| | 王侯兄弟... : |
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| | 王侯兄弟... : |
晉武帝咸寧二年，安平穆王薨，無嗣，以母弟敦上繼獻王後，移太常問應何服。博士張靖答，宜依魯僖服閔三年例。尚書符詰靖曰：「穆王不臣敦，敦不繼穆，與閔僖不同。」孫毓、宋昌議，以穆王不之國，敦不仕諸侯，不應三年。以義處之，敦宜服本服，一周而除，主穆王喪祭三年畢，乃吉祭獻王。毓云：「禮，君之子孫所以臣諸兄者，以臨國故也。禮又與諸侯為兄弟服斬者，謂鄰國之臣於鄰國之君，有猶君之義故也。今穆王既不之國，不臣兄弟，敦不仕諸侯，無鄰臣之義，異於閔僖，如符旨也。但喪無主，敦既奉詔紹國，受重主喪，典其祭祀。記云：『大功者主人之喪，有三年者，則必為之再祭。』鄭氏注云：『謂死者從父昆弟來為喪主也。有三年者，謂妻若子幼少也。再祭，謂大小祥也。』穆妃及國臣，於禮皆當三年，此為有三年者，敦當為之主大小兩祥祭也。且哀樂不相雜，吉凶不相干，凶服在宮，哭泣未絕，敦遽主穆王之喪，而國制未除，則不得以本親服除而吉祭獻王也。」 |
| | In the second year of Emperor Wu's Xinning reign period of the Jin dynasty, Duke Muping of Anping died without an heir. His maternal younger brother Dunshang was appointed to succeed as the descendant of the Duke Xianwang. The matter was referred to the Taichang Office to inquire what mourning attire should be observed. The doctor Zhang Jing answered that they should follow the precedent of the third year of Min in the reign period of Duke Xi of Lu. Shangshu Fu Jiejing said, "Dun was not a subject of Duke Muping; Dun did not succeed Duke Muping. This is different from the case of Min and Xi." Sun Yu and Song Chang argued that since Duke Muping did not go to his fief, and Dun did not serve as an official under a feudal lord, they should not observe mourning for three years. According to the principles of propriety, Dun should wear his original mourning attire and remove it after one week. The funeral rites for Duke Muping would last three years; only then could the sacrificial rites for Duke Xianwang be conducted as usual. Sun Yu said, "According to ritual, a ruler's descendants serve their elder brothers as subjects because they are in charge of the state. The rites also prescribe that a feudal lord should observe the mourning of zhan for his brothers, meaning officials from neighboring states toward their ruler in the neighboring state, because there is an analogous relationship to that between a subject and his sovereign. Now, since Duke Muping never went to his fief and did not regard his brothers as subjects, and Dun did not serve under a feudal lord and thus had no status of an official from a neighboring state, this is different from the cases of Min and Xi, just as Fu Zhijie indicated. However, since there was no one to preside over the funeral rites, Dun, having received an imperial decree to succeed to the fief and assuming such a significant responsibility, should oversee the mourning rites and manage its sacrifices. The Records state: "For one who has performed major mourning (dagong) for the head of a family, if there is a three-year mourning period, then he must conduct two sacrificial rites." Zhang's commentary says: "This refers to the case where the deceased's paternal uncles come to serve as the funeral master." "The mention of a three-year mourning period" means that this applies when the wife or children are young and immature. "The two sacrificial rites" refer to the major and minor xiang ceremonies.' The wife of Duke Muping and the officials of his fief were, according to ritual, all required to observe a three-year mourning period. This constitutes "the case with a three-year mourning," so Dun should preside over both the major and minor xiang sacrificial rites for them. Moreover, sorrow and joy should not be mixed, and auspiciousness and inauspiciousness should not interfere with each other. While mourning attire for the deceased is still worn within the palace and lamentations have not ceased, if Dun immediately presides over Duke Muping's funeral rites while the national mourning period has not yet ended, then he cannot remove his original mourning for a close relative and conduct an auspicious sacrifice to Duke Xianwang."
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| | 王侯兄弟... : |
四年，陳留國上，燕公是王之父，王出奉明帝祀，今於王為從祖父。有司奏：「應服周，不以親疏尊卑為降。」詔曰：「王奉魏氏，所承者重，不得服其私親。」 |
| | In the fourth year, the State of Chenliu submitted a report: Yan Gong was the father of the king. The king left to serve as heir for Emperor Mingdi's ancestral rites; now, in relation to the king, he is a paternal grandfather. The officials submitted: "He should observe mourning for one week, and this does not depend on closeness of relation or the hierarchy of status to determine a reduction." The imperial edict stated: "Since the king serves the Wei dynasty, his responsibility is great; he cannot observe mourning for his private relatives."
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| | 王侯兄弟... : |
東晉穆帝時，東海國言哀王薨踰年，嗣王乃來，不復追服，群臣已反吉，國妃亦宜同除。詔曰：「朝廷所以從權制者，以王事奪之，非為臣變禮也。婦人傳重義大，若從權制，義將安託。」於是國妃終三年之禮。孫盛以為：「廢三年之禮，開偷薄之源，失之大者也。今若以丈夫宜奪王事，婦人可終本服，是為吉凶之儀雜陳於宮寢，綵素之制乖異於內外，無乃情禮俱違，哀樂失所乎！」 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Mudi of the Eastern Jin dynasty, the State of Donghai reported that Duke Ai had died over a year ago. Now that the heir king has arrived, there is no need to observe mourning retroactively; since the ministers have already resumed wearing auspicious attire, the queen consort of the state should also do so accordingly. The imperial edict stated: "The court's reason for following a provisional regulation is because official duties have taken precedence, not to alter the rites for ministers. "The women bear great significance in transmitting ancestral legacy; if we follow provisional regulations, where would this sense of duty be placed?" Thus, the queen consort completed the three-year mourning rites. Sun Sheng believed: "Abandoning the three-year mourning rite opens the source of moral decay and insensitivity; this is a great mistake. If now we consider that men should be deprived of mourning due to official duties, but women may complete their original mourning rites, this would result in auspicious and inauspicious ceremonies being mixed within the palace chambers, with different regulations for colorful and plain attire inside and outside. Would this not violate both sentiment and ritual, causing sorrow and joy to lose their proper place!"
