one still feels close to them; if the relative has been deceased for an entire year and it is now time for the one-year mourning period, then it is appropriate to perform a sacrifice. After one year, according to the natural order of heaven, there has been one cycle of change; feelings of grief and sorrow gradually diminish. When emotions have waned, it is appropriate to end mourning, as these two things do not coincide. At thirteen months, the Lian Guan ritual was performed. It is also said: In the Zhou mourning system, at eleven months the Lian ritual was observed, from feudal lords down to scholar-officials. At the Xiao Xiang sacrifice, the host tasted the sacrificial wine and then offered it to others; all the guests and brothers also took a sip. Both Cai and Cui mean tasting. Cai means bringing it to the teeth, while Cui means putting it into the mouth. After performing the Lian ritual, one should reside in a whitewashed room of an outer chamber and not live among other people. The ruler planned state affairs, while high-ranking officials planned family matters. At the beginning of eating vegetables and fruits, one should eat plain rice and vegetarian food. There was no fixed time for weeping. An outer chamber refers to a room outside the central gate but inside the main gate, built with stacked bricks without plastering; it is called an E Shi. "Not having a fixed time for weeping" means one no longer weeps at dawn and dusk, but may cry after several days when grief becomes intense. Dai De said: "The timing of weeping should follow the intensity of one's sorrow; it is acceptable to cry after five or ten days." There was a mat in the sleeping chamber. The Lian Guan cap had crimson edging; sashes and mourning cords were not removed. Men removed the head covering, while women removed their sashes. Those who remove mourning garments first are those with heavier mourning obligations; those who change into lighter mourning attire do so for lesser degrees of mourning. Women wore hemp cords but not hemp sashes. Changing mourning attire refers to adjustments made due to subsequent deaths in the family. Women wore sashes with greater emphasis, as they were worn over the lower body; women valued them more to avoid being seen by men. The sash was still equivalent to four-fifths of a mourning cord, with only one fifth removed. It is also said: Lian refers to a mourning robe with yellow lining and crimson edging. At Xiao Xiang, the cap for Lian was worn along with an inner garment of Lian, which had yellow as its interior color. The crimson edging served as decoration because the yellow color was considered lower in rank than Xun (a reddish-yellow hue). Xiang is similar to Xun; it signifies mourning lifted from the outside. Hemp sashes and ropesoled shoes were worn, without decorative tassels on the shoe laces; horn ear pendants were used. Tian refers to ornaments worn in the ears. During auspicious occasions jade was used, and rulers wore ear pendants. A deer hide robe had wide sleeves that extended horizontally. Heng should be Heng. Qv refers to the hem of a sleeve's opening. When transformed into a robe for Lian, it was made wider horizontally, longer in length, and had sleeves with hems; thus, we can know that before this stage, the garment was narrow and short without such sleeve hems. The hem of the sleeve could be folded back for convenience. Xi means to expose the outer layer of a fur robe. Having sleeves with hems and folding them back was a complete form of adornment. Yu Zao said: "A young deer fur robe has green trim on the sleeves, and a twisted-sleeve garment is worn over it." A deer hide robe also used a twisted-sleeve outer garment.

3 小祥變:
大唐元陵儀注:「前二日,內所司先具八升練布冠、縗裳、腰絰等,光祿卿具太牢饌,宗正進署祝版。前一日之夕,毀廬為堊室,高七尺五寸,長丈二尺,闊一丈,將作監句當。尚舍奉御設蒲席於室內,內所由陳練冠於別次。其日,依時刻內所由先入,整拂几筵,薦香燭於靈前。內外及百僚俱服縗服,去杖,通事舍人引就位。侍中版奏『外辦』,皇帝服縗裳絰,去杖,近侍扶就位,西面哭,內外在位者皆哭,十五舉聲。禮儀使奏請再拜,皇帝再拜,內外在位者皆再拜。近侍扶皇帝就次,所司以練布冠縗裳進內,服訖,內外及百僚各服其服。兩省五品以上及卿,御史大夫、中丞,尚書省四品以上諸司,三品以上正員長官,準禮合除首絰,練八升而為冠,以六升布為縗裳,今荊州布也。其机頭及衫蔥等,亦準此。藏其所換初服,以俟山陵時卻服。通事舍人引百僚入就位,立定。近侍扶皇帝就位哭踊,內外百僚皆哭踊。光祿卿引饌升設於靈幄前,太祝以爵酌醴酒。禮儀使奏請止哭,內外俱止哭。太祝以酒爵授禮儀使,禮儀使受酒,跪進,皇帝受酒,跪奠於饌前,俛伏,興,少退。太祝持版,跪於饌前近南,北向讀祝版曰:『維年月日,子哀子嗣皇帝臣某,敢昭告於考大行皇帝,天禍所鍾,攀號無及,以日易月,奄及小祥,煩冤荼苦,觸緒縻潰。謹以一元大武、柔毛、剛鬣、明粢、薌合、薌萁、嘉蔬、嘉薦、醴齊,祗薦祥事,尚饗。』讀訖,禮儀使奏請再拜,皇帝哭踊再拜,內外在位者皆哭踊再拜。皇帝還次。通事舍人引群官退。其奉慰如常儀。」其百官儀制具開元禮。
Da Tang Yuanling Yizhu: "Two days before, the internal officials first prepared an eight-sheng Lian cloth cap, mourning robes, sashes and cords; the Guanglu 卿 prepared a grand sacrificial feast, and the Zongzheng submitted and recorded the ritual tablets. On the evening before, the mourning hut was dismantled and replaced with an E Shi. It was seven chi five cun high, twelve chi long, and ten chi wide; the Jiangzuo Jian was responsible for its construction. Shangshe Fengyu arranged rush mats inside the room, and Neisuoyou displayed the Lian cap in a separate chamber. On that day, according to the scheduled time, Neisuoyou entered first and tidied the ritual tables and mats, offering incense and candles before the spirit tablet. Both the inner court officials and all government ministers wore mourning attire, removed their staffs, and Tongshi She Ren led them to their positions. The Shizhong presented a wooden tablet and announced, "All preparations are complete," the emperor wore mourning robes and cords, removed his staff, was supported by attendants to take position, faced west and wept; those present inside and outside also cried, making fifteen audible sobs. The Liyi Shi requested the emperor to bow twice, so the emperor bowed twice; those present inside and outside all bowed twice as well. The attendants supported the emperor to a side chamber, and officials presented the Lian cloth cap and mourning robes inside; after dressing, both the inner court and all ministers resumed their respective official attire. Ministers of the two provinces ranked above fifth grade and senior officials, the Yushi 大夫 (Attorney General), Zhongcheng (Deputy Attorney General), various departments under the Shangshu Province ranked above fourth grade, and chief officials of third-grade posts or higher who were entitled to remove their head coverings and cords according to rites wore a Lian cap made from eight-sheng cloth and mourning robes made from six-sheng cloth; this was now known as Jingzhou cloth. Their head coverings, shirts, and other garments were also based on these standards. The original mourning attire they had changed out of was stored away to be worn again at the time of the mountain tomb ceremony. Tongshi She Ren led all government officials into their positions and stood in place. The attendants supported the emperor as he took position to weep and wail; both inner court officials and government ministers also wept and wailed. Guanglu 卿 led the sacrificial feast to be set up in front of the spirit tent, and Taizhu poured sweet wine into a cup. The Liyi Shi requested that weeping cease; both inside and outside, all stopped crying. Taizhu handed the wine cup to Liyi Shi, who received it and knelt to present it; the emperor accepted the wine, knelt and offered it before the sacrificial table, then bowed his head low, rose, and stepped back slightly. Taizhu held the ritual tablet, knelt near the southern side of the sacrificial table facing north and read: "On this day of year, month, and day, your grieving son and successor emperor, Minister Mou, dares to solemnly announce to my late father, the late Emperor, that Heaven's misfortune has struck; I weep in vain as I cannot reach you. Time replaces months, and now it is already Xiao Xiang. My sorrow and bitterness are overwhelming, and every thought brings me to collapse." "I respectfully offer one great sacrificial bull, tender furred animals, strong-haired livestock, clear millet, fragrant wine, aromatic beans, choice vegetables, and fine offerings of sweet liquor to solemnly present these sacrifices for the Xiao Xiang rite. May you partake in them." After finishing, Liyi Shi requested a second bow; the emperor wept and wailed before bowing twice, and those present inside and outside also wept, wailed, and bowed twice. The emperor returned to his side chamber. Tongshi She Ren led the officials to withdraw. The procedures for offering condolences followed standard rites." The ceremonial protocols for government officials are detailed in Kaiyuan Li.

大祥變 - Da Xiang Bian

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 大祥變:
周 大唐
Zhou Dachang

2 大祥變:
周制,自小祥又周而大祥,吉服而筮尸,祝曰「薦此祥事」。凡變除者,必服其吉服以即祭事,不以凶臨吉也。主人之除也,於夕為期,朝服。祥因其故服。為期,謂祭期也。朝服以期,至明日而祥祭,亦朝服,始即吉,正祭服也。又曰:「祥而縞。」縞冠,素紕。除成喪者,其祭也,朝服縞冠。祭猶縞冠,未純吉。既祭,乃服大祥素縞麻衣。大祥有醯醬,居復寢,素縞麻衣。大祥除縗杖。禮,既祥,白屨無絇,素冠縞纓。有子既祥,而絲屨組纓,時譏其早也。有子,有若也。其祭時,尸酢主人,主人啐之,眾賓兄弟皆飲之可也。啐,嘗也。啐,入口也。凡侍祭喪者,告賓祭薦而不食。薦,脯醢也。吉祭,告賓祭薦,賓既祭而食之。喪祭,賓不食之。
According to Zhou system, after the Xiao Xiang ceremony and another full cycle of mourning, the Da Xiang ceremony is held. During this time, wearing formal attire, divination is performed for the ancestral tablet; the shaman says, "Offer these auspicious rites." In all cases of changing mourning to celebration, one must wear formal attire when attending the sacrificial ceremony; this is to avoid allowing sorrow to intrude upon joy. When the head of the household ends mourning, he sets the time for dusk and wears formal morning attire. For Xiang ceremonies, one continues to wear the previous mourning attire. To set a time refers to setting the date for the sacrificial ceremony. Wearing formal morning attire when setting the time, by the next day during the Xiang sacrifice, one also wears formal morning attire; only then does mourning end and joy begin, which is the proper attire for a sacrificial ceremony. It is also said: "During Xiang, wear plain white robes." Gao guan refers to a plain silk cap. When ending the mourning period for an adult, during the sacrificial ceremony, one wears formal morning attire and a plain white cap. During the sacrifice, wearing a plain white cap still indicates that mourning has not been fully replaced by joy. After the sacrifice, one then wears the Da Xiang plain white hemp robe. During Da Xiang, vinegar and soy sauce are used; one resides in a restored sleeping chamber, wearing plain white hemp robes. Da Xiang marks the removal of mourning clothes and walking staff. According to ritual, after Xiang is completed, white shoes without tassels are worn, along with a plain cap and white tasseled cords. When Youzi wore silk shoes and lacquered tassels after completing Xiang, people at the time criticized him for doing so too early. Youzi refers to You Ruo. During the sacrificial ceremony, the shen offers a return libation to the host; the host tastes it, and all the guests and brothers may drink it as well. Cui means to taste. Cui refers to putting it into the mouth. Those who serve at a mourning sacrifice should inform the guests of the offerings but not partake in eating them. Jian refers to dried meat and fermented sauce. During a joyous sacrifice, the host informs the guests of the offerings; after the guests have made their sacrifices, they may eat them. At mourning sacrifices, the guests do not partake in eating the offerings.

