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袁世凯[View] [Edit] [History]ctext:442446
Read more...: Early life Years in Joseon Dynasty Korea Late Qing dynasty Retreat and return Wuchang Uprising and republic Abdication of child emperor Democratic elections Becoming emperor Second revolution Japans 21 demands Revival of hereditary monarchy Public and international reactions to dynastic monarchys revival Abandonment of monarchy and death Evaluation and legacy Pseudonyms Family
Early life
On 16 September 1859, Yuan was born as Yuan Shikai in the village of Zhangying, Xiangcheng County, Chenzhou Prefecture, Henan, China. The Yuan clan later moved 16 kilometers southeast of Xiangcheng to a hilly area that was easier to defend against bandits. There the Yuans had built a fortified village, Yuanzhaicun.
Yuan's family was affluent enough to provide Yuan with a traditional Confucian education. As a young man he enjoyed riding, boxing, and entertainment with friends. Though hoping to pursue a career in the civil service, he failed the Imperial examinations twice, leading him to decide on an entry into politics through the Huai Army, where many of his relatives served. His career began with the purchase of a minor official title in 1880, which was a common method of official promotion in the late Qing. Using his father's connections, Yuan travelled to Tengzhou, Shandong, and sought a post in the Qing Brigade. Yuan's first marriage was in 1876 to a woman of the Yu family who bore him a first son, Keding, in 1878. Yuan Shikai married nine more concubines throughout the course of his life.
Years in Joseon Dynasty Korea
In the early 1870s, Korea under the Joseon dynasty was in the midst of a struggle between isolationists under King Gojong's father Heungseon Daewongun, and progressives, led by Empress Myeongseong, who wanted to open trade. After the Meiji Restoration, Japan had adopted an aggressive foreign policy, contesting Chinese domination of the peninsula. Under the Treaty of Ganghwa, which the Koreans signed with reluctance in 1876, Japan was allowed to send diplomatic missions to Hanseong, and opened trading posts in Incheon and Wonsan. Amidst an internal power struggle which resulted in the queen's exile, the Viceroy of Zhili, Li Hongzhang, sent the 3,000 strong Qing Brigade into Korea. The Korean king proposed training 500 troops in the art of modern warfare, and Yuan Shikai was appointed to lead this task in Korea. Li Hongzhang also recommended Yuan's promotion, with Yuan given the rank of sub-prefect.
In 1885, Yuan was appointed Imperial Resident of Seoul. On the surface the position equalled that of ambassador but in practice, as head official from the suzerain, Yuan had become the supreme adviser on all Korean government policies. Perceiving China's increasing influence on the Korean government, Japan sought more influence through co-suzerainty with China. A series of documents were released to Yuan Shikai, claiming the Korean government had changed its stance towards Chinese protection and would rather turn to Russia for protection. Yuan was outraged yet skeptical and asked Li Hongzhang for advice.
In a treaty signed between Japan and Qing, the two parties agreed only to send troops into Korea after notifying the other. Although the Korean government was stable, it was still a protectorate of Qing. Koreans emerged advocating modernization. Another more radicalised group, the Donghak Society, promoting an early nationalist doctrine based partly upon Confucian principles, rose in rebellion against the government. Yuan and Li Hongzhang sent troops into Korea to protect Seoul and Qing's interests, and Japan did the same under the pretext of protecting Japanese trading posts. Tensions boiled over between Japan and China when Japan refused to withdraw its forces and placed a blockade at the 38th Parallel. Li Hongzhang wanted at all costs to avoid a war with Japan and attempted this by asking for international pressure for a Japanese withdrawal. Japan refused, and war broke out. Yuan, having been put in an ineffective position, was recalled to Tianjin in July 1894, before the official outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War.
Yuan Shikai had three Korean concubines, one of whom was Korean Princess Li's relative, concubine Kim. 15 of Yuan's children came from these three Korean women.
Late Qing dynasty
Yuan's rise to fame began with his nominal participation in the First Sino-Japanese War as commander of the Chinese garrison forces in Korea. Unlike other officers, however, he avoided the humiliation of Chinese defeat by having been recalled to Beijing several days before the outbreak of conflict.
As an ally of Li Hongzhang, Yuan was appointed the commander of the first New Army in 1895. Yuan's training program modernized the army, creating enormous pride, and earning him the loyalty of capable senior officers. By 1901, five of China's seven divisional commanders and most other senior military officers in China were his protégés. The Qing court relied heavily on his army due to the proximity of its garrison to the capital and their effectiveness. Of the new armies that formed part of the Self-Strengthening Movement, Yuan's was the best trained and most effective. His success opened the way for his rise to the top in both military and political sectors.
The Qing Court at the time was divided between progressives under the leadership of the Guangxu Emperor, and conservatives under the Empress Dowager Cixi, who had temporarily retreated to the Summer Palace as a place of "retirement". After the Guangxu Emperor's Hundred Days' Reform in 1898, however, Cixi decided that the reforms were too drastic, and plotted to restore her own regency through a coup d'état. Plans of the coup spread early, and the Emperor was very aware of the plot. He asked reform advocates Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and others to develop a plan to save him. Yuan's involvement in the coup remains a matter of debate among historians. Tan Sitong reportedly spoke with Yuan several days before the coup, asking Yuan to assist the Emperor against Cixi. Yuan refused a direct answer, but insisted he was loyal to the Emperor. Meanwhile, Manchu General Ronglu was planning manoeuvres for his army to stage the coup.
According to sources, including the diary of Liang Qichao and contemporary Chinese news sources, Yuan Shikai arrived in Tianjin on 20 September 1898 by train. It was certain that by the evening, Yuan had talked to Ronglu, but what was revealed to him remains ambiguous. Most historians suggest that Yuan had told Ronglu of all details of the Reformers' plans, and asked him to take immediate action. The plot being exposed, Ronglu's troops entered the Forbidden City at dawn on 21 September, forcing the Emperor into seclusion in a lake palace.
Making a political alliance with the Empress Dowager, and becoming a lasting enemy of the Guangxu Emperor, Yuan left the capital in 1899 for his new appointment as Governor of Shandong. During his three-year tenure the Boxer Rebellion (1899–1901) erupted; Yuan ensured the suppression of Boxers in the province, though his troops took no active part outside Shandong itself. Yuan took the side of the pro-foreign faction in the Imperial Court, along with Prince Qing, Li Hongzhang, and Ronglu. He refused to side with the Boxers and attack the Eight-Nation Alliance forces, joining with other Chinese governors who commanded substantial modernized armies like Zhang Zhidong not participating in the Boxer Rebellion. He and Zhang ignored Empress Dowager Cixi's declaration of war against the foreign powers and continued to suppress the Boxers. This clique was known as The Mutual Protection of Southeast China. In addition to not fighting the Eight-Nation Alliance and suppressing the Boxers in Shandong, Yuan and his army (the Right Division) also helped the Eight-Nation Alliance suppress the Boxers after the Alliance captured Beijing in August 1900. Yuan Shikai's forces massacred tens of thousands of people in their anti-Boxer campaign in Zhili. Yuan operated out of Baoding during the campaign, which ended in 1902.
He also founded a provincial junior college (Shandong College, the forerunner of Shandong University) in Jinan, which adopted western ideas of education.
In June 1902 he was promoted to Viceroy of Zhili, the lucrative commissioner for North China Trade, and Minister of Beiyang (北洋通商大臣), comprising the modern regions of Liaoning, Hebei, and Shandong. Having gained the regard of foreigners after helping crush the Boxer Rebellion, he successfully obtained numerous loans to expand his Beiyang Army into the most powerful army in China. He created a 2,000-strong police force to keep order in Tianjin, the first of its kind in Chinese history, as a result of the Boxer Protocol forbidding any troops to be staged close to Tianjin. Yuan was also involved in the transfer of railway control from Sheng Xuanhuai, leading railways and their construction to become a large source of his revenue. Yuan played an active role in late-Qing political reforms, including the creation of the Ministry of Education and Ministry of Police (巡警部). He further advocated ethnic equality between Manchus and Han Chinese.
In 1905, acting on Yuan's advice, Dowager-Empress Cixi issued a decree ending the traditional Confucian examination system that was formalized in 1906. She ordered the Ministry of Education to implement a system of primary and secondary schools and universities with state-mandated curriculum, modeled after the educational system of Meiji-period Japan. On 27 August 1908, the Qing court promulgated "Principles for a Constitution", which Yuan helped to draft. This document called for a constitutional government with a strong monarchy (modeled after Meiji Japan and Bismarck's Germany), with a constitution to be issued by 1916 and an elected parliament by 1917.