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宋孝武大明二年，有司奏：「凡侯伯子男代子卒，無嗣，求進次息為代子，檢無其例。」下禮官議正。博士孫武議：「按晉濟北侯荀勖長子運卒，以次子輯拜代子。先代成准，宜為今例。」博士傅郁議：「禮記微子立衍，商禮斯行；仲子捨孫，姬典攸貶。歷代遵循，靡替於舊。今君存而代子卒，厥嗣未育，非捨孫之謂。愚以為次子有子，自宜紹為嗣孫；若其未有，無容遠搜輕屬。承統繼體，傳之有由，父在立子，允稱情典。」曹郎諸葛雅之議：「按春秋傳云：『代子死，有母弟則立之，無則立長，年均擇賢，義均則卜，古之制也。』今長子早卒，無嗣，進立次息以為代子，取諸左氏，理義無違。又孫武所據荀勖長子卒，立次子，亦近代成例。依文採比，竊所允安。謂宜開許，以為永制。」參議為允。詔可。 |
| | In the second year of Daming reign period of Emperor Xiaowu of the Song dynasty, officials submitted: "Whenever a marquis, viscount, earl, or baron's substitute son dies without an heir and seeks to promote his next younger son as the new substitute son, there is no precedent for this." The matter was referred to ritual officials for deliberation. Doctor Sun Wu argued: "According to the Jin dynasty, when Ge Yun, the eldest son of Marquis Jibei Xun Xu, died, his younger brother Ji was appointed as substitute son. This established precedent from previous dynasties should be followed as a model for the present case." oplevel Doctor Fu Yu argued: "The Records of Rites mention that Weizi established Yan, and this was in accordance with Shang dynasty rites; the second son abandoning the grandson is a practice decried by the rituals of Ji." Throughout history, this has been followed without deviation from tradition. Now, when the lord is still alive and the substitute son has died before his heir was born, this does not constitute abandoning a grandson. I believe that if the second son has a child, it is appropriate for him to be appointed as the heir grandson; if he does not have one, there should be no need to search far and loosely assign someone. The succession of lineage must follow a proper basis; when the father is alive, it is appropriate to establish a son as heir, which truly conforms to both sentiment and ritual." Cao Lang Zhuge Yzhi argued: "According to the Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals, it says: 'If a substitute son dies, if he has a maternal younger brother, then that brother should be appointed; if not, the eldest is chosen. If their ages are equal, select the most virtuous one; if virtue is also equal, divination shall decide—it is an ancient regulation.'" Now that the eldest son died early without an heir, promoting the next younger son to be the substitute son follows the Zuo Zhuan; this is in line with reason and ritual. Moreover, Sun Wu's reference to the case of Xun Xu's eldest son dying and his younger brother being appointed is also a precedent from recent times. Following this textual analogy, I believe it to be acceptable. Therefore, it is advisable to approve and establish this as a permanent regulation." The deliberation concluded that the proposal was acceptable. The imperial edict approved it.
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| | 王侯兄弟... : |
大明四年，有司奏陳留王曹虔嗣薨，以弟虔秀襲後，秀又薨。今依例應拜代子，未詳應以秀長子銑為代子？為應立次子鍇？」太學博士王溫之、江長議，並謂應以銑為正嗣。太常丞陸澄議謂立鍇。右丞徐爰謂：「禮後大宗，以其不可乏祀，諸侯代及，春秋成義。虔嗣承家傳爵，身為國王，雖薨歿無子，猶列昭穆。立後之日，便應即纂國統。於時既無承繼，虔秀以次襲紹。虔嗣既列廟饗，故自與代數而遷，豈容烝嘗無闕，橫取他子為嗣。為人胤嗣，又應恭祀先父。按禮，公子不得禰諸侯。虔嗣無緣降廟就寢，銑亦不得援祭先王。徵禮考事，虔嗣不應立後。銑本長息，宜還為虔秀代子。」詔如爰議。 |
| | In the fourth year of Daming, officials submitted that Prince Cao Qiansi of Chenliu had died. His younger brother Qianxiu was appointed to succeed him, but Qianxiu also died. Now, according to the established precedent, a substitute son should be appointed, but it is unclear whether Qianxiu's eldest son Xian should serve as that substitute son? Or should his younger brother Kai be appointed?" Doctor Wang Wenzhi of the Taixue and Jiang Chang both argued that Xian should be recognized as the legitimate heir. Cheng Lu Cheng of the Taichang Office argued for Kai's appointment. Yu Cheng Xu Yuan said: "According to ritual, the main line of succession must be maintained because ancestral rites cannot be abandoned. The practice of feudal lords appointing successors is a principle established in the Spring and Autumn Annals." Qiansi inherited his family's title and served as king of the state; although he died without a son, he still occupies a place in the ancestral hierarchy. On the day a successor is appointed, he should immediately assume leadership over the state's lineage. At that time, since there was no direct heir, Qianxiu succeeded as the next in line. Since Qiansi is already enshrined and honored in the ancestral temple, it follows that his position should naturally be succeeded according to lineage. How could there possibly be an interruption of sacrifices or a sudden adoption of another's son as heir? As the designated heir, one must also respectfully perform ancestral rites for his late father. According to ritual, a son of a marquis cannot be enshrined alongside feudal lords in ancestral worship. Qiansi had no reason to descend from the temple and join the private chambers, nor could Xian invoke rituals for his late father-king. According to historical rites and records, Qiansi should not have been appointed as a successor. Xian is the eldest son by birth; he should return to serve as substitute son for Qianxiu." The imperial edict followed Xu Yuan's proposal.