3 大祥變:
大唐元陵儀注:「祭前二日,內所司先具大祥服,淺黑絁机頭,帽子,巾子,大麻布衫,白皮腰帶,麻鞋。光祿卿具太牢饌,宗正進署祝版。前一日之夕,將作除堊室,內所由陳大祥服於別次。其日,未明,內所由先整拂几筵,薦香燭於靈幄前,內外百僚俱服縗裳,去杖。至傳點時,通事舍人各引入就位。侍中版奏『外辦』,皇帝服縗裳,去杖,近侍扶就位,西向哭踊,內外在位者皆哭踊,十五舉聲。禮儀使奏請再拜,皇帝再拜;贊者承傳內外在位者皆再拜。訖,禮儀使奏『請止哭就次變服』。奏訖,與禮官等趨出。近侍扶皇帝就次,變大祥服。內外百僚皆就次,變服素服訖,黑絁机頭,腰帶,白衫,麻鞋。各入就位立定。近侍扶皇帝就位哭踊。禮官省饌,光祿卿引饌升設靈幄前,太祝五品以上供奉官一人攝。執爵酌醴酒。禮儀使奉引皇帝稍進,詣饌前。禮儀使請止哭,內外俱止哭。太祝以酒授禮儀使,禮儀使受酒跪進,皇帝受酒,跪奠於饌前,俛伏,興,少退。太祝持版於饌南,北向讀祝文訖,禮儀使奏請再拜,皇帝哭踊再拜。贊者承傳內外在位者皆哭再拜,十五舉聲。禮儀使奏禮畢,與禮官等趨出。近侍扶皇帝還次。通事舍人引群官序出太極門。其奉慰如常儀。百僚奉慰訖,以素服詣延英門起居。」謹按:禮云「大祥素縞麻衣」。又云「縞冠素紕,既祥之冠」。今所司具淺墨絁,此即古之綅冠也。按禮云「禫而綅」,黑經白緯曰綅,則宜施之於禫。今於大祥服之,蓋從當時宜。其百官儀制,具開元禮。
The Ritual Notes of the Yuanling Mausoleum of Da Tang: "Two days before the sacrifice, the internal officials first prepare the Da Xiang mourning attire, light black shi fabric headpiece, cap, head covering, coarse hemp robe, white leather belt, and hemp shoes. The Minister of Revenue prepares the three sacrificial animals' offerings, while the Minister of Imperial Kinship presents and records the shaman's script. On the evening before, the Office of Works clears the plastered chamber, while internal officials display the Da Xiang mourning attire in a separate room. On that day, before dawn, internal officials first clean and arrange the ritual tables and mats, place incense and candles in front of the spirit pavilion, while all court officials inside and outside wear mourning robes and remove their walking staffs. At the time of announcing positions, the Tongshi She Ren officers lead each person to their designated place. The Attendant Minister presented a wooden tablet and announced, "All preparations are complete," the emperor wore mourning robes, removed his staff, was supported by close attendants to take his position, faced westward, wept and stamped his feet; those present inside and outside also wept and stamped their feet fifteen times. The Master of Ceremonies presented a request for the emperor to bow twice, and the emperor did so; The assistant announced that all those present inside and outside should also bow twice. Afterward, the Master of Ceremonies announced, "Please cease weeping and proceed to change attire in a private chamber." After announcing this, he left quickly with the ritual officials. Close attendants assisted the emperor to a private chamber where he changed into Da Xiang mourning attire. All court officials inside and outside proceeded to their respective chambers, changed into plain mourning attire, completing the change. Black shi fabric headpiece, belt, white robe, hemp shoes. They then returned to their positions and stood in place. Close attendants supported the emperor as he took his position and wept while stamping his feet. The ritual officials inspected the offerings, and the Minister of Revenue led the offering table to be set up in front of the spirit pavilion; a single official from the rank of fifth grade or higher served as substitute for the Grand Priest. One official of Grade Five or above serving as substitute. He held the cup and poured sweet wine. The Master of Ceremonies led the emperor forward slightly to approach before the offering table. The Master of Ceremonies requested that weeping cease, and both inside and outside stopped crying. The Grand Priest handed the wine to the Master of Ceremonies, who then knelt and presented it to the emperor. The emperor received the wine, knelt, and placed it before the offerings; he bowed his head, rose, and stepped back slightly. The Grand Priest stood south of the offering table facing north and finished reading the shamanic text. The Master of Ceremonies then requested that the emperor bow twice, so the emperor wept, stamped his feet, and bowed twice. The assistant announced to all those present inside and outside that they should also weep and bow twice, stamping their feet fifteen times. Close attendants assisted the emperor back to his private chamber. The Tongshi She Ren officials led the court ministers in procession out through Taixing Gate. The consolatory rites followed the usual procedures. After all court officials had completed their consolatory visit, they proceeded in plain mourning attire to Yanying Gate for the morning audience." Careful note: The Rites state "Da Xiang requires plain white hemp robes". It also says, "A plain white cap with plain silk is the hat worn after completing Xiang." Now, the officials have prepared light black shi fabric; this corresponds to the ancient qin guan. According to the Rites, it says "during Dan, wear qin," and qin refers to black warp threads with white weft. Therefore, it should be worn during Dan. Wearing it for Da Xiang now is likely an adaptation to the customs of the time. The ceremonial procedures for all officials are detailed in Kaiyuan Li (Rites of Kaiyuan).

禫變 - Dan Bian

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 禫變:
周 大唐
Zhou Dachang

2 禫變:
周制,士喪,既大祥,中月而禫。鄭玄曰:「中猶閒也。禫,祭名也。與大祥閒一月。自喪至此凡二十七月。禫之言澹,澹然,平安意也。禫而纖,無所不佩。舊說纖冠者,綵纓也。無所不佩,紛帨之屬如平常也。黑經白緯曰纖。是月也,吉祭,猶未配。是禫月也,當四時之祭月則祭,猶未以某妃配,哀未忘也。少牢饋食禮曰:「孝孫某,敢用柔毛剛鬣,嘉薦普淖,用薦歲事於皇祖伯某,以某妃配某氏,尚饗。」是月禫,徙月樂。言禫明月可以用樂。孟獻子禫,懸而不樂,比御而不入。可以御婦人矣,尚不復寢也。孟獻子,魯大夫仲孫蔑。孔子曰:「獻子加於人一等矣。」加猶踰也。周之喪,十五月而禫。此謂父在為母。
According to Zhou dynasty regulations, when a scholar-official mourns a death, after the major mourning period (daxiang), the mourning is reduced halfway through the month during the dan rite. Zheng Xuan said: "Zhong means 'between' or 'in between.'" Dan is the name of a ritual offering. It is one month between dan and daxiang. From the time of death until this point, there are a total of twenty-seven months. Dan means dan, implying a calm and peaceful state." During the dan rite, one wears fine garments and may wear all kinds of ornaments. The old interpretation says that xian guan refers to a colorful tassel. "Wearing all kinds of ornaments" means wearing items such as decorative pendants just like in ordinary times. A black warp and white weft is called xian." In this month, although a joyous ritual offering takes place, the deceased has not yet been enshrined in the ancestral temple. This is the month of dan. When it coincides with a seasonal offering month, an offering takes place; however, the deceased has not yet been matched with a certain consort, for grief has not yet faded. The Xiao Lao Kui Shi rite says: "A filial grandson, a certain person, dares to use tender flocks and strong male animals, offering them with joy as general offerings of fat and smooth meat, presenting the annual rites to the great ancestor Bo Mou, matching him with a certain consort from a certain clan. May you partake in this offering." In this month of dan, music is resumed after being moved to another month. This indicates that during the month of dan, one may clearly use music again. Meng Xianzi observed the dan rite; he hung up musical instruments but did not play them, and although his attendants were ready to serve him, he did not enter. He could now be attended by women, yet still refrained from sleeping with them. Meng Xianzi was Zhongsun Mie, a high official of the State of Lu." Confucius said: "Xianzi is one level higher than ordinary people." Jia means to surpass. The mourning period of the Zhou dynasty lasted fifteen months, ending with the dan rite. This refers to the case where a son mourns his mother while his father is still alive.

3 禫變:
大唐元陵儀注:「其日,百僚早集西內,入就位,侍中進辦,並如大祥之儀。皇帝服大祥服,近侍扶就位哭,十五舉聲。禮儀使奏請再拜,皇帝再拜,贊者承傳百僚在位者皆再拜。禮儀使奏請就次變服,皇帝就次,除大祥服,服素服。細火麻衫,腰帶,細麻鞋,黑絁机頭,巾子等。百僚趨入就位,立定。近侍扶皇帝入,哭踊,內外百僚皆哭踊。禮官省饌,光祿卿引饌升,陳設酌奠,亦如大祥之儀。太祝讀祝文,祭訖,禮儀使奏請再拜,皇帝哭再拜,贊者承傳內外百僚皆哭再拜。訖,禮儀使奏禮畢,遂與禮官趨出。近侍扶皇帝還次。通事舍人引百僚序出至太極門外,進名奉慰訖,各服慘公服,便詣延英門起居。明日平明,皇帝改服慘吉服。淡淺黃衫,細黑絁机頭,巾子,麻鞋,吉腰帶。伏準貞觀、永徽、開元故事,服此服至山陵事畢,則純吉服。其中間朔望視朝及大禮,並純吉服,百僚亦純吉服。自後朝謁如常儀。其百官慘公服,至山陵事畢,乃服常公服。」
The Tang Da Ling Yi Zhu records: "On that day, all officials gathered early at the western inner palace, entered their positions, and the Attendant-in-Ordinary presented the arrangements; everything followed the same procedures as during the daxiang rite. The emperor wore the mourning attire for daxiang, and was assisted by close attendants to his position where he wept, making fifteen audible sobs. The Master of Ceremonies presented a request for the emperor to bow twice, and the emperor did so. The announcer then conveyed this instruction, and all officials present also bowed twice. The Master of Ceremonies requested that the emperor change into another set of clothes, and accordingly, the emperor went to a private chamber, removed his daxiang mourning attire, and put on plain mourning garments. Fine hemp shirt, sash, fine hemp shoes, black shi head coverings, and headscarves. All officials hurriedly entered their positions and stood at attention. Close attendants assisted the emperor in entering, where he wept and wailed; both inner and outer officials also wept and wailed. The Grand Priest read the sacrificial text. After the offering was completed, the Master of Ceremonies requested a double bow from the emperor; the emperor wept and bowed twice, and the announcer conveyed this instruction so that both inner and outer officials all wept and bowed twice as well. Afterward, the Master of Ceremonies announced the completion of the rites, and then left quickly with the ritual officials. Close attendants assisted the emperor back to his private chamber. The Tongshi She Ren led the officials in order out to outside Taiji Gate, where they presented their names and received condolences. Afterward, each official donned mourning formal attire and proceeded directly to Yanying Gate for court attendance. The next day at dawn, the emperor changed into a subdued joyous ceremonial robe. A light yellow shirt, fine black shi head covering, headscarf, hemp shoes, and a ceremonial sash. Following the precedents of the Zhenguan, Yonghui, and Kaiyuan eras, one wore this attire until all funeral rites for the mountain tomb were completed, after which pure joyous ceremonial robes would be worn. During this period, on the first and fifteenth days of the month when court audiences or major ceremonies took place, pure joyous ceremonial robes were worn; all officials also wore such attire. After this, court appearances followed regular procedures." All officials wore subdued formal mourning attire until the mountain tomb rites were completed; only then did they resume wearing their usual official robes."