Yuan Shikai's Han-dominated New Army was primarily responsible for the defense of Beijing, as most of the modernized Eight Banner divisions were destroyed in the Boxer Rebellion and the new modernized Banner forces were token in nature.
Retreat and return
The Empress Dowager and the Guangxu Emperor died within a day of each other in November 1908. Sources indicate that the will of the emperor ordered Yuan's execution. Nonetheless, he avoided death. In January 1909, he was relieved of all his posts by the regent, Prince Chun. The public reason for Yuan's resignation was that he was returning to his home in the village of Huanshang (洹上村), the prefecture-level city of Anyang, due to a foot disease.
During his three years of effective exile, Yuan kept contact with his close allies, including Duan Qirui, who reported to him regularly about army proceedings. Yuan had arranged for the marriage of his niece (whom he had adopted) to Duan as a means to consolidate power. The loyalty of the Beiyang Army was still undoubtedly behind him. Having this strategic military support, Yuan held the balance of power between various revolutionaries (like Sun Yat-sen) and the Qing court. Both wanted Yuan on their side.
Wuchang Uprising and republic
The Wuchang Uprising took place on 10 October 1911 in Hubei province. The southern provinces subsequently declared their independence from the Qing court, but neither the northern provinces nor the Beiyang Army had a clear stance for or against the rebellion. Both the Qing court and Yuan were fully aware that the Beiyang Army was the only Qing force powerful enough to quell the revolutionaries. The court requested Yuan's return on 27 October, but he repeatedly declined offers from the Qing court for his return, first as the Viceroy of Huguang, and then as Prime Minister of the Imperial Cabinet. Time was on Yuan's side, and Yuan waited, using his "foot ailment" as a pretext to his continual refusal.
After further pleas by the Qing Court, Yuan agreed and eventually left his village for Beijing on 30 October, becoming prime minister on 1 November 1911. Immediately after that he asked the regent to withdraw from politics, which forced Zaifeng to resign as regent. This made way for Yuan to form a new, predominantly Han Chinese, cabinet of confidants, with only one Manchu as Minister of Suzerainty. To further reward Yuan's loyalty to the court, the Empress Dowager Longyu offered Yuan the noble title Marquis of the First Rank (一等侯), an honour only previously given to 19th century General Zeng Guofan for his raising of the Xiang Army to suppress the Taiping Rebellion. Meanwhile, in the Battle of Yangxia, Yuan's forces recaptured Hankou and Hanyang from the revolutionaries. Yuan knew that complete suppression of the revolution would end his usefulness to the Qing regime. Instead of attacking Wuchang, he began to negotiate with the revolutionaries.
Abdication of child emperor
The revolutionaries had elected Sun Yat-sen as the first Provisional President of the Republic of China, but they were in a weak position militarily, so they negotiated with the Qing, using Yuan as an intermediary. Yuan arranged for the abdication of the child emperor Puyi in return for being granted the position of President of the Republic of China. Yuan was not present when the Abdication edict was issued by Empress Dowager Longyu on 12 February 1912.
Sun agreed to Yuan's presidency after some internal bickering, but asked that the capital be situated in Nanjing. Yuan, however, wanted the geographic advantage of having the nation's capital close to his base of military power. Many theorized that Cao Kun, one of his trusted subordinate Beiyang military commanders, fabricated a coup d'état in Beijing and Tianjin, apparently under Yuan's orders, to provide an excuse for Yuan not to leave his sphere of influence in Zhili (present-day Hebei province). However, the claim that the coup was organized by Yuan has been challenged by others. The revolutionaries compromised again, and the capital of the new republic was established in Beijing. Yuan Shikai was elected Provisional President of the Republic of China by the Nanjing Provisional Senate on 14 February 1912, and sworn in on 10 March of that year.
Democratic elections
In February 1913, democratic elections were held for the National Assembly in which the Kuomintang (KMT – "Chinese Nationalist Party") scored a significant victory. Song Jiaoren of the KMT zealously supported a cabinet system and was widely regarded as a candidate for prime minister.
One of Song's main political goals was to ensure that the powers and independence of China's Parliament be properly protected from the influence of the office of the president. Song's goals in curtailing the office of the president conflicted with the interests of Yuan, who, by mid-1912, clearly dominated the provisional cabinet and was showing signs of a desire to hold overwhelming executive power. During Song's travels through China in 1912, he had openly and vehemently expressed the desire to limit the powers of the president in terms that often appeared openly critical of Yuan's ambitions. When the results of the 1913 elections indicated a clear victory for the KMT, it appeared that Song would be in a position to exercise a dominant role in selecting the premier and cabinet, and the party could have proceeded to push for the election of a future president in a parliamentary setting. On 20 March 1913, Song Jiaoren was shot by a lone gunman in Shanghai, and died two days later. The trail of evidence led to the secretary of the cabinet and the provisional premier of Yuan's government. Although Yuan was considered by contemporary Chinese media sources as the man most likely behind the assassination, the main conspirators investigated by authorities were either themselves assassinated or disappeared mysteriously. For lack of evidence, Yuan was not implicated.
Becoming emperor
Tensions between the KMT and Yuan continued to intensify. After arriving in Peking, the elected Parliament attempted to gain control over Yuan, to develop a permanent constitution, and to hold a legitimate, open presidential election. Because he had authorized $100 million of "reorganization loans" from a variety of foreign banks, the KMT in particular were highly critical of Yuan's handling of the national budget. Yuan's crackdown on the KMT began in 1913, with the suppression and bribery of KMT members in the two legislative chambers. Anti-Yuan revolutionaries also claimed Yuan orchestrated the collapse of the KMT internally and dismissed governors interpreted as being pro-KMT.
Second revolution
Seeing the situation for his party worsen, Sun Yat-sen fled to Japan in August 1913, and called for a Second Revolution, this time against Yuan Shikai. Subsequently, Yuan gradually took over the government, using the military as the base of his power. He dissolved the national and provincial assemblies, and the House of Representatives and Senate were replaced by the newly formed "Council of State", with Duan Qirui, his trusted Beiyang lieutenant, as prime minister. He relied on the American-educated Tsai Tingkan for English translation and connections with western powers. Finally, Yuan had himself elected president to a five-year term, publicly labelled the KMT a seditious organization, ordered the KMT's dissolution, and evicted all its members from Parliament. The KMT's "Second Revolution" ended in failure as Yuan's troops achieved complete victory over revolutionary uprisings. Provincial governors with KMT loyalties who remained willingly submitted to Yuan. Because those commanders not loyal to Yuan were effectively removed from power, the Second Revolution cemented Yuan's power.
In January 1914, China's Parliament was formally dissolved. To give his government a semblance of legitimacy, Yuan convened a body of 66 men from his cabinet who, on 1 May 1914, produced a "constitutional compact" that effectively replaced China's provisional constitution. The new legal status quo gave Yuan, as president, practically unlimited powers over China's military, finances, foreign policy, and the rights of China's citizens. Yuan justified these reforms by stating that representative democracy had been proven inefficient by political infighting.
After his victory, Yuan reorganized the provincial governments. Each province was supported by a military governor (都督) as well as a civil authority, giving each governor control of their own army. This helped lay the foundations for the warlordism that crippled China over the next two decades.
During Yuan's presidency, a silver "dollar" (yuan in Chinese) carrying his portrait was introduced. This coin type was the first "dollar" coin of the central authorities of the Republic of China to be minted in significant quantities. It became a staple silver coin type during the first half of the 20th century and was struck for the last time as late as the 1950s. They were also extensively forged.
Japans 21 demands
In 1914, Japan captured the German colony at Qingdao. In January 1915, Japan sent a secret ultimatum, known as the Twenty-one Demands, to Beijing. Japan demanded an extension of extraterritoriality, the sale of businesses in debt to Japan and the cession of Qingdao to Japan, and virtual control of finance and the local police. When these demands were made public, hostility within China was expressed in nationwide anti-Japanese demonstrations and an effective national boycott of Japanese goods. With support from Britain and the United States Yuan secured Japan's dropping part five of the demands, which would have given Japan a general control of Chinese affairs. However he did accept the less onerous terms and that led to a decline in the popularity of Yuan's government.