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| | 未踰年君... : |
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| | 未踰年君... : |
漢白虎通云：「父在稱代子，繫於君也。父歿稱子某者，屈於尸柩也。既葬稱子者，即尊之漸也。踰年稱公者，緣人臣之心，不可一日無君也。緣終始之義，一年不可有二君，故踰年即位，所以繼人臣之心也。三年然後受爵者，緣孝子之恩未忍安吉也。故魯僖公十二月乙巳薨於小寢，文公元年春正月公即位，四月丁巳葬。韓詩內傳曰：『諸侯代子三年喪畢，上受爵命於天子。所以名之為代子何？言代代不絕也。』何以知天子之子亦稱代子也？春秋傳曰『會王代子於首止』。或曰天子之子亦稱太子，尚書傳曰『太子發升於舟』。代子三年喪畢，上受爵命於天子何？明爵者天子之所有，無自爵之義。童子當受爵命者，使大夫就其國而命之，明王者不與童子為禮也。以春秋魯成公幼少，與童子為禮者，諸侯會公不見經，以為魯恥，明不與童子為禮。代子上受爵命，依士服何？謙不敢自專也。故詩云『韎韐有赩』，謂代子始行也。天子大斂之後稱王者，明人臣不可一日無君也。故尚書曰『王麻冕黼裳』，此大斂之後也。何以知不是後加王也？以上言迎子釗，不言迎王也。既殯而即繼體之位者，緣人臣之心不可一日無君也。故先君不可得見，則後君繼體矣。故尚書曰『王再拜興對，乃受同』，明為繼體君也。緣於終始之義，一年不可有二君，故尚書曰『王釋冕反喪服』，吉冕服受同稱王以接諸侯，明繼體為王也。釋冕反喪服，明未稱王以統事也。不可曠年無君，故踰年乃即位改元，元以名年，年以記事矣，而未發號令也。何以知踰年即位改元也？春秋傳曰『以諸侯踰年即位，亦知天子踰年即位也』。又曰『天子三年然後稱王統事，發號施令也』。尚書曰『高宗諒闇三年』是也。論語曰：『君薨，百官總己以聽於冢宰三年。』故三年除喪，乃即位統事，踐阼為主，南面朝臣下稱王以發號令也。故天子諸侯凡三年即位，終始之義乃備。」 |
| | The Han "Baihu Tong" says: "When the father is alive, one refers to his son by a substitute title; this is tied to the ruler." When referring to a son as 'a certain person's son' after the father has died, it is out of deference to the corpse and coffin. After burial, when one refers to a son directly as 'son,' this marks the gradual elevation of respect. Referring to someone as "Gong" (a respectful title) after a year is due to the heart of a subject, for one cannot go even a single day without a ruler. Out of the principle of beginning and end, there must not be two rulers in one year; therefore, assuming the throne after a year is to continue the loyalty of subjects. Waiting three years before accepting a title is due to filial piety; the son's affection makes it hard for him to accept joy and peace. Therefore, Duke Xi of Lu died on the Yisi day of the twelfth month in his small chamber; in the first year of Duke Wen's reign, in spring, the first month, the duke assumed the throne, and on the Dingsi day of April he was buried. The Neichuan of the Han Shi says: "After a vassal lord completes three years of mourning for his substitute son, he ascends to receive the title and command from the Son of Heaven." Why is it called a 'substitute son'? It means that the succession continues without interruption." How do we know that the Son of Heaven's son is also called a 'substitute son'? The "Zuo Zhuan" says: "When Duke Hui of Jin died, his son Chong'er was still young; therefore, they made Prince Xian the substitute ruler." The Chunqiu Zhuan says: "They met with King Wang's substitute son at Shouzhi." Some say that the Son of Heaven's son is also called Tai Zi (Crown Prince); the Shangshu Zhuan says: "Tai Zi Fa ascended onto the boat." Why, after completing three years of mourning as a substitute son, does one go to receive a title and command from the Son of Tianzi? It is because titles are possessions of the Son of Heaven; there is no meaning in bestowing them oneself. When a child should receive a title and command, the Son of Heaven sends an official to his state to confer it upon him; this shows that the ruler does not personally perform rites with a child. In the Spring and Autumn Annals, Duke Cheng of Lu was young; when rites were performed with a child, vassal lords attending the meeting did not see him recorded in the annals, which was considered a disgrace to Lu. This shows clearly that one should not perform rites with a child. Why does a substitute son receive a title and command while dressed in the attire of an ordinary scholar? It is out of humility, not daring to act independently. Therefore, the Shi says: "The Ma Ge is bright red ," referring to when a substitute son first assumes his duties. After the Son of Heaven has been fully shrouded, he is referred to as Wang (Sovereign), indicating that subjects cannot go even one day without a ruler. Therefore, the Shangshu says: "Wang wore the Ma mian and Fu chang," which refers to after the great shrouding. How do we know this is not a later addition of the title Wang? Because it mentions welcoming Zi Zhao above, but does not mention welcoming Wang. Assuming the position of heir immediately after burial is due to subjects' hearts; one cannot go even a day without a ruler. Therefore, when the former ruler can no longer be seen, the later ruler assumes his position. Thus, the Shangshu states: "Wang bowed twice and rose to respond, then accepted the jade," clearly indicating that he was a successor ruler. Out of the principle of beginnings and endings, there cannot be two rulers in a single year. Hence, the Shangshu records: "Wang removed his ceremonial cap and returned to mourning attire," then resumed wearing the ceremonial robes and accepted the jade, being called Wang to receive envoys from vassal lords—this clearly indicates that he became ruler by succession. Removing the ceremonial cap and returning to mourning attire shows that before being called Wang, one does not yet govern affairs. One cannot have a year without a ruler, so after the mourning period one assumes the throne and changes the era name. The era name names the year, and the year records events; however, no decrees or commands are issued yet. How do we know that one assumes the throne and changes to a new era name after the mourning period? The Chunqiu Zhuan states: "Since vassal lords assume their positions after the mourning period, we also know that the Son of Heaven assumes his position after the mourning period." It further says: "The Son of Heaven waits three years before being called Wang and taking charge, issuing decrees and commands." This is what the Shangshu refers to when it says: "Gaozong observed mourning in seclusion for three years." The Lunyu states: "When a ruler passes away, all officials manage their duties and await orders from the Grand Minister for three years." Therefore, after completing the three-year mourning period, one assumes the throne to govern affairs, ascends the ancestral hall as ruler, faces south to receive officials and subjects, and is called Wang in order to issue decrees. Therefore, whether for the Son of Heaven or vassal lords, assuming one's position after three years completes the principle of beginning and ending."