4 禫變:
今上初欲禫服終制,下詔曰:「朕聞禮貴緣情,因心展孝。高宗得說,其代予言。今朝有股肱,濟為舟楫,出納惟允,足以保邦。況荼蓼在懷,日時猶淺,欲遂權奪,抑就公除,攀號痛心,實所未忍。朕將從禫服,以終喪紀,百辟卿士,宜悉哀懷。」禮儀使、吏部尚書顏真卿奏曰:「哀號在疚,開闢所無,誠懇尚違,庶僚增懼。伏見百辟並已釋除,事既合權,禮無獨異,不可以吉凶兼制,臣子殊儀。伏乞奉顧命之文,節因心之孝,順時即吉,屈己臨朝,則萬姓心安,四方事集。臣典司儀注,不敢輕移,犯冒宸嚴,無任懇迫。」
The current emperor initially wished to complete the mourning period in dan attire and issued an edict stating: "I have heard that rites are most valued when they follow emotions, allowing filial piety to be expressed from the heart. Emperor Gaozong received this explanation and allowed it to speak on his behalf. In our dynasty, there are capable ministers who serve as strong supports; they act as boats and oars to assist the ruler, ensuring that all matters of entry and exit are handled properly, which is sufficient to safeguard the nation. Moreover, with bitter herbs still in my heart and the time of mourning not yet long enough, I wish to complete this period rather than prematurely resume official duties. To suppress personal grief for public matters is truly something I find unbearable. "I will follow the dan mourning attire to complete this mourning period, and all high officials and ministers should understand my sorrowful feelings." The Master of Ceremonies and Minister of Personnel Yan Zhenqing presented a memorial stating: "To grieve with lamentations in sorrow is unparalleled since the beginning of time. To still resist such sincere requests would cause fear among all officials. We have observed that all high officials have already resumed their duties; since the circumstances justify this action, there is no unique exception in rites. One cannot apply both joyous and mourning regulations simultaneously, nor can subjects and ministers follow different ceremonial standards. We humbly request that Your Majesty follow the instructions left by your late father, temper filial devotion with reason, resume joyous rites in accordance with time, and personally attend court. In doing so, the hearts of all people will be at ease, and affairs throughout the realm will proceed smoothly. As your minister in charge of ceremonial procedures, I dare not lightly alter established rites; to do so would be an offense against Your Majesty's majesty. With the utmost sincerity and urgency, I present this plea."

5 禫變:
又下詔欲以素服練巾聽政,詔曰:「昔高宗諒陰三年,舜為堯,禹為舜,亦服喪三年,故禮曰『三年之喪,自天子達』。是知罔極之恩,昊天難報。朕虔奉遺詔,又迫於群議,將欲從吉,未忍割哀。其百僚宜以今月十七日釋服,朕以素服練巾,銜哀聽政。凡百在位,知朕意焉。」禮儀使又奏曰:「孝德動天,事踰前古,德音俯降,感咽載深。臣伏守遺詔,禮從易月,祥禫變除,儀注皆備。若陛下未忍即吉,更服練巾,則遺詔不得奉行,群僚無以覲見。伏乞俯順人望,仰遵先旨,實大孝不虧,萬方幸甚。臣職在典禮,愚守如前,無任懇迫之至。」
The emperor issued another edict, wishing to listen to state affairs while wearing plain mourning attire and a plain head covering. The edict stated: "In the past, Emperor Gaozong observed three years of mourning in seclusion; Shun for Yao, Yu for Shun—each also mourned for three years. Hence, rites say 'a three-year mourning period applies from the Son of Heaven down to all people.'" This shows that the boundless grace of a parent is as vast as heaven and difficult to repay. I have sincerely followed the late emperor's last will, yet I am also pressured by public opinion; I wish to resume joyous affairs but find it hard to part with my grief. Therefore, all officials should remove their mourning attire on the seventeenth day of this month; I shall listen to state affairs in plain mourning garments and a plain head covering while still grieving. All those holding office should understand my intentions." The Master of Ceremonies again presented a memorial: "Filial virtue has moved heaven, surpassing even the past; Your Majesty's benevolent decree descending from above deeply stirs our emotions. We humbly uphold the late emperor's last will, and rites have followed the prescribed mourning periods; all procedures for daxiang and dan rites, as well as changes in mourning attire, are fully prepared. If Your Majesty still finds it unbearable to resume joyous affairs and continues wearing the plain head covering, then we cannot carry out the late emperor's will, and officials will have no opportunity for audience. We humbly request Your Majesty to follow public expectations and honor the late emperor's instructions; this would truly reflect unwavering filial piety, bringing great fortune to all under heaven. As your minister responsible for ceremonies, I remain steadfast in my duty as before; with the utmost sincerity and urgency, this is my plea."

6 禫變:
其百官儀制,具開元禮。
The ceremonial procedures for all officials are detailed in the Kaiyuan Li.