Revival of hereditary monarchy
To build up his own authority, Yuan began to re-institute elements of state Confucianism. As the main proponent of reviving Qing state religious observances, Yuan effectively participated as emperor in rituals held at the Qing Temple of Heaven. In late 1915, rumors were floated of a popular consensus that the hereditary monarchy should be revived. With his power secure, many of Yuan's supporters, notably monarchist Yang Du, advocated for a revival of the hereditary monarchy, asking Yuan to take on the title of Emperor. Yang reasoned that the Chinese masses had long been used to monarchic rule, the Republic had only been effective as a transitional phase to end Manchu rule, and China's political situation demanded the stability that only a dynastic monarchy could ensure. The American political scientist Frank Johnson Goodnow suggested a similar idea. Negotiators representing Japan had also offered to support Yuan's ambitions as one of the rewards for Yuan's support of the Twenty-One Demands.
On 20 November 1915, Yuan held a specially convened "Representative Assembly" which voted unanimously to offer Yuan the throne. On 12 December 1915, Yuan "accepted" the invitation and proclaimed himself Emperor of the Chinese Empire (中华帝国大皇帝 Zhōnghuá Dìguó Dà Huángdì) under the era name of Hongxian (洪宪 Hóngxiàn; i.e. Constitutional Abundance). The new Empire of China was to formally begin on 1 January 1916, when Yuan, the Hongxian Emperor, intended to conduct the accession rites. Soon after becoming emperor, the Hongxian Emperor placed an order with the former imperial potters for a 40,000-piece porcelain set costing 1.4 million yuan, a large jade seal, and two imperial robes costing 400,000 yuan each.
Public and international reactions to dynastic monarchys revival
The Hongxian Emperor expected widespread domestic and international support for his reign. British diplomats and bankers worked hard to help them succeed. They set up a five nation consortium that loaned his government £25 million in April 1913. However, he and his supporters had badly miscalculated. Many of the emperor's closest supporters abandoned him, and the solidarity of the emperor's Beiyang clique of military protégés dissolved. There were open protests throughout China denouncing the Hongxian Emperor. Foreign governments, including Japan, suddenly proved indifferent or openly hostile to him, not giving him the recognition anticipated. Sun Yat-sen, who had fled to Tokyo and set up a base there, organized efforts to overthrow the Hongxian Emperor. The emperor's sons publicly fought over the title of "Crown Prince", and formerly loyal subordinates like Duan Qirui and Xu Shichang left him to create their own factions.
Abandonment of monarchy and death
Faced with widespread opposition, the Hongxian Emperor repeatedly delayed the accession rites in order to appease his foes, but his prestige was irreparably damaged and province after province continued to voice disapproval. On 25 December 1915, Yunnan's military governor, Cai E, rebelled, launching the National Protection War. The governor of Guizhou followed in January 1916, and Guangxi declared independence in March. Funding for the Hongxian Emperor's accession ceremony was cut on 1 March.
Yuan formally abandoned the empire on 22 March after being emperor for only 83 days; primarily due to these mounting revolts as well as declining health from uremia. This was not enough for his enemies, who called for his resignation as president, causing more provinces to rebel. Yuan died of uremia at 10 a.m. on 6 June 1916, at the age of fifty-six.
Yuan's remains were moved to his home province and placed in a large mausoleum. In 1928, the tomb was looted by Feng Yuxiang and his soldiers during the Northern Expedition.
Yuan had a wife and nine concubines, who bore him 17 sons and 15 daughters, but only three were prominent: Prince Yuan Keding, Prince Yuan Kewen, and Prince Yuan Keliang.
Evaluation and legacy
Historians in China have considered Yuan's rule mostly negatively. He introduced far-ranging modernizations in law and social areas, and trained and organized one of China's first modern armies. But the loyalty Yuan had fostered in the armed forces dissolved after his death, undermining the authority of the central government. Yuan financed his regime through large foreign loans, and is criticized for weakening Chinese morale and international prestige, and for allowing the Japanese to gain broad concessions over China.
Jonathan Spence, however, notes in his influential survey that Yuan was "ambitious, both for his country and for himself", and that "even as he subverted the constitution, paradoxically he sought to build on late-Qing attempts at reforms and to develop institutions that would bring strong and stable government to China." To gain foreign confidence and end the hated system of extraterritoriality, Yuan strengthened the court system and invited foreign advisers to reform the penal system.
After Yuan's death, there was an effort by Li Yuanhong to revive the Republic by recalling the legislators who had been ejected in 1913, but this effort was confused and ineffective in asserting central control. Li lacked any support from the military. There was a short-lived effort in 1917 to revive the Qing dynasty led by the loyalist general Zhang Xun, but his forces were defeated by rival warlords later that year.
After the collapse of Zhang's movement, all pretense of strength from the central government collapsed, and China descended into a period of warlordism. Over the next several decades, the offices of both the president and parliament became the tools of militarists, and the politicians in Peking became dependent on regional governors for their support and political survival. For this reason, Yuan is sometimes called "the Father of the Warlords". However, it is not accurate to attribute China's subsequent age of warlordism as a personal preference, since in his career as a military reformer he had attempted to forge a modern army based on the Japanese model. Throughout his lifetime, he demonstrated an understanding of staffing, military education, and regular transfers of officer personnel, combining these skills to create China's first modern military organisation. After his return to power in 1911, however, he seemed willing to sacrifice his legacy of military reform for imperial ambitions, and instead ruled by a combination of violence and bribery that destroyed the idealism of the early Republican movement.
In the CCTV Production Towards the Republic, Yuan is portrayed through most of his early years as an able administrator, although a very skilled manipulator of political situations. His self-proclamation as Emperor is largely depicted as being influenced by external forces, especially that of his son, prince Yuan Keding.
A bixi (stone tortoise) with a stele in honor of Yuan Shikai, which was installed in Anyang's Huanyuan Park soon after his death, was (partly) restored in 1993.
Pseudonyms
Like many Chinese men before 1949, Yuan used and was referred to by many different names. His courtesy name was "Weiting" (Wade-Giles spelling: Wei-ting; 慰亭 Wèitíng |w = Wei4-t'ing2), and he used the pseudonym "Rong'an" (Wade-Giles spelling: Jung-an; 容庵 Róng'ān |w = Jung2-an1). He was sometimes referred to by the name of his birthplace, "Xiangcheng", or by a title for tutors of the crown prince, "Kung-pao".
Family
Paternal grandfather
• Yuan Shusan (袁澍三)
Father
• Yuan Baozhong (袁保中) (1823–1874), courtesy name Shouchen (受臣)
Uncle
• Yuan Baoqing (袁保庆) (1825–1873), courtesy name Duchen (笃臣), pseudonym Yanzhi (延之), Yuan Baozhong's younger brother
Wife
• Yu Yishang (于义上), daughter of Yu Ao (于鳌), a wealthy man from Shenqiu County, Henan; married Yuan Shikai in 1876; mother of Yuan Keding.