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| | 未踰年君... : |
後漢許慎五經異義：「諸侯未踰年出朝會與不？出會何稱？春秋公羊說云：『諸侯未踰年不出境，在國中稱子，以王事出亦稱子，非王事而出會同，安父位，不稱子。鄭伯伐許，未踰年，以本爵，譏不子也。』左氏說：『諸侯未踰年，在國內稱子，以王事出則稱爵，詘於王事，不敢伸其私恩，鄭伯伐許是也。春秋不得以家事辭王事，諸侯藩衛之臣，雖未踰年，以王事稱爵是也。』」 |
| | Hou Han Xu Shen Wu Jing Yi Yi: "Should vassal lords attend court assemblies or not before the mourning period is completed? What title should they use when attending such meetings? The Gongyang Zhuan of the Chunqiu says: "Vassal lords do not leave their state before completing the mourning period. Within the country, they are called Zi; if they go out for royal affairs, they are also called Zi. If they attend meetings outside without royal business, they maintain their father's position and are not called Zi." Duke Zheng attacked Xu before completing the mourning period; he used his original title, which was criticized for not being called Zi." The Zuo Zhuan says: "Vassal lords who have not completed the mourning period are called Zi within their state; if they leave for royal affairs, they use their title. This is out of deference to royal business and a refusal to extend private filial affection—this was the case with Duke Zheng's attack on Xu." The Chunqiu records that one cannot use family affairs to refuse royal duties. Vassal lords and their border guards, even if they have not completed the mourning period, are allowed to use their titles for royal business. " "
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鄭玄駁云：「昔武王卒父，業既除喪，出至孟津之上，猶稱太子者，是為孝也。今未除喪而出稱爵，是與武王義反矣。春秋僖九年春三月丁丑，宋公禦說卒。夏，公會宰周公、齊侯、宋子、衛侯、鄭伯、許男、曹伯於葵丘。宋子即踰年君也，出與天子大夫會，是非王事而稱子邪！」 |
| | Zhang Heng refuted this, saying: "In the past, after King Wu's father passed away and he had already completed his mourning period, when he went out to Mengjin, he was still called Tai Zi; this was an act of filial piety. Now, if one leaves before completing mourning and uses his title, it is contrary to the meaning demonstrated by King Wu." In spring, third month, on the Dingchou day of the ninth year of Duke Xi's reign (Chunqiu), Gong Yushuo of Song died. In summer, the Duke met with Zai Zhou Gong, Lord Qi, Song Zi, Lord Wei, Lord Zheng, Master Xu, and Lord Cao at Kuichiu. Song Zi was the ruler who had completed his mourning period; he attended a meeting with the Son of Heaven's officials. Is this not royal business, yet he is still called Zi!"
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| | 未踰年君... : |
「未踰年之君繫父不？公羊說云：『未踰年之君皆繫於父，晉里克殺其君之子奚齊是也。』左氏說：『未踰年之君，未葬繫於父，殺奚齊於次時，父未葬。雖未踰年，稱子，成為君，不繫於父，齊公子商人殺其君舍，父已葬。』按禮制，君喪未葬已葬，儀各有差，嗣君號稱亦宜有差，左氏說是也。」 |
| | "Is a ruler who has not completed his mourning period tied to his father? The Gongyang Zhuan says: "A ruler who has not yet completed the mourning period is still tied to his father; this was the case when Li Ke of Jin killed his lord's son Xi Qi." The Zuo Zhuan states: "A ruler who has not completed the mourning period is tied to his father until burial; when Xi Qi was killed at that time, it was because his father had not yet been buried." Even if the mourning period has not passed, once he is called Zi and becomes a ruler, he is no longer tied to his father. This was the case when Gongzi Shangren of Qi killed his lord She; by then, his father had already been buried." According to ritual systems, whether the ruler's funeral has occurred or not, the ceremonies differ; accordingly, the titles of the successor should also vary. The Zuo Zhuan explanation is correct."
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周制，諸侯絕旁周，卿大夫絕緦。 |
| | The Zhou system stipulated that when a feudal lord died without an heir, the collateral branches of his family would succeed him; for officials and gentlemen, succession ceased at the level of 缌 mourning.
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漢魏故事無五等諸侯之制，公卿朝士服喪，親疏各如其親。 |
| | The Han and Wei dynasties did not have a system of five ranks of feudal lords; when high officials and court ministers observed mourning, the closeness or distance of their relationships was treated as if they were related by blood.
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魏制，縣侯比大夫。按大夫之庶妹，在室大功，適人降一等，當小功。 |
| | The Wei dynasty's system stipulated that county marquises ranked equivalent to gentlemen (daren). According to the rules, a gentleman's concubine sister who had not married observed mourning of major funeral rites; if she was married, her mourning rank would be reduced by one level and should observe minor funeral rites.
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| | 三公諸侯... : |
晉制，王公五等諸侯成國置卿者，及朝廷公孤之爵，皆旁親絕周，而旁親為之服斬；卿校位從大夫者，皆絕緦。摯虞以為：「古者諸侯君臨其國，臣諸父兄。今之諸侯不同於古，其尊未全，不宜便從絕周之制，而令旁親服斬縗服之重也。諸侯既然，則公孤之爵亦宜如舊。昔魏武帝建安中，已曾表上，漢朝依古為制，事與古異，不皆施行。施行者著在魏科，大晉採以著令。宜定新禮皆如舊。」詔從之。 |
| | The Jin dynasty's system stipulated that for dukes, marquises, and the five ranks of feudal lords who established their own states with officials, as well as noble titles held by high-ranking ministers in court, collateral relatives would cease mourning at the level of full funeral rites (zhan), while these collateral relatives observed mourning of zhan for them; For officials and military commanders whose ranks were equivalent to that of a gentleman, mourning would cease at the level of 缌. Zhi Yu believed: "In ancient times, feudal lords governed their states and were addressed as fathers or elder brothers by their subjects." The feudal lords of today are different from those in ancient times; their status is not entirely equivalent, and therefore they should not immediately follow the system of ceasing mourning at full funeral rites (zhan) for collateral relatives, nor should these collateral relatives be required to observe the heavy mourning rites of zhan or chou. If this is true for feudal lords, then noble titles such as Gong and Gu should also follow the old system. In the past, during the Jianan period of Wei Wu Di, it had already been proposed that the Han dynasty followed ancient systems, but since circumstances differed from those in antiquity, not all were implemented. Those measures that were implemented are recorded in the Wei statutes; the great Jin dynasty adopted them and issued official decrees. Therefore, new rites should be established as they were in the past." The imperial edict followed his suggestion.