7 禫變:
議曰:祥禫之義,按儀禮云:「中月而禫。」鄭玄以中月為閒月,王肅以中月為月中,致使喪期不同,制度非一。歷代學黨,議論紛紜。宗鄭者則云:祥之日,鼓素琴,孔子彈琴笙歌,乃省哀之樂,非正樂也。正樂者八音並奏,使工為之者也。按鄭學之徒,不云二十五月六月七月之中無存省之樂也,但論非是禫後復吉所作正樂耳。故鄭注喪服四制『祥之日鼓素琴』云『爾以存樂也』。君子三年不為樂,樂必崩;三年不為禮,禮必壞。故祥日而存之,非有心取適而作樂。三年之喪,君子居之,若駟之過隙,故雖以存省之時,猶不能成樂。是以孔子既祥,五日彈琴而不成聲。禮記所云『二十五月而畢』者,論喪之大事畢也,謂除縗絰與堊室耳。餘哀未盡,故服素縞麻衣,著未吉之服。為伯叔無禫,十三月而除;為母妻有禫,則十五月而畢;為君無禫,二十五月而畢;為父、長子有禫,二十七月而畢。明所云『喪以周斷』者,禫不在周中也。禮記二十五月畢者,則禫不在祥月,此特為重喪加之以禫,非論其正祥除之義也。三年之喪二十五月而畢者,論其正;二十七月而禫者,明其加。宗王者按禮記云「三年之喪再周,二十五月而畢」。又,檀弓云「祥而縞,是月禫,徙月樂」。又,魯人有朝祥而暮歌者,子路笑之,夫子曰「踰月則其善也」。又,夫子既祥,五日,彈琴而不成聲,十日而成笙歌。又,「祥之日,鼓素琴」。以此證無二十七月之禫也。按王學之徒難曰:「若二十五月大祥,二十七月而禫,二十八月作樂,則二十五月、二十六月、二十七月,三月之中不得作樂者,何得禮記云『祥之日,鼓素琴』,『孔子既祥,五日彈琴,十日笙歌』?又喪大記云『禫而內無哭者,樂作矣故也』。『孟獻子禫,懸而不樂』。此皆禫月有樂之義,豈合二十八月然始樂乎?」鄭學之徒,嫌祥禫同月,卜用遠日,無中月之義者,祥禫之祭雖用遠日,若卜遠日不吉,則卜近日,若卜近得吉,便有中月之義也。所以知卜遠不得吉得用近日者,以吉祭之時,卜近不吉,得卜遠日。故禮記云『旬之內曰近某日,旬之外曰遠某日』。特牲饋食云『近日不吉則筮遠日』。若吉事得用遠,則凶事得用近,故有中月之義也。禮記作樂之文,或在禫月,或在異月者,正以祥禫之祭,或在月中,或在月末故也。喪事先遠日,不吉則卜月初。禫在月中,則得作樂,此喪大記『禫而內無哭者,樂作矣故也』,『孟獻子禫,懸而不樂』之類皆是也。祥之日鼓琴者,特是存樂之義,非禫後之樂也。夫人倫之道,以德為本,至德以孝為先。上古喪期無數,其仁人則終身滅性。其眾庶有朝喪暮廢者,則禽獸之不若。中代聖人,緣中人之情,為作制節,使過者俯而就之,不及者跂而及之,至重者斬縗以周斷。後代君子居喪,以周若駟之過隙,而加崇以再周焉。禮記云「再周之喪,二十五月而畢」。至於祥禫之節,焚奋之餘,其文不備。先儒所議,互有短長,遂使歷代習禮之家,翻為聚訟,各執所見,四海不同,此皆不本禮情而求其理故也。夫喪本至重以周斷,後代崇加以再周,豈非君子欲重其情而彰孝道者也,何乃惜一月之禫而不加之,以膠柱於二十五月者哉!或云「孝子有終身之憂,何須過聖人之制」者。二十七月之制,行尚矣,遵鄭者乃過禮而重情,遵王者則輕情而反制,斯乃孰為孝乎?且練祥禫之制者,本於哀情,不可頓去而漸殺也。故閒傳云「再周而大祥,素縞麻衣,中月而禫,禫而纖,無所不佩」。中猶閒也,謂大祥祭後閒一月而禫也。據文勢足知除服後一月服大祥服,後一月服禫服。今俗所行,禫則六旬,既祥縞麻,闕而不服,稽諸制度,失之甚矣。今約經傳,求其適中,可二十五月終而大祥,受以祥服,素縞麻衣。二十六月終而禫,受以禫服。二十七月終而吉,吉而除。徙月樂,無所不佩。夫如此求其情而合乎禮矣。
A commentary states: The meaning of daxiang and dan is explained according to the Yi Li, which says: "Dan takes place halfway through the month." Zheng Xuan interpreted "zhong yue" as an intervening month, while Wang Su understood it to mean the middle of the month; this led to differing mourning periods and inconsistent regulations. Throughout history, scholars have debated these interpretations with great contention. Those who follow Zheng Xuan's interpretation argue: On the day of daxiang, one may play a plain zither; Confucius playing the zither and singing with sheng music was for easing grief, not formal music. Formal music involves all eight tones being played together, performed by professional musicians. According to followers of Zheng Xuan's school, they do not claim that there is no music for visiting and paying respects during the fifth, sixth, or seventh months of the twenty-fifth month; rather, they merely argue that such formal music is not what is played after dan when resuming joyous affairs. Therefore, Zheng Xuan's commentary on the "Four Systems of Mourning Attire" regarding "On the day of daxiang one may play a plain zither" says: "This is music for visiting and showing care." A gentleman who does not engage in music for three years will see his family's rites collapse; Three years without observing rites, and the rites themselves will surely fall into disrepair. Therefore, on the day of daxiang music is played for visiting and showing care—not as a deliberate act to seek pleasure through music. A three-year mourning period is observed by gentlemen, yet it passes as swiftly as a carriage passing through a gap. Thus, even during times of visiting and showing care, one still cannot fully engage in joyous music. Therefore, after Confucius observed daxiang, he played the zither for five days without producing a complete melody. What the Li Ji refers to as "the mourning period concludes at twenty-five months" discusses only the completion of major mourning rites, meaning merely the removal of coarse hemp garments and the earthen chamber. Since grief is not yet fully exhausted, one continues to wear plain hemp or coarse linen clothing, maintaining mourning attire rather than joyous garments. For uncles and aunts, there is no dan rite; the mourning period ends after thirteen months; for one's mother or wife, where the dan rite does apply, the mourning period concludes at fifteen months; For a ruler, there is no dan rite, and the mourning period ends at twenty-five months; for one's father or eldest son, where the dan rite applies, the mourning period concludes after twenty-seven months. This clarifies what is meant by "the mourning period ends in a full cycle"—dan does not fall within the cycle itself. The Li Ji's reference to mourning concluding at twenty-five months indicates that dan does not occur in the month of daxiang; this is a special addition for more severe mourning, and should not be taken as defining the standard meaning of daxiang or its conclusion. The statement that the three-year mourning period concludes at twenty-five months refers to the standard case; those who observe dan after twenty-seven months indicate an added, more severe form of mourning." Those following Wang Su's interpretation cite the Li Ji: "The three-year mourning period consists of two full cycles, concluding at twenty-five months." Also, the Dan Gong states: "During daxiang plain hemp clothing is worn; in this month dan takes place, and music resumes after being moved to a different month." Additionally, there was a man from Lu who sang in the evening after observing daxiang in the morning; Zilu laughed at this, but Confucius said: "If it is more than one month, then it is commendable." Also, after observing daxiang, Confucius played the zither for five days but could not produce a complete melody; by the tenth day, he was able to play sheng music and sing. Also: "On the day of daxiang, play a plain zither." This serves as evidence that there is no dan rite at twenty-seven months. Followers of Wang Su's school argue: "If daxiang occurs at twenty-five months and dan at twenty-seven, then music cannot be played during the three months from twenty-five to twenty-seven. How can this reconcile with the Li Ji's statement that 'on the day of daxiang a plain zither is played,' or the account that after Confucius' daxiang he played the zither for five more days and by ten days was able to play sheng and sing?" Also, the Sang Daji states: "During dan, there are no mourners weeping inside; this is because music has resumed." "Meng Xianzi observed dan, hanging up musical instruments but not playing them." These all indicate that music is allowed during the month of dan; how could it possibly be delayed until the twenty-eighth month before resuming?" Followers of Zheng Xuan's school, who object to daxiang and dan occurring in the same month, may prefer distant dates for divination and reject the idea of an intervening (zhong) month. However, even if the sacrifices for daxiang and dan are scheduled on distant days, if a distant date proves unfavorable through divination, then a nearer date is chosen; if a favorable result is obtained from a nearby date, this naturally implies the existence of an intervening month. We know that when distant dates prove unfavorable and nearby ones must be used, it is because during joyous offerings, if a nearby date proves inauspicious, one may choose a more distant date. Hence the Li Ji states: "Within ten days is called 'a nearby certain day,' and beyond ten days is called a 'distant certain day.'" The Te Sheng Kui Shi states: "If a nearby date proves inauspious, then divination is used to select a distant one." Therefore, if joyous matters may use distant dates, then mourning affairs may use nearby ones; this is why the concept of an intervening month exists. The Li Ji's references to resuming music may occur either during the month of dan or in a different month, depending on whether the daxiang and dan sacrifices are scheduled for the middle or end of the month. Mourning rituals first consider distant dates; if these prove inauspicious, divination is used to choose a date at the beginning of the month. If dan occurs in the middle of the month, then music may be played; this is precisely what the Sang Da Ji means by "During dan, if there are no mourners weeping indoors, it is because music has been resumed," and examples such as "Meng Xianzi observed dan but hung up musical instruments without playing them" all fall into this category. The act of playing the qin on the day of daxiang merely signifies preserving music, not resuming it after dan. The way of human relationships is rooted in virtue, and supreme virtue places filial piety first. In ancient times, there were no fixed mourning periods; for benevolent people, the mourning period lasted a lifetime, suppressing their nature. Common people who abandon mourning on the same day they learn of a death are even worse than beasts. Sages of the middle ages, considering the feelings of ordinary people, established regulated mourning rites. These rites bring those who mourn excessively down to an appropriate level and help those who fall short reach it; for the most severe cases, they prescribe zhancai (the heaviest mourning attire) with a mourning period of one year. Later generations of virtuous men, in observing mourning, regarded the passing of time as fleeting as a horse's shadow through a gap, yet they extended it to two years. The Li Ji states: "A mourning period lasting two years is completed after twenty-five months." As for the rites of daxiang and dan, which follow the burning of incense and the remaining fervor, their ceremonial details are incomplete. Earlier Confucian scholars had differing opinions, each with their own strengths and weaknesses. This has led families of later generations who study rites to become embroiled in disputes, clinging to their own views so that practices vary across the four seas; all this is due to not grounding themselves in the spirit of ritual but instead seeking only logical explanations. Originally, mourning was considered extremely important and lasted one year; later generations extended it to two years—was this not the 君子's desire to emphasize their feelings and highlight filial piety? Why then should they be so reluctant to add a single month for dan, clinging rigidly to the twenty-five-month limit! Some say: "A filial son has lifelong sorrow; why must one exceed the rites established by sages?" The system of mourning for twenty-seven months has long been practiced. Those who follow Zheng Xuan go beyond the rites to emphasize emotion, while those adhering to the King's regulations downplay emotion and revert to rigid rules—so which is truly filial? Moreover, the rites of lian, daxiang, and dan are based on sorrowful feelings; they cannot be abruptly removed but must gradually diminish. Therefore, the Jian Zhuan states: "After two years comes daxiang; one wears plain hemp garments. In the intervening month of dan, one observes dan and wears fine hemp clothing, with no adornments." "Zhong" here means an interval; it refers to observing dan a month after the daxiang sacrifice. From the context, it is clear that one month after removing mourning attire, one dons the daxiang garments; another month later, the dan garments. In current popular practice, the mourning period for dan is only sixty days; after daxiang, hemp garments are prescribed but not worn. Examining this against established rites, it falls far short. Now, following the classics and commentaries to seek a moderate approach: mourning may end at twenty-five months with daxiang observed, followed by donning the daxiang attire—plain hemp garments. Mourning ends in the twenty-sixth month for dan, and one then wears the dan attire. Mourning concludes at the end of the twenty-seventh month as joy returns; at this point, mourning is lifted. Music resumes in the month of joy, and no adornments are forbidden. Thus, by seeking to align feelings with ritual, one achieves harmony with propriety.

五服成服及變除 - Completion of Mourning Attire for the Five Degrees of Kinship and Their Subsequent Modifications and Termination