Concubines
• Lady Shen (沈氏), previously a courtesan from Suzhou
• Lady Lee (李氏), of Korean origin; mother of Yuan Bozhen, Yuan Kequan, Yuan Keqi, Yuan Kejian, and Yuan Kedu
• Lady Kim (金氏), of Korean origin; mother of Yuan Kewen, Yuan Keliang, Yuan Shuzhen, Yuan Huanzhen, and Yuan Sizhen
• Lady O, of Korean origin; mother of Yuan Keduan, Yuan Zhongzhen, Yuan Cizhen, and Yuan Fuzhen
• Lady Yang, mother of Yuan Kehuan, Yuan Kezhen, Yuan Kejiu, Yuan Ke'an, Yuan Jizhen, and Yuan Lingzhen
• Lady Ye (叶氏), previously a prostitute in Nanjing; mother of Yuan Kejie, Yuan Keyou, Yuan Fuzhen, Yuan Qizhen, and Yuan Ruizhen
• Lady Zhang, originally from Henan
• Lady Guo (郭氏), originally a prostitute from Suzhou; mother of Yuan Kexiang, Yuan Kehe, and Yuan Huzhen
• Lady Liu, originally a maid to Yuan Shikai's fifth concubine Lady Yang; mother of Yuan Kefan and Yuan Yizhen
17 sons
• Yuan Keding (袁克定) (1878–1958), courtesy name Yuntai (云台)
• Yuan Kewen (袁克文) (1889–1931), courtesy name Baocen (豹岑)
• Yuan Keliang (袁克良), married a daughter of Zhang Baixi
• Yuan Keduan (袁克端), married He Shenji (何慎基, daughter of He Zhongjing (何仲璟))
• Yuan Kequan (袁克权) (1898–1941), courtesy name Gui'an (规庵), pseudonym Baina (百衲), married a daughter of Toteke Duanfang (托忒克·端方)
• Yuan Kehuan (袁克桓), married Chen Zheng (陈徵, daughter of Chen Qitai)
• Yuan Keqi, married a daughter of Sun Baoqi
• Yuan Kezhen (袁克轸), married Zhou Ruizhu (周瑞珠, daughter of Zhou Fu (周馥))
• Yuan Kejiu (袁克玖), married Li Shaofang (黎绍芳, 29 December 1906 – 15 April 1945, second daughter of Li Yuanhong) in 1934
• Yuan Kejian (袁克坚), married a daughter of Lu Jianzhang (陆建章)
• Yuan Ke'an (袁克安), married Li Baohui (李宝慧) (daughter of Li Shiming (李士铭))
• Yuan Kedu (袁克度), married a daughter of the wealthy Luo Yunzhang
• Yuan Kexiang (袁克相), married firstly Zhang Shoufang (张寿芳, granddaughter of Na Tong (那桐)), married secondly Chen Sixing (陈思行, daughter of Chen Bingkun)
• Yuan Kejie (袁克捷), married Lady Wang (王氏)
• Yuan Kehe (袁克和), married a daughter of Zhang Diaochen
• Yuan Kefan (袁克藩), died young
• Yuan Keyou (袁克友), married a daughter of Yu Yunpeng (于云鹏)
15 daughters
Famous grandsons and great-grandsons
• Yuan's grandson, Luke Chia-Liu Yuan (1912–2003) was a Chinese-American physicist.
• Yuan's great-grandson, Li-Young Lee (1957–), is an Indonesian-born Chinese-American writer and poet.
袁世凯出身官宦家族,于清末投身淮军,后随军赴朝鲜参与平定壬午军乱,又在朝鲜甲申政变中指挥军队击溃日军,被清廷委以重任,回国组建新军,襄赞洋务运动及清末新政,自道员、巡抚、总督累升,至入值军机处,甚至总理大臣,成为清末头号权臣。1911年辛亥革命爆发后,孙文于南京就任中华民国临时大总统。1912年,袁世凯逼迫宣统皇帝逊位,由自己组建临时政府。
成为中华民国首任大总统后,其施政引发争议,中国国民党理事长宋教仁被刺导致二次革命,又与日本签署《中日民四条约》引发国内民众不满。1915年12月12日袁世凯宣布将改次年为洪宪元年并建立中华帝国,但由于国内多方势力的反对,1916年3月22日袁世凯宣布取消君主立宪国体,改元后仅82天(1916年为闰年)帝制便以失败收场。同年5月6日袁世凯同意将辞退大总统之位,但还来不及实现就于6月6日病逝,后来葬于河南安阳。
Read more...: 生平 早年生涯 崭露头角 小站练兵 清末政局 戊戌变法 庚子拳乱 清末新政 东山再起 镇压革命 湖北 河北 山西 山东 奉天 河南 安徽 南北和谈 大清帝国覆灭 中华民国总统 临时大总统 正式大总统 与日条约 背景 经过 筹建中华帝国 君主立宪背景 中华帝国结束 身后 任内施政 党狱方面 社会方面 文化方面 军事方面 经济方面 教育方面 政治方面 禁毒禁赌 评价 家族 袁世凯相关书籍 影视形象 注释
生平
早年生涯
1859年9月16日,袁世凯出生于河南省陈州府项城县袁张营(今项城市千佛阁办事处袁张营村)一个官宦家族。父祖多为地方名流。袁家在清道光年间开始兴盛,袁世凯的从叔祖父袁甲三曾署理漕运总督,并参与平定太平天国运动和捻军,为淮军重要将领。他出生的那天,袁甲三正好寄信至家,言与捻军作战得胜。他的父亲因此将他取名为「凯」,并按照家族族谱的谱名字辈「保世克家启文绍武」,给他命名「世凯」。
祖父袁澍三乃地方名绅,曾任陈留训导,父袁保中官至候补同知。叔父袁保庆曾在袁甲三的军中带兵,官至二品江南盐道道台。生母刘氏是项城县南顿人,袁保中的妾室。袁世凯自幼过继给袁保庆为嗣子,少年时随嗣父先后到济南、金陵等地读书。袁保庆病故后,1873年冬,堂叔袁保恒获同治帝三个月假期返回项城,与侄子袁世凯会面,袁世凯获得赴京念书的机会。