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又衛尉昌邑侯滿瑋問淳于睿曰：「庶妹亡有服否？」睿云：「喪服，諸侯以尊降不服。」孔瑄議：「天子諸侯，誠不應服。又大夫降緦，尊與己敵，則不降。」姜輯議云：「三公爵命雖尊，班重諸侯，據在王朝，上厭天子，有由而屈，義不得伸耳。以例言之，宜依卿大夫降之服。」司空荀顗議以為：「諸侯絕周，大夫絕緦，然則尊同，周以及緦，皆如本親。喪服經：『君為姑姊妹女子子嫁於國君者。』傳曰：『何以大功？尊同也。』又曰：『大夫為伯叔父母、子、昆弟、昆弟之子為士者。』傳曰：『何以大功？尊不同也。』然則尊不同則降，不待所臣乃絕之。諸侯尊重，大夫尊輕，以大夫尊降其親，則知諸侯雖所不臣，絕不服也。」有司奏如顗議。 |
| | Also, Weiwei Changyi Hou Man Wei asked Chunyu Rui: "Should one observe mourning for a concubine sister who has died?" Rui said: "In the rites of mourning, feudal lords do not observe mourning because their status is considered too high." Kong Xuan argued: "Indeed, emperors and feudal lords should not observe mourning. Moreover, gentlemen reduce their mourning to the level of 缌; if one's status is equal to that of the deceased, then there is no reduction." Jiang Ji argued: "Although the titles of the Three Dukes are esteemed and their ranks surpass those of feudal lords, they remain within the imperial court. Their status is subordinate to that of the emperor; thus, there is a reason for them to be humbled, and by principle, they cannot assert themselves." By analogy, they should follow the mourning rites of officials and gentlemen with reduced ranks." Sikong Xun Yi argued: "Feudal lords cease mourning at the level of zhou, and gentlemen cease at si. If their status is equal, then mourning for both zhou and si should be observed as if they were one's own blood relatives." The Classic of Mourning Rites states: "A ruler observes mourning for his paternal aunts, sisters, and daughters who have married into the royal family." The Commentary says: "Why is major funeral rites (dagong) observed?" "Because their status is the same." It also says: "A gentleman observes mourning for his paternal uncles and aunts, sons, brothers, and the sons of his brothers who are commoners." The Commentary says: "Why is major funeral rites observed?" "Because their status differs." Therefore, if the status is different, mourning is reduced; it does not have to wait until one becomes a subject before ceasing. Feudal lords hold higher status, while gentlemen have lower; if a gentleman reduces mourning for his relatives due to his own low rank, then it is clear that even though feudal lords may not be subjects of the ruler, they do not observe any mourning at all." The relevant officials submitted a proposal in accordance with Xun Yi's opinion.
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又姜輯議安平王嗣孫薨諸王應降服云：「禮，父在斯為子，君在斯為臣。安平嗣孫，雖已誓於天子，據在臣子之位，五服之差，君臣殊制，其間豈復容他禮哉！君薨未踰年而代子卒者，猶稱子而名不成君，春秋之正義也。苟不成君，則群臣親戚必不得服其重服明矣。況安平王見在，而使諸王服嗣孫以諸侯之禮，未之敢安也。然諸侯以尊絕周，今嗣孫見在臣子之例，諸王公宜從尊降之禮，不應為制服也。昔秦滅五等，更封列侯，以存舊制。稱列侯者，若云列國之侯也，故策命稱國，終沒稱薨。漢魏相承，未之或改。大晉又建五等，憲章舊物，雖國有大小，輕重不侔，通同大體，其義一也。故詔書亭侯以上與王公同。又以為列侯以上策命建國者，皆宜依古諸侯，使絕周服。」 |
| | Jiang Ji also proposed regarding the death of Anping Wang Si Sun and whether other princes should reduce their mourning: "According to rites, when a father is alive, one acts as a son; when a ruler is present, one acts as an official. Anping Wang Si Sun, although he has already sworn allegiance to the Son of Heaven, still holds a position as an official and subject. The distinctions in mourning rites according to the five categories are determined by the relationship between ruler and subject; how could there possibly be room for any other rites in between!" When a ruler dies and before the mourning year has passed, if his successor also passes away, he is still referred to as "son" rather than being named as a ruler; this is the orthodox interpretation of the Spring and Autumn Annals. If one cannot be considered a ruler, then it is clearly evident that officials and relatives must not observe heavy mourning rites for him. Moreover, since the Prince of Anping is still alive, it would be inappropriate to have other princes observe mourning rites for his successor as if he were a feudal lord; we dare not accept such a practice. However, since feudal lords cease mourning at the level of "zhou" due to their high status, and now the successor is still within the category of a subject or official, princes and marquises should follow the rites that reduce mourning according to rank; they should not observe full mourning rites. In ancient times, after the Qin dynasty abolished the five ranks of feudal titles, it instead established marquisates to preserve the old system. Those who were granted the title of "Lie Hou" (Marquises) were akin to lords of vassal states; therefore, when they received their titles through imperial edicts, they were referred to by their fiefdoms, and upon death, it was said that they "heng." The Han and Wei dynasties followed this practice without change. The great Jin dynasty once again established the five ranks, following the old precedents. Although their fiefdoms varied in size and importance, they generally followed the same principles; the meaning was essentially the same. Therefore, by imperial decree, marquises of Ting Hou rank and above were treated equally with dukes and princes. It was also argued that those granted titles as marquises or higher, who received their fiefs through imperial edicts and established states, should all follow the ancient system of feudal lords by ceasing mourning at the level of "zhou."