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 五服成服... :
周制,喪服斬縗裳、苴絰、杖、絞帶、冠繩纓、菅屨者,謂既殯成服。斬縗裳三升。苴絰大搹音厄九寸,左本在下。去五分一以為腰絰,大七寸二分,絞垂兩結閒,相去四寸。竹杖大如腰絰,長齊心,本在下。絞帶大五寸七分半,偶結於前。皆三重。三重,四股絞之。冠六升,外縪,條屬右縫。菅屨外納。納其餘外也。縪音必。居倚廬,中門外東壁下,倚木為廬,北向開戶。寢苫枕塊。哭晝夜無時。歠粥,朝一溢米,夕一溢米,不食菜果。寢不說絰帶。義服所異者,縗裳三升半,繩屨,餘與正同。斬者,不緝也。苴者,麻之有蕡也。服上曰縗,下曰裳。在首在腰皆曰絰。絰之言實也,明孝子有忠實之心,故為制此服焉。首絰象緇布冠之頍項,腰絰象大帶。又有絞帶,象革帶。齊縗以下用布。盈手曰搹,搹,扼也。中人之扼,圍九寸。以五分一以為殺者,象五服之數也。屬猶著也。通屈一條繩為武,垂下為纓,著之冠也。布八十縷為一升。升,登也。雜記曰:「喪冠條屬,以別吉凶。三年之練冠,亦條屬右縫,小功以下左縫。」外縪者,冠前後屈而出縫於武也。二十兩為溢。一溢為米一升二十四分升之一也。公士大夫之眾臣為其君,布帶繩屨。士,卿士也。公卿大夫厭於天子諸侯,故降其眾臣布帶繩屨。貴臣得申,不奪其正也。公卿大夫室老,貴臣也;其餘皆眾臣也。君謂有采地者,皆曰君。眾臣杖,不以即位。女子子在室為父,布總六升,長六寸,箭笄長一尺,髽縗三年。女子子者,女子也,加一子別於男子也。在室,關已許嫁。此女子之喪服之異於男子也。總,束髮也。六升,象冠數也。長六寸者,出紒後垂為飾。謂之總者,既束其本,又總其末也。箭,篠也。髽,露紒也,猶男子之斂髮也。斬縗斂髮以麻,則髽亦用麻矣。以麻者,自項而前交於額上,卻繞紒後,如著幓頭焉。凡服上曰縗,下曰裳。此言縗不言裳,婦人不殊裳也。縗如男子縗,下如深衣。深衣則縗無帶,下又無衽矣。陳銓曰:「總,束髮。笄,支紒也。不曰縗裳,婦人縗而不裳。」雷次宗曰:「縗者,當心六寸布也。在衣則衣為縗,在裳則裳為縗。男子離其縗裳,故縗獨在衣上。婦人同為一服,故上下共其稱也。」繰音七焦反。三月而卒哭,男子受以六升布為縗裳;七升布為冠,纓帶亦如之;一辟博三寸,偶結於前;藨屨內納;葛絰:首絰大七寸五分寸之一,右本在上;五分首絰去一以為腰絰,大五寸二十五分寸之十九,參摎之。食麤食,水飲。翦屏,柱楣,寢蒲席,翦而不納。朝夕即位哭。婦人亦以六升布為連裳,七升布為總。葛洪云:「子為父,三月既葬,草屨內納,廬則柱楣翦屏。屏者,廬前屏也,其廬所為之屏也,而更作外障以為之。作廬:先橫一木長梁著地,因立細木於上,以曲就東墉,以草被之。既葬,則翦去此草之拍地。以短柱柱起此橫梁之著地,謂之柱楣。楣一名梁。既舉此梁,乃得於廬外作障,但不用泥之。諸侯始作廬者,便有屏而未泥之,既葬乃泥之。既柱起梁,又立小障以辟風,凶事轉輕。」十三月小祥而練,除首絰,受以七升布為縗裳,練冠素纓,中衣黃裏,縓為領袖,緣以練帶,繩屨無絇,其腰絰縮一股去之。飯素食,自葬蔬食,至練得卻素食也。有菜茹鹽酪之和,未有醯醬。居堊室,在中門外屋下,西向開戶。嫡子在前,庶子在後。哭無時,思哀殺,十日五日可也。葛洪云:「小祥,中衣,黃為裏,縓為領袖緣。縓者,紅之多黃者也。」宋凱云:「小祥,祥者,吉也。故縗裳無負版及心前縗,辟領,去首絰。小祥祭則櫛,稍自飾。」二十五月大祥,朝服縞冠。既祥,改服十五升布深衣,領袖緣皆然;縞冠素紕,素中衣,領袖緣帶皆然。去腰絰,棄杖,白麻屨無絇。食醯醬乾肉。出堊室,始居內寢。杜元凱云:「二十五月大祥祭,主人夕為期。朝服縞冠訖祭,而受以布深衣十五升。外無哭者,謂哀至入即位而哭也。」崔凱云:「大祥居外寢,平常所聽外寢事也。縞冠素紕,紕者,以素緣冠兩邊,各二寸。」二十七月而禫,玄衣黃裳而祭。祭畢,更服朝服,以黑經白緯為冠而綵纓,縞帶,緣中衣,吉屨無絇,革帶得佩紛帨之屬,如其平常。寢有床,猶別內。始飲醴酒。踰月復吉,三年之禮成矣。
According to the Zhou system, mourning attire consisting of a rough hemp robe and trousers (zhancao), coarse hemp cords for binding the head (ju di), a staff, twisted sash, corded hat ornaments (guansheng ying), and rush sandals (jianxu) refers to the complete mourning dress after the burial rites have been completed. The rough hemp robe and trousers for zhancao were made of three-hundred-count cloth. The ju di cords, wide as a large e (measure), measured nine cun, with the left end placed below. Pronounced "e" One-fifth was removed to form the waist cords, which were seven cun and two fen wide. The twisted cords had two knots between them, spaced four cun apart. The bamboo staff was as thick as the waist cord, its length reaching to the heart, with the thicker end placed at the bottom. The twisted sash was five cun and seven point five fen wide, tied in pairs in front. All were made of three layers. {{Three layers, twisted with four strands. The mourning hat was made of six-hundred-count cloth, with an outer hem and a strip attached to the right seam. The rush sandals had their soles sewn on from the outside. Sewn in such a way that the remaining parts were on the outside. Pronounced "bi". One dwelled in the yilu. The yilu was built against the eastern wall outside the central gate, made by leaning wood together, with a door facing north. loin One slept on mats and rested one's head on earth clods. Mourning wails were expressed day and night without fixed times. One drank porridge, consuming one yi of rice in the morning and another in the evening, without eating vegetables or fruits. While sleeping, one did not remove the mourning cords and sash. The difference in the mourning attire for yi fu was that the hemp robe and trousers were made of three hundred and fifty-count cloth, and rush sandals with cords were worn; otherwise, everything else was the same as the standard mourning dress. Zhan means not to trim or finish the edges. Ju refers to hemp that still has its seeds attached. The upper garment is called cao, and the lower garment is called chang. Those worn on the head or around the waist are both called di. The term "di" signifies substance, indicating that filial sons have a loyal and sincere heart; therefore, this mourning attire was established for them. The head di resembled the black cloth cap's brim around the neck, while the waist di resembled a wide sash. There was also a twisted sash, resembling a leather belt. From the qicao mourning attire downward, cloth was used. A measure that fills one's hand is called e; "e" means to grasp or hold. The circumference of the average person's grip was nine cun. Removing one-fifth to form a tapering shape symbolizes the five categories of mourning attire. "Shu" means "zhu," meaning to attach or fasten. A single cord was bent and tied together as a bow, with the remaining part hanging down as ying, which was attached to the hat. Eighty threads of cloth made one sheng (hundred-count). "Sheng" means "deng," meaning to ascend or increase. The Zajiji says: "Mourning hats have cords attached, in order to distinguish between auspicious and inauspicious occasions." "The mourning hat for the three-year period of qian, also has a cord attached to the right seam; hats for xiaogong and lower ranks have cords on the left seam." "Wai yin" means that the front and back parts of the hat are bent outward, with seams sewn into the bow. Twenty liang made one yi. One yi was equivalent to one sheng of rice plus one twenty-fourth of a sheng. The common officials and ministers of the gongshi dafu for their ruler wore cloth sashes and rope sandals. Shi refers to qingshi, a class of official. The gongqing dafu were subordinate to the Son of Heaven and feudal lords; therefore, they reduced the mourning attire for their common officials to cloth sashes and rope sandals. Noble officials could express their mourning fully, without being deprived of their proper rites. The shilao (elders) of gongqing dafu were noble ministers; the rest were common officials. A "jun" refers to someone who holds a fief; all such individuals are called jun. Common officials held their staffs but did not use them when assuming positions. A daughter who had not yet married, mourning for her father, wore a six-hundred-count hemp headband (bu zong) measuring six cun in length, and an arrow-shaped hairpin (jian ji) one chi long; she observed the three-year qian mourning. "Nüzi zi" refers to a woman, with an additional "zi" added to distinguish her from men. "In shi" means the woman had already been betrothed but not yet married. This is how a woman's mourning attire differs from that of men. Zong means to tie up the hair. Six-hundred-count cloth symbolizes the number of hats worn in mourning rites. The six cun length allowed it to hang behind as an ornament after being tied up. It is called "zong" because, having bound the base of the hair, one also gathers its ends together. Jian refers to xiao, a type of bamboo. Zhua means letting the hair hang loose; it is analogous to men's practice of binding their hair during mourning. If zhancao requires binding one's hair with hemp, then zhua also uses hemp. Using hemp means tying it from the back of the neck forward across the forehead, then wrapping around behind the hair bun, similar to wearing a headscarf. In general, the upper garment is called cao and the lower garment chang. This mentions cao but not chang, because women did not distinguish between upper and lower garments in mourning attire. The cao was like a man's cao, while the lower part resembled a shenyi (a long-sleeved robe). A shenyi-style mourning attire had no sash and also lacked side seams on the lower part. Chen Quan said: "Zong means to bind one's hair." "Ji" is a hairpin used to support the tied-up hair. It does not say "cao chang," because women wear cao but do not wear separate chang (trousers)." Lei Cizong said: "Cao refers to a six cun piece of cloth placed over the heart." When worn as part of an upper garment, it is called cao; when worn on the lower garment, that too is also called cao. Men separate their cao and chang, so cao refers only to the upper garment. Women wear them as a single piece of attire; therefore, both the upper and lower parts share the same name." "Suo" is pronounced "qi jiao fan". After three months of mourning wails, men received a six-hundred-count cloth cao chang; seven-hundred-count cloth for the hat, and the ying (tassel) and sash were also made in the same way; a single strip of cloth three cun wide, tied in pairs at the front; the rush sandals were sewn with their soles on the inside; Hemp cords: the head cord was seven cun and one twenty-fifth of a cun wide, with its right end placed on top; One-fifth of the head cord was removed to make the waist cord, which measured five cun and nineteen twenty-fifths of a cun in width, twisted with three strands. They ate coarse food and drank water. They removed screens, supported the door lintel with poles, slept on straw mats, and used them without sewing their soles in. They stood at the designated position to weep in the morning and evening. Women also wore a six-hundred-count cloth lianchang (a single garment combining upper and lower parts), and a seven-hundred-count cloth zong. Ge Hong said: "When a son mourns for his father, three months after the burial, he wears rush sandals with soles sewn inward; the yilu (mourners' hut) is supported by poles at the door lintel and screens are removed. The screen refers to a partition in front of the yilu; it was originally part of the hut, but now an additional outer barrier is added for this purpose. To build the yilu: first lay a long wooden beam horizontally on the ground, then erect smaller poles on top of it to curve toward the eastern wall, and cover them with grass. After the burial, this grass covering touching the ground was removed. Short pillars were placed beneath the horizontal beam that had been resting on the ground; this act is called "zhuming." Ming is also known as liang. Once this beam was raised, a barrier could then be built outside the yilu, but it did not require being plastered with mud. When feudal lords first constructed their yilu huts, they already had screens but did not yet plaster them; after the burial rites were completed, they then applied mud to them. After raising the beam with pillars and erecting a small barrier to block the wind, the mourning rites gradually became less severe." At thirteen months, the minor xiang rite was observed and qian cloth was introduced; the head di was removed, and a seven-hundred-count cao chang was received. The mourning hat had plain ying (tassels), the inner garment had yellow lining, crimson trim on the collar and sleeves, with edges reinforced by qian sash; rope sandals were worn without decorative tassels, and one strand of the waist di cord was removed to shorten it. One ate plain vegetarian food; From the burial until qian, a person consumed only vegetables; at qian, they could resume eating simple vegetarian meals. They had vegetable dishes with salt and curdled milk for seasoning, but no vinegar or soy sauce was used. One dwelled in a plain room (eadu), located under the eaves outside the central gate with its door facing west. The legitimate son stood at the front, while the concubine's sons stood behind. Wailing had no fixed time; one could reduce the intensity of mourning gradually, every ten or five days was acceptable. Ge Hong said: "At xiaoxiang, the inner garment has yellow lining and crimson trim on the collar, sleeves, and edges. "Zhong" refers to a red color with more yellow in it." Song Kai said: "Xiaoxiang—xiang means auspiciousness. Therefore, the cao chang no longer had a back panel or front heart patch; it had an open collar and removed the head di. At the xiaoxiang memorial rite, one combs their hair and slightly adorns themselves." After twenty-five months at daxiang, one wears formal court attire with a white silk hat (gao guan). After the xiang rites, one changes to a deep robe made of fifteen-threaded cloth, with collars and sleeve edges similarly trimmed; A white silk hat (gao) is worn with plain undergarments, and the collars, sleeves, edges, and sash are all in simple style. The waist di is removed, the staff is discarded, and white hemp sandals (xu) without decorative tassels (qu) are worn. One may now consume vinegar, soy sauce, and dried meat. They leave the plain room (eadu) and begin to reside in the inner sleeping quarters. Du Yuankai said: "At the daxiang memorial after twenty-five months, the master of the house sets the evening as the time for the ritual. After completing the morning rites in a white silk hat and formal attire, one receives a fifteen-threaded deep robe made of cloth. Those outside do not wail; this means that mourning begins only upon arriving at the designated position and crying." Cui Kai said: "At daxiang, one resides in the outer sleeping quarters; this is a matter normally permitted for the outer sleeping quarters. A white silk hat with plain trim—'pi' refers to trimming both sides of the hat with a two-cun wide plain edge." After twenty-seven months, at the dan rite, one wears black robes and yellow trousers for the memorial sacrifice. After the sacrifice, one changes into formal court attire, wearing a hat made of black warp and white weft threads with colorful tassels (ying), a white silk sash (gao dai), an edged inner garment, auspicious sandals without tassels, and may wear leather belts with ornaments such as pendants or handkerchiefs, just as in normal times. There is a bed for sleeping, but it remains distinct from the inner quarters. One may begin to drink sweet wine (li jiu). After another month, one returns to normal life; thus the mourning rites for three years are completed.