1874年农历新年过后,袁世凯与弟弟袁世廉在家中男仆的保护下来到北京,投奔在京任内阁中书的叔父袁保龄,袁保龄对二人的教育极为重视,聘请严师谢子龄管教二人,但袁保龄初见二人后对他们评价不高,认为袁世凯「资分并不高,而浮动非常」。11月,袁世凯生父袁保中病逝,据说袁世凯听闻「哀病失血,咽喉溃烂如蜂房,久不愈」。因为袁世凯已经出嗣,袁保龄未允许他回乡料理后事,只允许他回籍守孝。此后,袁世凯开始努力读书,有一定进步,袁保龄很高兴「凯侄八韵颇长进,文章尚不入门」。同年冬,袁保恒回到北京,开始更加严厉督促他。袁世凯愈加勤勉,学习十分投入。
1876年秋,袁世凯赴陈州参加乡试不中,一般认为袁世凯学术不精,致乡试不第。不过其落榜原因也有其他说法:袁世凯考得「项城县之府案首」,但河南学政瞿鸿禨在考陈州府时,不尊重知府吴重熹,吴重熹为此针锋相对两人结怨,瞿鸿禨于是取消了陈州各府属的府首,袁世凯因此成为牺牲品,虽然未能及第,但袁世凯于同年年底与沈丘于氏结婚,两年后诞下唯一嫡子袁克定,不过袁世凯与于氏关系并不融洽。袁保恒见袁世凯完婚,频繁招袁世凯回北京继续学习以考取功名,袁世凯最初也极为重视「然虽多病,亦不敢自弃。每当卧病,思己之功名不就,无不攘背而起,展书味读,但不知老天负我不负我乎」。1877年初,袁世凯回到北京,一度想外出谋职户口,袁保恒知道袁世凯的想法后断然否定。
1875年至1878年间,河南发生特大旱灾,史称「丁戊奇荒」。1877年4月30日,慈禧太后命身为刑部左侍郎的袁保恒前往河南赈灾,袁保恒于是偕袁世凯前往河南,12月30日出发,途中经过保定,袁保恒与李鸿章会面,请求帮助,李鸿章当即拨米三万石,但此时李鸿章是否见过袁世凯则不得而知。1878年1月16日,二人抵达开封。当时正值隆冬,大雪纷飞,十分寒冷,袁世凯冒著恶劣气候办公,为避免流言住在开封城外。在此期间,袁世凯目睹了饥民惨状,官军残杀,赈款不敷,曾感慨道「赈务实属万难」,但也下决心「尽此赤心,捐此腐躯,上以报国,下以报叔父」。当时开封流行瘟疫,5月,袁保恒认为自己身体强壮冒险前往检查粥厂,感染瘟疫,不久病逝。在接任的到达之前,袁世凯出色完成了交接任务。此后,袁世凯返回项城,移住陈州并在此与家人共同居住三年时间。期间,袁家在袁保龄的主持下召开会议讨论分家,但分家的结果目前尚无资料证明。在此期间,袁世凯「家居多暇,嗜酒好骑马,日饮数斗,驰骋郊原」,其性格「喜为人鸣不平,慷慨好施予,以善为乐」,袁世凯与知府吴重熹成为「诗酒友」,「雅敬爱之」。此外,袁世凯意外结交当时正在陈州授馆从事文牍工作,前往袁甲三祠园林游玩的徐世昌。相见第二天,二人拜为金兰,徐世昌为兄。袁世凯资助徐世昌兄弟二人赴顺天乡试,二人双双中举。
1879年秋,袁世凯致三哥袁世廉信中发誓:「弟不能博一秀才,死不瞑目」,未料再次乡试不中,因此将所学书籍付之一炬,并表示「大丈夫当效命疆场,安内攘外,乌能龌龊久困笔砚间,自误光阴」。1880年,袁世凯决定弃文就武,投靠吴长庆,加入庆军,吴长庆为袁保庆的结拜兄弟,出身淮军,为庆军统领,统率庆军六营驻防登州,督办山东防务。袁世凯从陈州出发,先前往上海,准备之后再前往山东登州即吴长庆大本营所在地。抵达上海后,袁世凯很喜欢这座城市,在一家旅店安顿下来,后四处寻找工作机会无果。在此困顿之际,袁世凯去了一家妓院,在此结识苏州籍妓女沈氏,二人相交甚欢,无话不谈。沈氏阅人无数,得知袁世凯身世后劝其尽快前往登州,投奔吴长庆,并用私房钱资助袁世凯。袁世凯发誓安定下来后回来迎娶沈氏,沈氏也表示袁走后会自己出钱赎身并等他回来。后来袁世凯将沈氏接到朝鲜生活。沈氏终身未育,袁世凯将次子袁克文过继给她为嗣子,北上途中,袁世凯结识阮忠枢,一见如故。袁慷慨资助阮,阮后成为其终生心腹。
1881年5月,袁世凯至山东登州,任「庆军」营务处会办。吴长庆对袁照顾十分周到,优待至极。由于袁尚未通过乡试,吴召来营中最好的老师张謇、周家禄、朱铭盘等人,向他们引见袁世凯,特意强调「今留慰亭读书,所以报笃臣也」。张謇、周家禄、朱铭盘等人于是每天督促袁功课,袁再度备考科举。此间,袁世凯称「近日作文太多,且盼家信,因呕血」。但是,他的作文在张謇眼里却是「文字芜秽,不能成篇」。由于张謇严厉直率,导致二人疏远。而周家禄则点到为止,以鼓励赞扬为主,袁「更喜周公」,后任直隶总督时请周入幕府,礼遇有加。
崭露头角
1882年,袁世凯23岁,藩属国朝鲜发生壬午军乱,朝鲜高宗李熙之父李昰应兵变夺权;亲中的朝鲜事大党请求清廷出兵平乱,袁世凯乃跟随吴长庆的部队前往协助吴长庆的幕僚马建忠设谋,要袁世凯将李昰应拘捕,李昰应被掳后,袁世凯以「通商大臣」身份驻朝鲜,协助朝鲜训练新建亲军与镇抚军,并控制税务。
1884年,朝鲜分化为新旧两派势力。一派是以闵妃为首的外戚集团,另一派则是要求改革的士大夫激进派。以金玉均激进派为代表的「开化党」人士发动甲申政变试图推翻被「事大党」及闵妃把持的政权,驻朝日军亦趁机行动欲挟制王室,袁世凯当机立断,指挥军队击退日本军,日本人对袁世凯恨之入骨。1885年,袁世凯被封为「清朝驻扎朝鲜总理交涉通商事宜」全权代表,维系清廷在朝鲜的宗主权及其他特权。1887年8月开始,朝鲜政府先后向日本和欧美各国派遣使节,以对国际社会宣示其外交自主。大规模的独立外交活动,引起清政府不满。
1894年初,朝鲜爆发东学党起义,形势紧张,朝鲜国王向中国借兵镇压,李鸿章同意出兵,6月4日清军开赴朝鲜。根据《中日天津条约》相关条款,6月7日清廷将出兵事宜知照日本,同日,日本驻北京公使小村寿太郎照会清廷称日本也已出兵。6月11日,日本公使大鸟圭介率军到达朝鲜京城。获悉清廷出兵后,起义军6月11日与朝鲜政府签订《全州和约》,朝鲜内乱有所缓和。6月12日大鸟圭介主动与袁世凯会晤,商谈共同撤兵,但日本内部对此不满,在没有达到全部目的前拒绝撤兵,中日双方对此相持不下,7月25日,日本军队在丰岛海面对清军发动袭击,挑起丰岛海战,进而引爆中日甲午战争。
1894年10月24日,日军第一军突破清军鸭绿江防线,侵入中国。袁世凯唯恐奉天危急,以筹粮为口实,躲到新民厅。遭李鸿章的训斥,令速到前线,袁世凯才赶到九连城,不久又逃至新民厅。
小站练兵
中日甲午战争以清军海陆皆败收场,袁世凯奉命随军撤回天津。因袁世凯在朝鲜时期表现突出,有「知兵」之名,李鸿章等大臣乃于1895年举荐袁世凯负责督练新军,光绪皇帝和慈禧太后命袁世凯接替胡燏棻练兵。袁世凯派人到鲁、苏、皖、豫等地招募2250名步兵,300名骑兵,再加上4750名定武军,袁世凯开始在天津与塘沽之间的小站的练兵,史称「小站练兵」,这股兵力后来成为清末陆军主力,也是北洋军阀的雏形。
袁世凯在小站练兵以德军为蓝本,制订一整套近代陆军的招募制度、组织编制制度、军官任用和培养制度、训练和教育制度,以及粮饷制度等内容的建军方案,基本上摒弃了八旗、绿营和湘军、淮军的旧制。在军事装备上,袁世凯注重武器装备的近代化和标准化,采用西方的先进技术,强调实施新法训练的严格性。小站练兵培养了一大批近代新军事人才,加快了旧军队的淘汰,促进了清军的近代化。
袁世凯善于笼络人心,事必躬亲,重视官兵福利,亲自监督发饷,避免贪污舞弊,重视军人的装备是否齐全,士兵非常爱戴、感念。他也善用洗脑方法,每日操课前后,军官都有「三问」,第一问:「我们吃谁家的饭?」所有士兵齐声回答:「袁宫保的饭!」。二问;「我们穿谁家的衣?」齐答:「袁宫保的衣!」第三问:「那我们为谁家死,为谁家出力?」齐答:「为袁宫保死,为袁宫保出力!」士兵们皆将袁世凯视为衣食父母,敬若神明。竟达到了只知有袁宫保,不知有大清朝的程度。