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瑯琊中尉王奧問國王為太宰武陵服事云：「太宰降為庶人，諸侯貴，與庶人不敵，為不降邪？昆弟俱仕，一人為大夫，一人為士，便降，況諸侯而全持庶人服乎？」徐邈答云：「按禮以貴降賤，王侯絕周。以尊降卑，餘尊所厭，則公子服其母、妻、昆弟，不過大功。以嫡別庶，則父之所降，子亦不敢不降也。此三者，舊典也。喪服傳又曰：『始封之君，不臣諸父昆弟。』先儒以為不臣則服之。漢魏以來，王侯皆不臣其父兄，則事異於周，故厭降之節，與周不同。緦猶不降，況其親乎！既不以貴降，則餘尊之厭，故五服內外，通如周之士禮，而三降之典不行同矣。昔魏武在漢朝，為諸侯制，而竟不立。荀公定新禮，亦欲令王公五等皆旁親絕周。而摯仲理駮以為今諸侯與古異，遂不施行。此則是近代成軌也。記又云『古者不降』，故孟武、孟皮得全齊縗。然則殷周立制，已自不同，所謂質文異宜，不相襲禮。大晉世所行，遠同斯義。孔彭祖昔咨簡文帝諸王所服，聖旨以為近代以來，無復相降。」 |
| | Langya Zhongwei Wang Ao asked about the mourning rites a king should observe for Tai Zai Wu Ling: "The Tai Zai was reduced to commoner status. Since feudal lords are noble and their rank is not comparable to that of commoners, does this mean he should not reduce his mourning?" "If two brothers both hold official positions, one as a gentleman and the other as a commoner, mourning is still reduced. How much more so for a feudal lord who must fully observe the mourning rites of a commoner?" Xu Miao replied: "According to rites, one reduces mourning for those of lower status; thus, kings and marquises cease mourning at the level of 'zhou.'" When a person of higher status reduces mourning for someone of lower rank, and when other high-ranking individuals are present to overshadow the situation, then the sons of nobles observing mourning for their mothers, wives, or brothers should not exceed major funeral rites (dagong). When distinguishing between legitimate and concubine-born children, if a father reduces mourning, then the son also dares not fail to reduce it. These three principles are established in ancient precedents. The Commentary on the Rites of Mourning also says: "A newly enfeoffed ruler does not address his paternal uncles or brothers as subjects." Earlier Confucian scholars believed that if one is not a subject, then mourning rites should be observed. Since the Han and Wei dynasties, dukes and marquises did not regard their fathers or elder brothers as subjects; thus, the situation differed from that of the Zhou dynasty. Therefore, the rules regarding mourning reductions due to status differences also differ from those of the Zhou. If even mourning at the level of "si" is not reduced, how much less should it be for closer relatives! Since mourning is not reduced due to higher status, the principle of being overshadowed by other high-ranking individuals no longer applies. Therefore, within and outside the five categories of mourning rites, they are universally treated according to the rites for commoners in the Zhou dynasty; thus, the three reductions established in ancient times do not apply equally anymore. In the past, Wei Wu during the Han dynasty attempted to establish mourning rites for feudal lords but ultimately did not implement them. Xun Gong established new rites, also wishing that dukes, princes, and the five ranks all cease mourning at zhou for collateral relatives. However, Zhi Zhongli refuted this by arguing that feudal lords today are different from those of ancient times, and thus the system was not implemented. This then became an established practice in recent times. The records also say, "In ancient times mourning was not reduced," hence Meng Wu and Meng Pi were able to observe full mourning rites (qi chou). Therefore, the systems established by Yin and Zhou dynasties were already different; this is what is meant by differences in simplicity and sophistication—rites suited to their respective eras cannot be directly inherited. The rites practiced during the great Jin dynasty are consistent with this principle. Kong Pengzu once consulted Emperor Jianwen about mourning rites for the princes, and His Majesty's decree stated that since recent times, there had been no further reductions in mourning.