2 五服成服... :
疏縗裳齊、牡麻絰、冠布纓、削杖、布帶、疏屨三年者,謂齊縗三年,既殯成服。以麤縗四升為縗裳,六升為冠纓,布帶代絞帶。牡麻絰大七寸二分,右本在上;五分去一,大五寸六分,以為腰絰。削桐木為杖,杜元凱云:「圓削之,象竹,取其便也。」王肅云:「削為四分。」長與心齊,下本大如腰絰。藨蒯為屨。食粥居廬,與為父同,五不食。齊者,緝也。牡麻者,麻之無子者。馬融曰:「在上指右,故曰右本。」鄭玄云:「齊縗不書受月者,亦天子諸侯及卿大夫士虞卒哭異數也。」王肅曰:「疏以名哀,輕乎斬也。斬不同數,麤可知也。承裳以齊,制而後齊也。因縗以斬,斬而後縗也。」陳銓曰:「右本在上者,麻本從左來,加右之上也。藨蒯,草名也。」孔倫曰:「右本在上者,為母本於陰而統外也。」女子子在室,白布總七升,長八寸,一辟博一寸,惡笄用榛木,長尺,用白布絇之,博五分;白布七升為帶,無腰絰。深衣不裳。居房中,張帷為次。至虞不變者,三笄總帶也。既卒哭,受以八升布為縗裳,冠九升布,纓帶、中衣領袖緣亦然。服葛絰,首絰大五寸七分半,腰絰四寸六分。十三月小祥,除首絰,練九升布為冠,纓武亦如之。其他祥禫變除與斬縗同。踰月復平常。
The mourning attire of plain hemp robe and trousers, coarse hemp cords for the head, cloth hat ornaments, a shaved staff, cloth sash, and simple sandals worn for three years refers to wearing qicao (coarse hemp) for three years, which is completed after the burial rites. The mourning robe and trousers are made of four-threaded coarse hemp, the hat ornaments from six-threaded cloth, and a cloth sash replaces the twisted sash. The coarse hemp cords (muma di) are seven cun and two fen in width, with the right end placed above; Remove one-fifth of it, making it five cun and six fen wide, to serve as the waist di. Carve a staff from paulownia wood; Du Yuankai said: "It is rounded and carved to resemble bamboo, for ease of use." Wang Su said: "Carve it into four parts." Its length reaches the heart, and its base at the bottom is as wide as the waist di. Use pao kua grass to make sandals (xu). One eats porridge and resides in a temporary hut, the same as mourning for one's father; five types of food are not consumed. "Qi" means to weave tightly. "Muma" refers to hemp that is seedless. Ma Rong said: "Since the right side is placed above, it is called 'youben.'" Zhang Xuan said: "The months for wearing qi cao are not recorded because they also differ according to the mourning rites of emperors, feudal lords, and high-ranking officials, scholars, and commoners after the yu, cu, and ku rituals." Wang Su said: "The term 'shu' is used to denote a lesser degree of mourning, lighter than zhan (coarse hemp)." Since the distinctions in zhan are different, the coarseness can be understood accordingly. The robe is made of qi fabric; it is cut and then woven tightly. Because cao becomes zhan, one first wears zhan before wearing cao." Chen Quan said: "The right end is placed above because the hemp cords originate from the left and are then overlaid on top of the right. Pao kua is a name for a type of grass." Kong Lun said: "The right end being placed above signifies that the mother's side, associated with yin and external relations, is in control." A daughter who has not yet married wears a white cloth headband (zong) made of seven-threaded fabric, eight cun long, with one open side and a width of one cun. A plain hairpin is made from hazelwood, one chi in length, wrapped with white cloth tassels (qu), five fen wide; A sash of seven-threaded white cloth is worn, without a waist di. They do not wear trousers with the deep robe (shenyi). She resides in her room, where a curtain is hung as a partition. The mourning attire remains unchanged until the yu rite—this includes three hairpins, headband, and sash. After the ku rite is completed, she receives a hemp robe and trousers made of eight-threaded cloth, wears a hat of nine-threaded fabric, with sash, inner garment collars, sleeves, and edges similarly trimmed. She wears gai di (a type of hemp cord), with the head di measuring five cun and seven fen half in width, and the waist di four cun and six fen. At xiaoxiang after thirteen months, remove the head di; wear a hat made of nine-threaded cloth for mourning, and the tassels (ying) are similarly trimmed. Other changes and removals during xiang and dan rites follow the same procedures as those in zhancao mourning. After another month, she resumes normal life.

3 五服成服... :
疏縗裳齊、牡麻絰、冠布纓、削杖、布帶、疏屨周者,謂齊縗杖周。降服四升為縗裳,冠纓皆七升;正服五升為縗裳,冠纓皆八升;義服六升為縗裳,冠纓皆九升。冠皆右縫內縪。絰帶與三年同。
The mourning attire of plain hemp robes and trousers, coarse hemp head cords, cloth hat tassels, shaved staffs, cloth sashes, and simple sandals for a full year refers to wearing qi cao with a staff for one year. The mourning robe and trousers are reduced to four-threaded hemp, and the hat tassels are all seven-threaded; For formal mourning attire, five-threaded hemp is used for the robe and trousers, with hats and tassels made of eight-threaded fabric; For yi cao (a lesser mourning obligation), six-threaded hemp is used for robes and trousers, with hats and tasseled ornaments made of nine-threaded fabric. All hats are sewn on the right side inward (youfeng neijin). The di cords and sashes are the same as those for three-year mourning.

4 五服成服... :
不杖麻屨者,謂不杖周成服。五升布為縗裳,八升布為冠纓,絰帶大小與杖周同。居堊室,食素食,水飲。寢有席薦,不納;斷木為枕,不脫絰帶。朝夕即位哭。
Those who do not carry a staff or wear hemp sandals refer to completing one year of mourning without using them. Five-threaded cloth is used for the cao robe and trousers, eight-threaded cloth for the hat tassels (ying), with di cords and sash sizes matching those of one-year mourning. They reside in a plain room (eadushu) and consume only vegetarian food and water. A sleeping mat is placed on the floor, but no padding or bedding is used; A wooden pillow made from split wood is used, and the di cords and sash are not removed. They mourn by crying at their designated position in the morning and evening.

5 五服成服... :
殤大功布縗裳、牡麻絰、無受者,謂殤降大功成服。七升布為縗裳,十升布為冠纓、帶、中衣領袖緣。牡麻為首絰,大五寸七分半,腰絰四寸六分,不絞其垂。唯中殤七月者不纓絰。繩屨。張帷為次於內門外屋下,哀至而哭。素食,有醯鹽。既葬,除絰帶,食菜果,寢居內。凡殤大功以上,中從上;小功以下,中從下。
The mourning attire of hemp robes, coarse hemp cords, and no formal acceptance for a child who died young (shang) refers to completing the major mourning rites with reduced obligations. Seven-threaded cloth is used for cao robes and trousers, ten-threaded cloth for hats, sashes, inner garment collars, and sleeve edges. Coarse hemp is used for the head di, measuring five cun and seven point five fen in width; the waist di measures four cun and six fen, without twisting its hanging ends. Only for a child who died at seven months is there no tasselled cord (yingdi). Wear rope sandals. A curtain is hung as a partition outside the inner gate under the eaves, and one mourns by crying upon arrival. Consume vegetarian food with vinegar and salt. After the burial, remove the di cords and sash; consume vegetables and fruits, and reside in the inner quarters. For any child who died young with mourning obligations of major mourning (dagong) or higher, the middle-ranking relatives follow the highest rank; For minor mourning (xiaogong) and below, the middle-ranking relatives follow the lowest rank.

6 五服成服... :
大功布縗裳、牡麻絰、纓布帶、三月受以小功縗即葛九月者,謂成人大功成服。八升布為縗裳,冠十升;義服九升布為縗裳,其冠十一升。絰帶與殤同。既葬,皆受以十升布為縗裳,冠十一升,變麻絰服葛絰,絞之。九月除,朝服素冠,吉屨無絇。踰月復吉。
The mourning attire of major mourning (dagong)—hemp robes and trousers, coarse hemp di cords, cloth tassels and sash—followed by a reduction to minor mourning (xiaogong), wearing cao or gai for nine months refers to an adult completing the rites of major mourning. Eight-threaded cloth is used for hemp robes and trousers, and ten-threaded fabric for hats; For yi cao (lesser mourning), nine-threaded cloth is used for robes and trousers with an eleven-threaded hat. The di cords and sash are the same as those worn for a child who died young. After the burial, all receive hemp robes and trousers made of ten-threaded cloth and hats made of eleven-threaded fabric; they change from coarse hemp cords to gai di (another type of cord) and twist them. After nine months, the mourning is lifted; one wears formal morning attire with a plain hat and auspicious sandals without tassels (qu). After another month, normal life resumes.

7 五服成服... :
殤小功布縗裳、澡麻帶絰五月者,謂殤降小功。十升布為縗裳,冠十二升。澡麻去莩垢也。絕本去本邊惡處也。為絰,大四寸六分;腰絰大三寸七分,散垂。唯周之下殤降在此者,其帶不絕本,屈而反至腰而絞之。張帷為次,哀至而哭。食有醯醬菜茹。葬而除絰,食乾肉,飲醴酒,寢有床。五月除。
The mourning attire of minor mourning (xiaogong)—hemp robes and ropes for a child who died young, with five months of mourning—refers to reducing the mourning obligation for such a child. Ten-threaded cloth is used for mourning robes and trousers, while hats are made from twelve-threaded fabric. Zao ma removing the husk and impurities. Jue ben cutting off the root or undesirable parts. For making di cords, they are four cun and six fen in width; The waist di is three cun and seven fen wide, with loose hanging ends. Only for the youngest child who died young in a family of one year mourning, whose mourning is reduced to this level, the sash does not cut off the root; instead, it bends back around to the waist and is twisted. A curtain is hung as a temporary partition, and one mourns with crying upon arrival. One may eat food seasoned with vinegar, soy sauce, vegetables, and herbs. After the burial, one removes the di cords; consumes dried meat, drinks sweet wine (li jiu), and sleeps on a bed. The mourning is lifted after five months.