清末政局
1895年,袁世凯与徐世昌、张之洞等都列名参加康有为建立的强学会,并出资赞助。
戊戌变法
戊戌变法期间,光绪帝近臣康有为与慈禧太后发生激烈争斗。手握重兵的袁世凯成为双方争夺的对象。1898年9月16日,光绪帝听从康有为建议,召见袁世凯,赏候补侍郎,责成专讲练兵事务,并随时具奏应办事宜。17日,康有为接到光绪帝密诏,密诏中光绪帝认为自己皇位不保。于是康有为派谭嗣同游说袁世凯,要他举兵勤王。当晚,谭嗣同与袁世凯秘密在京郊法华寺见面,谭嗣同要求袁世凯率领敢死将士数百,拥光绪帝登上午门,杀荣禄,除旧党。袁世凯表示誓死效忠皇上,但表示立即举兵勤王有困难,「杀荣禄乃一狗耳,然吾营官皆旧人,枪弹火药皆在荣禄处,且小站去京二百馀里,隔于铁路,虑不达事泄。若天津阅兵时,上驰入吾营,则可以上命诛贼臣矣。」谭嗣同无奈同意。
• 根据史料记载,戊戌时袁世凯倾向维新派,并未主动告密,袁世凯亲信张一麐所著《心太平室集》和荣禄亲信陈夔龙所记《梦蕉亭杂记》,其真实情况是9月21日(八月初六)晚袁世凯听到杨崇伊从北京带来的政变消息,袁世凯以为密谋已经泄露,为避免自己被牵扯上罪责为族灭的叛国罪,于是将情况告知荣禄,这只是脱身之举。
• 但也有部分人认为,在20日,袁世凯向光绪帝辞行后乘火车回天津,立刻向荣禄告密,二人商议对策(一说袁世凯离京前密告给军机大臣礼亲王世铎)。荣禄即日回京密奏慈禧太后,慈禧于翌日宣布训政,囚禁光绪帝。
庚子拳乱
义和团在山东排教,以私刑方式杀死许多外国和中国基督徒,引发欧洲各国不满。1897年11月山东曹州府爆发「曹州教案」,两名德国神父被杀。由于此地的天主教圣言会受德国庇护,11月6日德国以此冲突为藉口出兵山东,武装侵占胶澳地区。后引起连锁反应,俄、英、法等竞相效尤,纷纷争占租借地。在此期间,袁世凯考虑到既要防止德国等列强继续入侵,又要防止民众因生计而继起反抗,进而引发教案,使列强乘机宣战,先后向山东巡抚张汝梅、北洋大臣直隶总督王文韶、代理营务的徐世昌出谋划策,预筹战备。袁世凯提出的建议促使清廷认识到山东局势的严重性。1899年5月1日,荣禄命令袁世凯和聂士成各率所部,开往山东境内演习。袁世凯此行的目的,公开宣布的是「藉以弹压匪类,保护教民」,实则是遏制德军。
义和团兴起于山东后,历任山东巡抚李秉衡、张汝梅和毓贤在不同程度上同情义和团,并直接或间接地支持拳民,其中毓贤态度尤为明显,甚至煽动民众闹事袭扰洋人,这引起列强对他的不满。1899年12月5日,美国公使康格径向总理衙门提出,要求撤换毓贤,以平息山东民教纠纷,美国公使称:「假如没有足够武力的话,可把天津操练得很好的军队调去协助」,不点名的推荐袁世凯代替毓贤。此意见亦符合慈禧太后及荣禄罢免毓贤,任命袁世凯的想法。12月6日,袁世凯被任命为署理山东巡抚。但而后义和团团民进入北京,并在慈禧太后同意之下开始杀害外国人,造成了庚子拳乱,1900年,八国联军之役爆发,山东省在袁世凯治下得以维持稳定,并且加入东南互保。
清末新政
1901年李鸿章去世,袁世凯接任直隶总督、北洋大臣,成为疆臣之首、北洋之主,同年他顺利从八国联军手中接收天津。任直隶总督期间,袁世凯大力襄赞新政,包括废除科举、兴办学校、督办新军、发展实业、奖设工商等。1901年上奏呈请建立山东大学堂(今山东大学前身),后来参与到北洋大学(今天津大学前身)、北洋工艺学堂(今河北工业大学前身)的建设中,他一手创办的北洋军医学堂成为今天中华民国最高层级的军医学校国防医学院。由他倡导的北洋新区,是中国地区率先采用西方现代城市规划理念而建成的城市新区。袁世凯以小站练兵为基础,在保定编练北洋常备军六镇,后改称为北洋陆军重新编制,总兵额达7万人。
1905年9月2日,直隶总督袁世凯、湖广总督张之洞奏请立停科举,推广学堂。10月23日,陆军在河间府会操,共有二镇四协计3.32万馀人,清廷派阅操大臣袁世凯、铁良前往校阅;10月25日会操结束。为中国地区历史上首次大规模现代化正式野战演习。
1906年2月5日,直隶总督袁世凯、署两江总督周馥、署两广总督岑春煊、湖广总督张之洞电请外务部转商驻京英公使萨道义,减少进口印度鸦片;2月6日,英公使萨道义答覆限制印度鸦片事,须俟中国自限栽种罂粟有效,始允照办。2月11日,袁世凯奏设高等师范学堂于天津,山东、河南、陕西、山西、奉天等省均可派生附学。2月17日,袁世凯奏设矿务总局于天津,严禁私售矿产于外人。4月27日,袁世凯派武备学生分赴德、奥学习陆军。5月25日,清廷电饬袁世凯、赵尔巽、程德全等协力进剿马贼。6月13日,直隶总督袁世凯派马队1,200人剿办马贼。6月28日,直隶总督袁世凯批准北洋银圆局立案开办劝业铁工厂。7月22日,直隶总督袁世凯奏称,法国撤减直隶驻兵,交还廊坊、杨村、北戴河、秦皇岛、山海关各处兵营。8月6日,出使各国考察政治大臣戴鸿慈、端方到达天津,同袁世凯讨论筹备立宪及改革官制等事。8月9日,袁世凯会商两大臣奏改官制,并饬办学各绅商会议地方自治制度。8月23日,袁世凯委周学熙、孙多鑫收回唐山洋灰公司。10月22日,新建陆军在河南彰德举行秋操大典,袁世凯、铁良为总校阅官,10月25日举行阅兵仪式。11月18日,袁世凯片请开去参预政务等项兼差,又请将陆军第一、三、五、六各镇归陆军部统辖,直境第二、四两镇由其统辖督练。11月20日,清廷准袁世凯片,开去各项兼差,并谕全国陆军均归陆军部统辖,第二、四两镇暂由该督调遣训练。12月21日,端方奏称已商请袁世凯先后调拨「海圻」、「海筹」、「海容」、「海琛」、「飞鹰」五舰入江,以资镇慑。
1898年的戊戌维新因守旧势力的强烈反对而未能推行。《辛丑和约》后,立宪声浪日涨,慈禧太后宣布预备立宪,领导者正是掌握北洋大权的袁世凯。1906年8月26日,清廷谕派醇亲王载沣、军机大臣奕劻、政务处大臣张百熙、大学士孙家鼐等暨参预政务大臣袁世凯,公同阅看考察各国政治大臣条陈各折件,请旨办理。8月27日,慈禧太后召见袁世凯,袁面奏先组织内阁,从改革官制入手。8月28日,清廷帝后召见大学士、军机大臣、直督袁世凯等,讨论出使各国考察政治大臣条陈各折件,商讨实施立宪事宜。9月2日,清廷为厘定官制,派载泽、世续、戴鸿慈及袁世凯等14人公同编纂,并命端方、张之洞等六总督派员至京随同参议,由奕劻、孙家鼐、瞿鸿禨总司核定;是日至10月7日,编纂诸大臣接连在朗润园会议官制。9月13日,清廷据袁世凯奏请于奉天省安东县大东沟设海关分卡,归安东关兼辖。9月26日,袁世凯刊刻各国官制大略及组织之用意,分送各王大臣及政界中人。9月30日,户部尚书铁良反对改革官制,与袁世凯大起冲突,镇国公载泽严劾铁良阻挠立宪。10月9日,内阁学士文海奏,欲去军机大臣,设大总理,是欲学从前之日本权在大将军,请即行裁撤厘定官制馆,并请饬袁世凯速回本任。10月17日,袁世凯编刊《立宪纲要》,颁发直隶各属。由袁世凯主导的官制改革方案出炉,因对满清亲贵不利,又遭反对。慈禧又改换其他大臣继续制定方案,最终形成对满人官员有利的方案。
1907年1月13日,清廷谕军机大臣著直督袁世凯迅饬提督夏辛西统带原统队伍,前往山东督办兖(州)曹(州)剿匪事宜。3月13日,盛京将军赵尔巽、直隶总督袁世凯联电外务部,请与日使议订《满韩陆路通商详细专章》。3月29日,都察院代表直隶、江苏、山东三省京官筹款自建津镇铁路,清廷谕军机大臣著袁世凯、张之洞妥商办理。5月17日,袁世凯派蔡廷干统带军舰「海容」、「海圻」两艘游历南洋,藉以保护华侨。6月17日,清廷以军机大臣、协办大学士、外务部尚书瞿鸿禨「徇私溺职」命开缺回籍,朝野为之震动,是为清末「丁未政潮」。党争中林绍年请辞。7月10日,外务部以中俄北满洲税关章程业已互换,咨南洋大臣端方、北洋大臣袁世凯,北满洲税关定期开关。7月12日,御史赵炳麟奏劾袁世凯权重势高,并引年羹尧为比。7月28日,袁世凯奏请赶紧实行预备立宪,条陈管见十事,其要旨为:建政府、设资政院、办地方自治、普及教育、融化满汉界限;袁世凯奏请简派明达治体之大臣,分赴德国日本会同出使大臣考察宪法,并请简择王公近支聪颖特出者遣赴英国德国学习政治兵备,助预备立宪之施行。