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虞喜釋滯曰：「漢魏以來，先儒論禮及喪服變除者，皆言大夫降其旁親為士者一等。時人或班駮行之，自謂合禮。按喪服經傳，始封之君不臣諸父兄弟，封君之子不臣諸父，封君之孫盡臣之矣。夫始封之君尚服諸父昆弟，而始為大夫便降旁親，尊者就重，而卑者即輕，輕重顛倒，豈禮意哉！然當有意，此為據諸侯成例，包於大夫以相兼通也。如此，則一代為大夫不降諸父，二代為大夫不降兄弟，三代為大夫皆降之。古者貴大夫有采邑，繼位不止一身。魯之三桓，鄭之七穆，皆其比也。或問曰：『今大夫雖不繼位，亦有三代皆為大夫者，名例相准，必當隨古乎？』答曰：『古重今輕，位無常居，使吾處之，志不存降。』」 |
| | Yu Xi explained: "Since the Han and Wei dynastie, earlier Confucian scholars discussing rites and changes in mourning practices have all stated that a gentleman should reduce the mourning rank of his collateral relatives who are commoners by one level. Some people at the time disputed and implemented this practice, claiming it to be in accordance with rites. According to the Classic of Mourning Rites and its Commentary, a newly enfeoffed lord does not regard his paternal uncles or brothers as subordinates; the son of an enfeoffed lord still does not treat his paternal uncles as subjects, but by the time it reaches the grandson of such a lord, all paternal uncles are regarded as subordinates. A newly enfeoffed lord still observes mourning rites for his paternal uncles and brothers, yet as soon as one becomes a gentleman (daren), he reduces the mourning rank of collateral relatives. Those in higher positions adopt heavier mourning, while those in lower ranks immediately reduce it; this reversal of weight and importance is not in accordance with the meaning of rites! However, there must be a rationale for this; it is based on established precedents regarding feudal lords and applies to gentlemen as well, serving as an inclusive principle. If this is the case, then in the first generation, a gentleman would not reduce mourning for his paternal uncles; in the second generation, he would not reduce it for his brothers; and by the third generation, all such reductions would apply. In ancient times, esteemed gentlemen held fiefs, and their succession did not depend on a single individual alone. The Three Huan of Lu and the Seven Mu of Zheng were all similar examples. Someone asked: "Nowadays, although gentlemen may not inherit positions, there are still cases where three generations have all been gentlemen. If we compare names and examples, must they necessarily follow the practices of antiquity?" The answer was: "In ancient times status was heavier; in modern times it is lighter. Positions are not fixed, and if I were to decide, my intention would be not to reduce mourning." ""
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| | 諸侯夫人... : |
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| | 諸侯夫人... : |
魏田瓊曰：「大夫女嫁於諸侯，降其家旁親一等，與出嫁降，并二等。為外親，尊不同則降。諸侯夫人為眾子無服。何以明之？據大夫於庶子大功，其妻亦服大功。今天子諸侯於眾子無服，夫人何緣獨得服之。又大夫妻為大夫之親，亦隨大夫而降一等。大夫之女嫁於大夫，還為其族親，尊不同者亦降之，唯父母、昆弟為父後者、宗子，亦不降也。士之女嫁於大夫者，亦降其族親不同尊者，如大夫也。又大夫之妻，為庶子女子在室大功，女適於士小功。此為大夫之妻尊與大夫同。大夫為伯叔父母子昆弟昆弟為士者，以尊降一等，為之大功，其妻亦服大功。」 |
| | Wei Tianqiong said: "When a lady of the rank of Daifu marries into a feudal state, her family's collateral relatives are reduced by one rank; this reduction combined with that due to marriage outside the state results in a total reduction of two ranks. As an external relative, if their status is not equal then they are reduced in rank. The consort of a feudal lord does not observe mourning rites for her concubine-born children. Why is this the case? This can be understood by reference to the case of a Daifu mourning his non-嫡 son with a major mourning (dagong) rite; his wife also observes the dagong mourning. Now, since the Son of Heaven and feudal lords do not observe mourning rites for their concubine-born sons, how could the consort possibly be justified in observing such rites alone? Moreover, the wife of a Daifu, when mourning relatives of her husband, also follows his rank and is reduced by one degree. When the daughter of a Daifu marries another Daifu, she still mourns her clan relatives; if their status differs from hers, they are also reduced in rank. However, her parents, brothers and sisters who are successors to her father's lineage, as well as the head of the family (zongzi), are not subject to reduction. The daughter of a Shi who marries into the rank of Daifu also reduces her clan relatives whose status differs from hers, just as in the case of a Daifu. Moreover, the wife of a Daif, when mourning her non-嫡 son's daughter who is still unmarried, observes the dagong rite; if this daughter marries into the rank of Shi, she mourns with a xiaogong rite. This demonstrates that the wife of a Daifu holds the same status as her husband. "A Daifu, mourning his paternal uncles and aunts' sons or brothers who are of the rank of Shi (and thus lower in status), reduces their mourning by one degree due to difference in status, observing dagong rites for them; his wife also observes dagong rites."
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晉賀循曰：「大夫妻，其娣姒其夫為士者，服亦降一等。」 |
| | Jin He Xun said: "The wife of a Daifu, regarding her sister-in-law whose husband is of the rank of Shi, also reduces mourning rites by one degree."
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魏田瓊云：「大夫之妻為長子三年，女子子嫁大夫大功。」 |
| | Wei Tianqiong said: "The wife of a high official observes three years of mourning for her eldest son, while the daughter who marries into a high official's family observes major mourning (dagong) for him."
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| | 貴不降服... : |
晉虞喜釋滯云：「古者不降，上下各以其親，此殷以前也。降殺之禮，始之於周。然先所未臣，不忍即臣之，故為之服也。此當出逸禮，采之以為義。滕伯文為叔父齊縗，此周代諸侯而從殷禮也。若殷時諸侯通爾，非獨一人，指論滕伯，欲以何明？明其在周，遠追於殷，引古徵今耳。」 |
| | Jin Yu Xi explained lingering doubts by saying: "In ancient times, mourning periods were not reduced; people of all ranks observed mourning according to their own familial relationships. This was the practice before the Yin dynasty. The custom of reducing or adjusting mourning periods began during the Zhou dynasty. However, for those who were not previously subjects, one hesitates to immediately treat them as such; thus, mourning is observed for them. This should be derived from lost ritual texts and adopted as a basis for interpretation. Teng Bowen observed mourning in the style of Qi sui (a specific mourning attire) for his uncle, which was a feudal lord following Yin dynasty rituals during the Zhou period. If such practices were common among feudal lords of the Yin dynasty, it was not unique to one individual; if we focus on discussing Teng Bowen alone, what purpose does that serve? It merely indicates that during the Zhou dynasty, they looked back to the Yin dynasty for guidance, using ancient customs to support contemporary practices."
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| | 貴不降服... : |
賀循云：「諸侯於其旁親，一無所服，唯父母、妻、長子、長子之妻及為父之後者、姑姊妹嫁於諸侯及始封之君所未臣諸父昆弟，皆以其服服之。大夫為其外親為士者，尊雖不同，亦不降。大夫女為國夫人，唯父母及昆弟為父後者不降。士女為大夫妻者，不降高祖、曾祖、祖、父母、兄弟為父後者及大宗子而已。」 |
| | He Xun said: "A feudal lord has no mourning obligations for his collateral relatives, except for his parents, wife, eldest son, the wife of his eldest son, and brothers who succeeded in place of his father. Also included are his paternal aunts and sisters who married into other feudal families, as well as uncles and brothers of the newly enfeoffed lord who were not yet his subjects; he observes mourning for them according to their respective ranks." A high-ranking official does not reduce the mourning period when observing it for his external relatives who are commoners, even though their ranks differ. The daughter of a high-ranking official who becomes the Lady of a State (guo funv) does not reduce mourning only for her parents and brothers who succeeded in place of her father. A commoner's daughter who becomes the wife of a high-ranking official does not reduce mourning for only her great-grandparents, grandparents, parents, brothers who succeeded in place of their fathers, and the head of the main family branch."