8 五服成服... :
小功布縗裳即葛五月者,謂成人小功成服。十一升布為縗裳,義服十二升布為縗裳,冠同十二升,亦澡麻絕本為絰帶,寢有床,哀至而哭。既葬,除麻受葛絰,大三寸六分,腰絰大二寸九分,縗裳如故,寢居內。至除,受以朝服素冠。踰月復吉。
Wearing hemp or gai robes and trousers for minor mourning (xiaogong) over a period of five months refers to an adult completing their rites of minor mourning. Eleven-threaded cloth is used for minor mourning robes and trousers; for yi cao, twelve-threaded cloth is used. Hats are also made of twelve-threaded fabric, with di cords and sashes similarly prepared from zao ma and jue ben. One sleeps on a bed and mourns by crying upon arriving at the designated place. After the burial, coarse hemp is removed and replaced with gai di cords; the head cord measures three cun and six fen in width, while the waist cord measures two cun and nine fen. The mourning robes remain unchanged, and one resides within the inner quarters. Upon completion of the mourning period, one resumes wearing formal court attire with a plain hat (su guan). After an additional month, normal life is resumed.

9 五服成服... :
緦麻三月者,謂緦麻之喪成服,降正義同。以七升半布,緦而疏之,為縗裳及冠纓帶,首絰亦澡麻絕本,大三寸七分,腰絰大二寸九分,吉屨無絇。寢有床。飲酒食肉,不至變色。既葬,受以朝服素冠。踰月復吉。
The mourning period of three months for si ma refers to completing the mourning rites for a distant relative; this level of mourning is considered reduced from the standard yi cao. Using seven-and-a-half-threaded cloth, it is made coarser (si) to create mourning robes and trousers as well as hats, cords, and sashes. The head di cord is also made from zao ma with the root cut off, measuring three cun and seven fen in width; the waist di measures two cun and nine fen wide. One wears plain sandals without decorative tassels (wu qu). One sleeps on a bed. Drinking alcohol and eating meat is permitted, without the need to change one's appearance or demeanor. After the burial rites are completed, one resumes wearing court attire with a plain (white) hat. After an additional month has passed, normal life is resumed.

10 五服成服... :
大唐之制,杖絰升縷,皆約周禮,直書其儀。歷代通儒,皆有著述,開元之制,最為詳備。
The system of the Great Tang Dynasty regarding staffs and di cords, as well as their specifications in terms of thread count, all follow the Zhou Li (Rites of Zhou), with the rituals recorded directly. Scholars throughout history have written extensively on these matters; the regulations established during the Kaiyuan era are considered the most detailed and comprehensive.

五服縗裳制度 - System of Robes and Skirts for Five Grades of Mourning Attire

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 五服縗裳... :
周 大唐
Zhou Dachang

2 五服縗裳... :
周制,凡五服,在上曰縗,在下曰裳。縗縫外殺,裳縫內殺。經云:「凡縗外削幅,裳內削幅。」鄭玄云:「削猶殺也。太古衣,先知為上,外殺其幅,以便體也;後知為下,內殺其幅,稍有飾也。後代聖人易之,而以此為喪服。」是也。其制,身長二尺二寸,合前後為四尺四寸,兩邊凡八尺八寸。經云「衣二尺有二寸」,鄭玄云「衣自領至腰二尺二寸」是也。鄭亦以此為袂中之數,則袂亦正方二尺二寸也。以古布幅廣二尺二寸,禮記所云「端縗」,謂此也。繼袂之末,又綴以廣尺二寸布,謂之袪。經云:「袪尺二寸。」馬融云:「袂末也,尺二寸,足以容拱手也。喪拱上右手下。」又衣下施腰,取半幅橫綴身下,長短隨衣。經云:「衣帶下尺。」鄭云:「謂腰也。廣尺,足以掩裳上際。」又於腰兩傍,當縫各綴一衽。經云:「衽二尺有五寸。」鄭云:「衽所以掩裳際。」其制,上正方一尺,於方一尺之下,角斜向下,長尺五寸,末頭闊六寸。今但取三尺五寸布,交解相沓裁之,即可亦謂之燕尾。令闊頭向上,取象與吉服之衽相反。又取布方尺八寸,置背上,上縫著領,下垂之,謂之負。經云:「負廣出於適寸。」鄭云:「負,在背上者也。適,辟領也。負出於辟領外旁一寸也。」今據辟領廣尺六寸,負各出一寸,故知尺八寸。其開領處,左右各開四寸,向外辟厭之,謂之適。經云:「適博四寸,出於縗。」鄭云:「適,辟領。廣四寸,則與闊中八寸也。兩之為尺六寸。」又取布長六寸,博四寸,綴於衣外衿上,謂之縗。經云:「縗長六寸,博四寸。」鄭云:「廣袤當心也。前有縗,後有負板,左右有辟領,孝子哀戚,無所不在。」其裳之制,前三幅,後四幅,開兩邊,故以衽蔽之於腰上。每一幅為三辟積,其辟積相向為之,謂之袧,苦侯反。其袧大小隨人腰麤細為之。經云:「裳內削幅,幅三袧。」鄭云:「袧謂辟兩側空中央也。凡裳前三幅後四幅。」按稱幅不必全幅,蓋中破為之。故禮記深衣篇云「制十有二幅,以應十二月」,是六幅交解之也。若斬縗,即縗與裳不緶緝;若齊縗以下,縗則外緶之,裳則內緶之,謂之齊。經云:「若齊,裳內縗外。」鄭云:「齊,緝也。凡五服之縗,一斬四緝。緝裳者內展之,緝縗者外展之。」展則緶緝也。按喪服本文,甚難曉悟。歷代著述,悉皆平寫本經。今先言其制,次引經文,所冀後學,易為詳覽。
According to Zhou dynasty regulations, there were five types of ceremonial robes. The upper part was called "chui," and the lower part was called "chang." The seams on the chui robe were cut outward, while the seams on the chang robe were cut inward. The Classic says: "For all chui robes, the width is reduced outward; for chang robes, it is reduced inward." Zhang Xuan said: "Xue means the same as sha." In ancient times, when making clothes, one first understood what was appropriate; the width of the upper part was reduced outward for convenience in fitting the body. Later, for the lower parts, the width was reduced inward and slightly decorated. Later generations of sage rulers changed this practice and used it as mourning attire." That is correct. The standard measurements were as follows: the length of the body was 2.2 chi, combining front and back to make 4.4 chi; both sides together totaled 8.8 chi. The Classic says, "the robe is two chi and two cun long," which Zhang Xuan explains as meaning "from the collar to the waist, it measures 2.2 chi." Zhang also took this measurement for the sleeve width; thus, the sleeves were also a perfect square of 2.2 chi on each side. Since ancient cloth widths were 2.2 chi wide, the "duan chui" mentioned in the Book of Rites refers to this measurement. At the end of the sleeves, an additional strip of cloth 1.2 chi wide was attached; this part was called "qu." The Classic says: "Qu measures one chi and two cun." Ma Rong said: "Qu refers to the end of the sleeve. One chi and two cun in width is sufficient to accommodate clasped hands." "In mourning, one clasps the right hand over the left." Additionally, a waistband was added below the robe. Half of the cloth width was taken and sewn horizontally beneath the body; its length varied according to that of the robe. The Classic says: "The sash hangs down one chi." Zhang said: "This refers to the waistband." lington The width of one chi is sufficient to cover the upper edge of the chang. Additionally, on both sides of the waistband at the seams, a single "ren" was attached. The Classic says: "Ren measures two chi and five cun." Zhang said: "Ren is used to cover the edge of the chang." Its design was as follows: a perfect square one chi in width at the top. Below this square, an angled flap sloped downward for 1.5 chi, with its lower end measuring six cun wide. Today, one simply takes a piece of cloth 3.5 chi long, folds it diagonally and cuts accordingly; this is also called "yanwei" (swallow's tail). The wide end was made to face upward, in contrast to the design of the ren on ceremonial robes for auspicious occasions. Additionally, a piece of cloth measuring 1.8 chi square was placed on the back; its upper edge was sewn to the collar and the lower part hung down, known as "fu." The Classic says: "Fu is one cun wider than appropriate." Zhang said: "Fu refers to the part on the back." "Shi" means the opening of the collar. Fu extends one cun beyond the side of the collar opening." Now, based on a collar opening 1.6 chi wide and with fu extending one cun on each side, we know the total is 1.8 chi. The opening at the collar was cut four cun to the left and right, flaring outward; this is called "shi." The Classic says: "Shi measures four cun in width and extends beyond the chui." Zhang said: "Shi refers to the collar opening. Its width of four cun corresponds to an overall breadth of eight cun." Combined, they measure 1.6 chi." Additionally, a piece of cloth six cun long and four cun wide was attached to the outer front part of the robe; this is called "chui." The Classic says: "Chui measures six cun in length and four cun in width." Zhang said: "Its dimensions are appropriate for the heart area. There is chui in front, fu board at the back, and shi collar openings on both sides; thus, a filial son's sorrow has no place where it does not reach." The design of the chang was three panels in front and four at the back, with both sides open; therefore, a ren was used to cover it above the waist. Each panel consisted of three "bi ji," which were arranged facing each other; this was called "gu," kouhou fan. The size of the gu varied according to the thickness or thinness of a person's waist. The Classic says: "For chang, reduce the width inward; each panel consists of three gu." Zhang said: "Gu refers to cutting out the center and leaving space on both sides. The chang consists of three panels in front and four behind." Note that the term "fu" does not necessarily mean a full width; it is made by splitting the center. Therefore, the Deep Robe chapter of the Book of Rites says "twelve fu are made to correspond to the twelve months," meaning six fu folded diagonally. If it is zhan chui, then neither the chui nor the chang are hemmed or joined; If it is qi chui or lower grades, then the chui is hemmed on the outside and the chang is hemmed on the inside; this is called "qi." The Classic says: "If it is qi, then the chang is finished inwardly and the chui outwardly." Zhang said: "Qi means to hem. Among the five types of mourning robes, there is one zhan and four qi. Hemming the chang involves folding inwardly, while hemming the chui involves folding outwardly." "Zhan" means to fold and hem. According to the original text on mourning attire, it is very difficult to fully understand. Writings from past dynasties all merely transcribe the original Classic in a straightforward manner. Now, I first explain its design and then cite the Classic text; this is done so that future scholars may easily study it in detail.