1907年8月18日,天津县议事会成立,选出正、副议长。8月24日,清廷电召直隶总督袁世凯入京陛见,8月30日袁入京。8月30日,袁世凯奏请以天津为模范,计划全省自治办法,期以三年一律告成,以为预备立宪之基。9月4日,清廷命外务部尚书吕海寰开缺,充会办税务大臣,以直隶总督袁世凯为外务部尚书;任大学士张之洞、外务部尚书袁世凯为军机大臣。10月26日,湖北按察使梁鼎芬奏劾奕劻、袁世凯贪私误国,徐世昌、杨士骧、陈夔龙等夤缘比附,清廷诏以其摭拾空言,有意沽名,传旨申斥。同时也使袁氏疏远军事,有明升暗降之嫌。同年,在袁世凯的运作下,中国第一支新式地方警察队伍及最早的近代地方议会组织(天津议会),均正式成立于天津;同时,袁又下令直隶各州试验地方选举、地方自治和司法独立。
1908年光绪帝、慈禧太后相继去世,溥仪继位,因溥仪年幼而由隆裕太后垂帘听政,醇亲王载沣任摄政王。3月9日,康有为致书梁启超,力主联络肃亲王善耆以打击袁世凯。由于载沣反对袁世凯的许多新政措施,并建议隆裕太后解除袁世凯所有职务,于是隆裕下诏解除袁的职务(根据溥仪回忆录,载沣认为其兄光绪帝系袁世凯谋害,亟思报仇,但袁掌握军系人脉,无法断然下手),袁见形势不利,决定称疾返回河南,最初隐居于辉县,后转至彰德府洹上村(今河南省安阳市)。在此期间,袁韬光养晦,隐居时仍关心政事。
东山再起
1911年10月10日新军陆军第八镇兵变,引爆武昌起义,并成立以黎元洪为都督的中华民国军政府鄂军都督府;后相继有多个省宣布独立,支持反清;为取得交战的合法地位,各方反清势力均主张组建中央临时政府。清政府内部清楚知道中国国内,仅有北洋军可以抵抗叛军,于是命陆军大臣荫昌率军南下镇压起义,但荫昌无力驾驭北洋军。奕劻及内阁协理大臣那桐、徐世昌等人深感局势严重,一致主张起用袁世凯,英美等国公使也建议起用袁世凯,载沣见内外一致认为「非袁不能收拾局面」,唯有于10月14日任袁世凯为湖广总督,派其南下压制起义。
镇压革命
湖北
1911年10月27日,袁世凯接任钦差大臣,任命冯国璋为第一军总统,立即对湖北革命军展开攻势。30日,冯国璋纵火焚烧汉口,迫使革命军退守汉阳,11月27日又攻占汉阳,革命军撤入武昌。
河北
1911年12月18日,耿世昌率领五百馀革命党人,发动任丘县起义。袁世凯闻讯,从保定调动两营淮军前来围剿,最终将其彻底剿灭。
1912年1月3日,滦州起义军在知府衙门宣布起义,成立北方军政府,声明从属中华民国,议和期内「袁氏不得派兵来攻」。袁世凯则拘禁冯玉祥在海阳,令其无法与之会师。
山西
吴禄贞遇刺后,燕晋联军破产,袁世凯派北洋军第三镇开赴山西,兵迫娘子关。1911年12月12日,北洋军炮轰娘子关,革命军弃关退走。
山东
1911年11月12日,山东宣布独立,袁世凯任命张广建为山东布政使、吴炳湘为巡警道,赴济南迫使都督孙宝琦取消独立。
奉天
1912年1月,蓝天蔚筹划组织北伐军两千人在烟台登陆。26日,袁世凯电告赵尔巽:「蓝天蔚现暂驻烟台为根据地,拟日内派一支队于貔子窝附近登岸,其馀大队于日本租界域外之地点登岸,进攻奉天、牵制北方各军,希饬严密探访。」又派人到渖阳跟赵尔巽和谘议局议定办法五条,其中第三条是严搜民党,第四条是驱逐「急进会」会长张榕。
河南
12月29日起,陕西革命军陆续东征,袁世凯令第二镇统制王占元、第六镇协统周符麟集中兵力,挟野炮山炮五六十门向民军进攻,又增调毅军十营,将革命军击退至陕西潼关。又将革命党人刘纯仁、纪宗义、刘建中三人杀害。
安徽
1911年12月,淮上军欲西征驰援河南,袁世凯调北洋第三镇两千多人南下阻击,又派河南布政使倪嗣冲率武右军进入安徽,于12月10日攻陷太和,继则扑向颍州。于15日破城,「以剪发为革命军符号,杀之无遗。」
南北和谈
随著战事延长,部分革命党人、相继独立的各省、海外华侨希望袁世凯赞助共和,他们中有的希望袁回旗北向对付清廷,有的发出推举其担任筹备中的中华民国首任大总统的邀请。如10月27日,黎元洪劝袁率部下健儿回旗北向;11月2日,伦敦和芝加哥华侨电报,称袁世凯资格,适于总统;11月9日,革命党人黄兴以南方民军司令名义亲自致电袁世凯,将袁世凯与拿破仑和华盛顿做类比,表示若袁能直捣黄龙,南北各省都会听命于他;11月12日,黎元洪又向袁世凯表示,只要袁「能来归」,第一任之中华共和国大总统就非袁莫属。
另一方面,10月29日张绍曾等将领联名向朝廷施压,请求清廷尽快立宪,以政治变革回应南方独立各省立宪派的诉求,史称滦州兵谏。兵谏次日,清廷便宣布特赦国事犯(即政治犯),解除党禁。11月1日清政府又宣布解散满人皇族内阁,11月3日颁布《宪法重大信条十九条》,资政院于11月8日推举袁世凯为内阁总理大臣,期间其居住于锡拉胡同19号四合院,原为慈禧之故居。11月13日袁世凯从南方抵京组建组阁,11月16日以汉人为主的袁世凯内阁名单公布。11月26日,北洋军一举攻克汉阳,这样既能给清政府内部主战派有所交代,又能迫使黎元洪谈判。同时,英国驻华公使朱尔典有意调停战事,愿意促成袁世凯内阁与黎元洪停战议和。在起义军节节失利的情况下,黎元洪通过英国驻汉口总领事与袁世凯联络,有意停战,并于11月30日达成停战协议。12月2日,《时报》发表袁世凯的政见,他呼吁各方以大局为重,满汉两族冰释前嫌,主张清廷君主立宪,以避免国家分裂,他会与进步党中的民主共和派和君主立宪派通力合作,使各事都能处置妥当。他说:
大清帝国覆灭
在南方独立各省为组建中央临时政府召开的联合会中,1911年12月2日《汉口会议》确定「虚临时总统之席以待袁君反正来归」。12月4日的《上海会议》根据《汉口会议》的精神,决定暂缓选举临时大总统,以虚位待袁,同时决定大总统职权暂由大元帅行使,选举黄兴为大元帅,遭到黎元洪等人反对。《南京会议》改选黎元洪为大元帅,因其在武昌,不方便到南京工作,所以让黄兴代职。而黄兴力辞不就,组建中央临时政府陷入僵局。12月18日,袁世凯和黎元洪派代表在上海就政体、清皇室善后、大总统的确立等问题展开讨论,南北达成共识,召开国民会议表决相关议题,根据当时的形势,袁世凯无疑将当选民国首任总统。这样的结果是同盟会不愿接受的,12月29日,同盟会连夜赴南京召集代表开会,提出成立政府,并选出孙中山为南京政府临时大总统,12月31出版的《纽约时报》报道指出参加这次选举的代表未经各省民意正式授权,仅持有各省督军或领导人信函。孙中山致电袁世凯,解释原因称东南各省久缺统一机关,行动困难,总统之职只是暂时担任。