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後漢許慎五經異義云：「諸侯有妾母喪，得出朝會否？春秋公羊說：『妾子為諸侯，不敢以妾母之喪，廢事天子大國，出朝會，禮也。魯宣公如齊，有妾母之喪，經書善之。』左氏說云：『妾子為君，當尊其母，有三年之喪而出朝會，非禮也。故譏魯宣公。』按禮，妾母無服，貴妾子不立，而他妾子立者也。不敢以卑廢事尊者，禮也。即妾子為君，義如左氏。」鄭玄駮云：「喪服緦麻，庶子為後，為其母。此義自天子下至庶人同，不得三年。魯襄公所以得尊其妾母敬嬴為夫人者，以夫人姜氏大歸齊不反故也。因是言妾子立，母卒得為之三年，於禮為通乎！其服之間，出朝會無王事，與鄭伯伐許何異！」 |
| | Xu Shen of the Later Han in Wu Jing Yi Yi said: "If a feudal lord has the death of his concubine mother, may he attend court assemblies?" The Spring and Autumn Gongyang Commentary says: "A son of a concubine who becomes a feudal lord dares not neglect his duties to the Son of Heaven or the great states because of his concubine mother's death; thus, he attends court assemblies. This is in accordance with ritual." "Prince Xuan of Lu went to Qi and had the death of his concubine mother; the Annals recorded this as commendable."' The Zuo Zhuan commentary says: "A son of a concubine becomes a ruler, he should honor his mother; to have a three-year mourning period and yet attend court assemblies is not in accordance with ritual." "Therefore, Prince Xuan of Lu was criticized."' According to ritual, a concubine mother is not entitled to mourning attire; if the son of a noble concubine does not ascend the throne, then it must be the son of another concubine who has been enthroned. It is in accordance with ritual to dare not neglect duties to a superior because of one's own low status. "If the son of a concubine ascends the throne, the meaning is as stated in the Zuo Zhuan." Zhang Heng refuted by saying: "In mourning attire, a commoner son who succeeds as heir should mourn for his mother with the sī má (fine hemp) rite." This meaning applies equally from the Son of Heaven down to commoners; a three-year mourning period is not allowed. The reason why Prince Xiang of Lu was able to honor his concubine mother Jing Ying as a Lady, was because the Lady Jiang, who had been divorced and returned to Qi, did not return. Therefore, if a son of a concubine is enthroned, can his mother upon her death be mourned for three years? Is this in accordance with ritual? What difference exists between mourning attire and attending court assemblies without royal duties, compared to Duke Zheng's campaign against Xu!"
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鄭志趙商問云：「按許氏異義駮以為妾子為其母，依喪服庶子為後，為其母緦麻三月。按禘祫注稱春秋魯昭公十一年夏，夫人歸氏薨。十三年五月大祥，七月而禫。是得為妾母三年，經無譏文，得合下禘祫之數。若不三年，則禘祫事錯。」鄭玄答云：「春秋經所譏所善，皆於禮難明者也。其事著明，但如事書之，當按禮以正之。今以不譏為是，亦寧有善之文歟？」 |
| | Zhang Zhi, in a question posed by Zhao Shang, said: "According to Xu Shen's Yi Yi refutation, if the son of a concubine mourns for his mother, he should follow the mourning attire rules for a commoner heir mourning his mother with sī má for three months." According to the commentary on Di Xia, in the summer of the eleventh year of Duke Zhao of Lu's reign (as recorded in the Spring and Autumn Annals), Lady Gui passed away. In the thirteenth year, on the wuxu day of the fifth month the major mourning period ended, and in the seventh month the minor mourning period concluded. Thus, it is permissible to mourn a concubine mother for three years; there is no censure in the Annals, and this conforms with the count of Di Xia rituals. "If it were not for three years, then the matters related to Di Xia would be incorrect." Zhang Heng replied: "What is criticized or commended in the Spring and Autumn Annals are all matters where ritual is difficult to clarify." When a matter is clearly stated, it should simply be recorded as an event; one must follow ritual to correct it. "If we take the absence of censure as correctness, then is there also a record of commendation?"
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| | 諸侯為所... : |
薛公謀議曰：「按春秋，庶子為君，則母稱夫人。故昭公之母齊歸卒，經書曰『夫人歸氏薨』，言母以子貴也。及至國猶大喪，昭公不戚，叔向曰：『公室其卑乎！君有三年之喪，而無一日之戚。』明孔子以義書，叔向以禮譏也。」 |
| | Xue Gong Mouyi said: "According to the Spring and Autumn Annals, if a commoner son becomes ruler, then his mother is honored as Lady." Therefore, when the mother of Duke Zhao, Qi Gui, died, the Annals recorded it as "Lady Gui passed away," indicating that a mother is honored because of her son's status. When the funeral rites were still in progress, Duke Zhao did not show sorrow; Shu Xiang said: "The royal house will surely become humble!" "The ruler has a three-year mourning period but shows no sorrow even for one day."' "This demonstrates that Confucius recorded it according to righteousness, and Shu Xiang criticized it according to ritual." '
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| | 諸侯為所... : |
東晉穆帝永和中，尚書令顧和表：「按江夏公衛崇，本由疏屬，繼開國之緒，近喪所生，復行重制，違冒禮度，肆其私情，宜以禮奪服。」奏可。 |
| | In the Yonghe period of Emperor Mu of the Eastern Jin, Shangshu Ling Gu He submitted a memorial: "According to the case of Jiangxia Gong Wei Chong, who originally belonged to a distant branch but succeeded in continuing the founding dynasty's lineage, recently mourning for his biological mother and observing another major mourning rite violates ritual standards and indulges private emotions; he should be deprived of mourning attire according to ritual." The memorial was approved.
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