3 五服縗裳... :
大唐之制,一據喪服之文,具開元禮。
隆重 The system of Da Tang was based on the text regarding mourning attire and fully recorded in Kaiyuan Li (Kaiyuan Rites).

斬縗喪既葬緝縗議 - Discussion on Changing from Zhan Chai to Plain Mourning Attire After Burial

英文翻譯:人工智能和中國哲學書電子化計劃用戶 [?] 電子圖書館
1 斬縗喪既... :
晉 宋
Jin Song

2 斬縗喪既... :
晉魏休寧云:「以大功之縗,易既練之服,是中祥宜緝其縗也。若不緝,為重大功,不得奪之。」魏顗云:「按卒哭更以六升布為縗,但齊。既葬,還服既虞之縗。若如斯言,以大功之喪,奪既練之服。尋詳三年之喪及大功之服,皆喪之重者也,而使斬縗但止三月,殆非立禮之意。禮大功以上服降,皆以布升數為差,故大喪初縗三升,既虞六升,中祥七升。縗以三變,非不降也,何必期於緝縗然後為殺。愚謂服相易奪,正以升數重輕,不係縗之齊斬。」休寧又言:「三年之喪,笄杖不易,其餘皆變,中祥緝縗,是輕之也。且為父初以三升之縗,既虞受六升之布,輕於母也。齊縗既葬而虞,以七升布為縗,輕於為父也。」顗又難曰:「禮云女子子適人,有父母之喪,既成齊縗之服而夫出之,不改服而待既虞更服斬縗之服,受笄總屨帶如故終三年。以此徵之,不緝縗亦可知也。緝與不緝,別齊斬耳。今斬止一周,稱為三年,未為先見。」休寧又云:「三年之喪再周耳,數月不合稱三年。斬者舉大數之名,一周大喪之正禮。自轉降中祥,安得不緝,不緝則無變,明不應終喪斬者可知也。」虞喜云:「斬縗,因喪之稱,非為終三年也。按禮為母喪縗四升,而父喪既虞縗六升,此為齊制,不復斬也。今代人既葬之後無改易,唯小祥而變,故緝在此月。父母情等,服俱三年,父斬縗,母緝縗,以別尊卑。斬止三月,未為怪也。女子出,待既虞受以斬縗之受,非更斬也。」魏顗又云:「要記稱母為長子齊縗三年,其服節如父為子者。未有明徵,而便緝之,斬名何得復存?禮雖言餘皆易,不言滅斬。」喜又云:「父為長子斬縗,母為齊縗,若不言齊其下,恐母與父俱當斬縗,所以別耳,非謂明終斬之議耶。」
Jin Wei Xiuning said: "To change from the mourning attire of da gong into the already laundered mourning clothes is to indicate that on the day of Zhongxiang, one should continue wearing the original mourning garments." "If one does not continue wearing them, it would constitute a serious violation of da gong etiquette, and such an act cannot be allowed to go unpunished." Wei Yi said: "According to the rites, after the completion of mourning rituals, one should change into a six-thread hemp robe for mourning attire, but it is only required to be plain." After the burial, one returns to wearing the mourning robe used during the Yu rites. If following this statement, in the case of da gong mourning, one would abandon the already laundered mourning attire. Upon careful examination, both the three-year mourning period and da gong attire are considered among the most significant forms of mourning. Yet allowing zhan chai to last only three months seems contrary to the original intent behind establishing these rites. According to ritual, for mourning attire ranked da gong or higher, the degree of mourning is differentiated by the number of threads in the hemp fabric. Thus, during a major funeral, the initial mourning robe uses three-threaded cloth; after the Yu rites, it becomes six-threaded; and on Zhongxiang day, seven-threaded. The mourning robe undergoes three changes in quality, which is not a failure to reduce the level of mourning; therefore, why must one wait until the day of Ji chai before considering it appropriate to lessen the mourning? I believe that whether mourning attire is changed or abandoned depends precisely on the number of threads, not on whether it is plain or zhan chai." Xiu Ning also said: "In the case of a three-year mourning period, neither the hairpin nor the staff is changed; all other mourning rites involve changes. To change to plain mourning robes on Zhongxiang day would be to treat it lightly." Moreover, when mourning for one's father initially with a three-threaded robe and then receiving a six-threaded cloth after the Yu rites is considered lighter than mourning for one's mother. After burial, when changing to plain mourning attire and using a seven-threaded cloth robe during the Yu rites is also considered lighter than mourning for one's father." Yi further challenged: "The rites state that if a daughter who has married leaves her husband's home and encounters the death of either parent, after completing the plain mourning attire, if her husband sends her away, she does not change her mourning attire but continues to wear it until the Yu rites are completed. At that time, she changes into zhan chai mourning attire as before, resuming her hairpin, headband, shoes, and sash, maintaining this for the full three years." From this we can infer that even without changing to plain mourning robes, it is clear what should be done. Whether one changes to plain mourning or not depends solely on whether the mourning attire is zhan chai or qi chai. Now, if zhan chai lasts only for a week but is called three-year mourning, this cannot be considered an accurate precedent." Xiu Ning also said: "The three-year mourning period lasts only two weeks; to refer to a few months as 'three years' is inappropriate." Zhan chai refers to the general term for major mourning rites, and one week represents the proper rite of great mourning. From the transition to Zhongxiang, how could one not change to plain mourning? If one does not change, there is no transformation, which clearly indicates that it should not be considered as continuing zhan chai for the entire mourning period." Yu Xi said: "Zhan chai is a term derived from mourning, not an indication that it lasts for the entire three years." According to rites, when mourning a mother's death, the mourning robe is made of four-threaded cloth; whereas for a father's death, after the Yu rites it becomes six-threaded. This is part of qi chai regulations and no longer involves zhan chai. In the present era, after burial there are no changes in mourning attire; only on Xiao Xiang day is a change made. Therefore, the transition to plain mourning occurs during this month. The feelings for father and mother are equal, and both require a three-year mourning period; however, the mourning attire for the father is zhan chai while that for the mother is plain qi chai, to distinguish between rank and status. That zhan chai lasts only three months is not unusual. "A woman who has left her husband's household waits until the Yu rites to receive zhan chai mourning attire, but this does not mean she changes into a new zhan chai robe." Wei Yi also said: "The essential records state that for a mother mourning her eldest son, she wears qi chai for three years, and the mourning rites follow the same procedures as those of a father mourning his son." Without clear evidence, to change to plain mourning prematurely—how can the name zhan chai still be retained? Although the rites mention that all other aspects may be changed, they do not state that zhan chai should be abolished. Xi also said: "A father mourns his eldest son with zhan chai, while a mother does so with qi chai. If the term 'qi' were not specified for the latter, one might mistakenly believe that both mother and father should wear zhan chai; this distinction is made to differentiate their mourning rites. Is it not meant to clarify the final decision on whether zhan chai should continue?"

3 斬縗喪既... :
孔汪問徐邈云:「斬縗三年,或既虞縗緝,行者往往不同。意常謂既以斬表重其喪,應有變降;為使終喪服斬,釋斬便縞,非漸殺意邪?」邈答曰:「凡喪服雜變,備載經記,而變斬以緝,都無經明證。此服之大節,豈記者所遺,蓋本無其制也。禮稱斬縗三年,此不易之文也。禮大功布三等,先儒以為降服七升,正服八升,又同則不易,此變受之通例。故謂大功不得變斬。」
Kong Wang asked Xu Miao: "Zhan chai mourning lasts for three years, or some change to plain qi chai after the Yu rites; in practice, people often differ in their interpretations." It is commonly believed that since zhan chai signifies the seriousness of mourning, there should be a change or reduction. "If one continues to wear zhan chai for the full mourning period and then suddenly changes to plain white cloth, is this not contrary to the principle of gradually reducing the level of mourning?" Miao replied: "All variations in mourning attire are fully recorded in the classical texts. However, changing zhan chai to plain qi chai is not supported by any clear evidence from these sources." This is a major aspect of mourning attire; how could it have been omitted by the recorders? It must be that such a regulation never existed in the first place. The rites state that zhan chai mourning lasts three years; this is an unchangeable passage. The rites specify that da gong mourning cloth has three grades; earlier scholars believed the reduced mourning attire uses seven-threaded fabric, while standard mourning attire uses eight-threaded. If they are the same, there is no change—this is a general rule for changing mourning attire. Therefore, it is said that da gong mourning cannot be changed to zhan chai."

4 斬縗喪既... :
周續之釋禮:「或問曰:『斬縗終三年乎?』答曰:『不也。卒哭而服齊縗。』又問:『若不終三年,則喪服禮何故云「髽三年」?又云「三年之喪若斬」?則是居情理之極,所謂致喪者也,焉得卒哭而奪情?』答曰:『但尋名教者,宜求其本,本正則條目自明。聖王雖總企及俯就以為之制,要以滅牲為深憂,是以節哀順變,每受以輕也。』」
Zhou Xuzhi explained the rites: "Someone asked, 'Does zhan chai mourning last for the entire three years?'" The answer is, 'No.'" "After the completion of mourning rites, one changes to qi chai mourning attire." Another question was asked: "If zhan chai does not last for the entire three years, then why do the mourning rites say 'three years of hair braids'?" It is also said, 'The three-year mourning resembles zhan chai'? "This would mean reaching the extreme of emotional and rational mourning, which is what is referred to as full mourning. How then can one abandon this grief after the completion of the mourning rites?"' The answer is: "Those who study the principles of ritual should seek their origins. If one understands the fundamentals, then all details will naturally become clear." Although sage kings established rites that encompass both lofty aspirations and practical adjustments, the essential concern is to reduce excessive grief. Therefore, one should moderate sorrow and follow changes in mourning by gradually adopting lighter forms of attire." "'"

5 斬縗喪既... :
宋庾蔚之謂:「昔賀循以為,夫服緣情而制,故情降則服輕。既虞,哀心有殺,是故以細代麤,以齊代斬耳。若猶斬之,則非所謂殺也。若謂以斬縗命章,便謂受猶斬者,則疏縗之受,復可得猶用疏布乎?是知斬疏之名,本生於始死之服以名其喪耳,不謂終其日月皆不變也。」
Song Yu Weizhi said: "In the past, He Xun believed that mourning attire was established according to emotional ties; therefore, when emotions lessen, the mourning attire should also be lighter." After the Yu rites, grief naturally diminishes; thus, one replaces coarse fabric with finer cloth and changes from zhan chai to qi chai." If one continues wearing zhan chai, then it cannot be said that grief has diminished. 藟 If one argues that the term zhan chai in mourning rites implies continuing to wear it, then by this logic, when receiving shu chai (coarse mourning attire), could we also claim that coarse cloth should still be used? This shows that the names zhan and shu originated from the initial mourning attire to denote the nature of the funeral, not implying that one should remain unchanged for the entire duration."

URN: ctp:tongdian/87