1912年1月11日,北洋军全体将领通电清廷,称军情紧急,请求王公大臣捐献私财,毁家纾难,共济时艰。这其实是袁世凯压制清廷主战派的手段。1月12日,奕劻配合袁世凯在宫廷会议上提出皇帝退位和民国政府优待清室条件。1月16日袁世凯亲自上奏隆裕太后,说自古无不亡之国,大清皇帝退位仍能保持尊号,享受岁费。在当日上午退朝回家路上,袁世凯遭到中国同盟会京津分会组织的炸弹暗杀,炸死袁侍卫队长等十人,袁幸免于难。袁世凯后来称病休息,但继续让他的亲信代他逼宫。1月18日,孙中山以提出《五条要约》的方式向袁世凯摊牌,企图做实南京临时政府。经过反覆修改又于1月22日以公诸报端的方式将幕后谈判全部曝光,势同最后通牒,这不但令袁世凯极其尴尬和不满,也让议和全权代表伍廷芳尽失颜面。袁世凯以孙中山提出的条件与南北双方协商的内容不一致为由拒绝接受,袁世凯认为,如果清帝退位后各国不能及时承认中华民国,南京临时政府又不能统一中国,中国便成无政府状态,这样就无法维持秩序,对付外人。如果孙中山一定坚持己见,他不得不作废先前谈妥之事。期间,革命党孙中山黄兴与陈其美等人同时推动向英日俄等外国势力借款,以筹备与袁决战,但未能如愿。袁为少生枝节,屡屡向孙妥协,同意同盟会多人进入总长之列,同盟会最终如愿以偿。袁世凯于是加快了逼宫的脚步,1912年1月26日,在袁世凯授意下,段祺瑞等北洋军五十位将领发布了《北洋五十将乞共和电》,向隆裕太后逼宫,不久,段祺瑞又发表《乞共和第二电》,直接挑明「谨率全军将士入京,与王公剖陈利害」,直接以武力恐吓隆裕太后,隆裕于2月12日颁降懿旨,接受《优待清室条件》,幼帝溥仪退位,清帝国把政权交给袁世凯,让他组织临时共和政府,清朝统治宣告终止。她在《宣统帝退位诏书》中说:
中华民国总统
临时大总统
南北议和后,1912年2月13日,袁世凯通电「赞成共和」,孙中山向临时参议院提出辞职咨文,2月14日南京临时参议院批准。2月15日,南京参议院正式选举袁世凯为中华民国临时大总统。
袁世凯迫使清帝退位后,孙中山及南京临时政府为了防范袁世凯独裁,维护民主共和制度,制定了《中华民国临时约法》,变总统制为责任内阁制,孙中山辞职时提出了定都南京、新总统到南京就职和遵守《中华民国临时约法》三项条件。袁在复电中称自己「德薄能鲜,不敢承担总统一职;如今北方危机四伏,险象环生,目前不便南下;自己经反覆思量后,与其孙大总统辞职,不如世凯退居」,电报公布后,各方舆论纷纷反对定都南京。孙中山随后与临时参议院讨论投票决定定都地点,结果参议院以20票的压倒多数反对定都南京,但孙仍坚持主张,最后在黄兴的威胁及吴玉章等人的疏通下,临时参议院又重新投票,并以19票比17票的结果通过定都南京。2月29日,北京兵变后,袁世凯决定在北京就职,成立北洋政府。3月11日,孙中山颁布了临时参议院通过的《中华民国临时约法》,袁世凯表示拥护《临时约法》。唐绍仪内阁在施政上反映了同盟会约束袁世凯的要求,引发袁世凯的强烈不满。6月间,国务总理唐绍仪任命非袁嫡系的王芝祥为直隶总督,袁世凯原本同意,后指使北洋将领通电反对,并不经内阁副署发表了改任王为南方军宣慰使的命令,破坏责任内阁制,唐绍仪及四位同盟会阁员被迫于6月16日辞职并离开北京。袁世凯先提出了无党派的陆征祥组阁,参议院因其发言不当新提阁员全部被否决而流产。北京军警指参议院挟持私见,黎元洪责违背共和精神,章炳麟斥责为「奸府」,请袁世凯便宜行事,盛传将解散参议院,参议院迫于形势,通过了袁世凯提出的阁员,次日弹劾陆征祥失职,陆称病请假,袁世凯任命赵秉钧代理,至此内阁被袁世凯直接控制。
孙中山让位总统后,从事国家建设,宣传民生主义、事业发展、铁路计划,黄兴请辞南京留守,表示没有割据的意思。内阁问题发生后,袁世凯邀请孙中山、黄兴前往北京,消除争端。应黎元洪的请求,袁世凯召集了武昌起义首义者之一,被尊为共和元勋的张振武和方维,以「图谋不轨」于8月16日在北京杀害,引发临时参议院和黄兴的言辞责问。袁世凯为离间黎元洪和同盟会,将黎元洪的来电公布,使得黎元洪无法辩驳而只能依附袁世凯。8月下旬,孙中山和黄兴北上,孙在北京停留20多天,与袁世凯会面13次,希望袁世凯作正式总统,十年内练陆军百万,建筑铁路十万里,袁世凯授予计划全权。为了让袁世凯放手作为,孙、黄同意由赵秉钧出任内阁总理。9月25日,袁世凯发表八大政纲。10月,梁啓超得到袁世凯的谅解,从日本返国,在北京受到袁世凯的隆重欢迎,颇受感动。
在1913年2月举行的民国首次国会选举中,国民党获得多数议席,按约法精神应由该党理事长宋教仁出任国务总理,不料宋于3月20日在上海被暗杀。时人普遍认为袁世凯授意暗杀,引发全国声讨。《民权报》发表《胆大妄为之袁世凯》、《大总统之叛逆》等文,称袁世凯为「专制魔王」,提出「以暴易暴,惨无人道,欲真共和,重为改造」的口号。3月26日,孙中山抵达上海,与黄兴会晤,号召武力讨伐袁世凯,但遭到党内人士反对,经过3个月未能组织起讨伐袁世凯的力量。4月26日,袁世凯未经国会同意,以全部盐税收入作为抵押,与英、法、德、日、俄五国银行团签订2500万英镑的「善后大借款」。4月7日,袁世凯发布秘密动员令,5月1日起用段祺瑞代理国务总理,开始军事部署。5月21日,袁世凯发最后通牒,「现在看透孙、黄,除捣乱外无本领。左又是捣乱,右又是捣乱。我受四万万人民付托之重,不能以四万万人之财产生命,听人捣乱。自信政治军事经验,外交信用,不下于人。若彼等能力能代我,我亦未尝不愿,然今日诚未敢多让。彼等若敢另行组织政府,我即敢举兵征伐之!」下令免去江西都督李烈钧、广东都督胡汉民及安徽都督柏文蔚的职务并派兵南下。7月12日,李烈钧宣布独立组织讨袁军,「二次革命」爆发,随后安徽、广东、福建、湖南、上海和重庆相继宣告独立。9月,冯国璋与张勋攻占南京,各省相继取消独立,北洋势力扩展到长江流域,孙中山、黄兴、李烈钧和胡汉民逃亡日本。
正式大总统
1913年10月6日,中华民国大总统选举过程中,袁世凯派手下伪装组成的公民团数千人包围国会,打著「公民团」的旗帜,叫喊「今日非将公民所瞩望的总统选出,不许选举人出会场一步」。从早上8时到晚10时,议员忍饥挨饿,连续投票3次。然而,在前两轮投票中,袁世凯仍然分别只得到了471票和497票,未达到法定四分之三的票数规定。最后,议员被迫选袁世凯为正式大总统。10月10日,袁在中华民国正式大总统就职演说中,谈及个人从政生涯及共和国成立后,法律、道德、教育和实业发展等方面问题。10月14日,由国会编制的《天坛宪法草案》脱稿,乃是《中华民国临时约法》的增订版。袁世凯10月16日在《致众议院咨请增修约法案文》中指出临时约法限制过苛,而临时约法第五十五条规定大总统有提议增修约注之权,所以为了政务统一,要求国会扩大总统职权。但国会将大总统的提案置于勿庸讨论之境地,并在此后再三拒绝听取袁世凯的陈述。袁的意见遭国会堵塞后,他向全国各省军民长官发出通电,公开陈述自己对宪法草案的意见,以争取国会外乃至整个社会的支持。各省军民长官在电复中均支持袁世凯的意见。
1913年11月4日,袁世凯根据警备司令官查获赣省起事(即二次革命组成部分)领导者李烈钧与国民党本部及国民党籍国会议员有密电来往勾结之实,遂发布《解散国民党通令》,并取消国民党籍议员的资格,内中指出:
国民党籍议员的资格取消后,国会因法定人数不足而休会,袁世凯派员组织中央政治会议作为临时替代机构,在召开的首次政治会议上,袁世凯指出内政紊乱是因部分人错误理解平等、自由和共和的内涵所致,还声明乱党人员失败后卷公款而逃,并谈及外交及司法独立问题。1914年1月,袁世凯根据黎元洪等人及政治会议的意见,将国会解散。1914年3月31日,袁世凯颁布了以「民告官」为特色的《平政院编制令》。1914年5月,袁世凯公布《中华民国约法》,改责任内阁制为总统制。1914年12月29日,公布《修正大总统选举法》,规定总统任期十年,可以连选连任。
与日条约
背景
1914年,第一次世界大战爆发,袁世凯政府要求德国把侵占的山东半岛权益交还中国,遭拒。当时美国注意力已转移至欧洲,而英国则希望日本能成为在其远东的盟友,日本于是在8月23日以英日同盟(协约国)为理由出兵占领了德国在中国的势力范围胶澳地区(今属青岛市)和山东胶济铁路沿线地带。袁世凯政府分别在1914年11月18日和1915年1月7日两次要求日本政府从中国撤军。
民国初期,临时大总统孙中山所主导的南京临时政府为从日本获取资金,打算与日本军部关系密切的三井物产森恪签订近乎出卖中国主权的《中日合办汉冶萍借款合同》。1915年2月2日,日本趁欧美各国无暇东顾之际,秘密向袁世凯提出了五号共计二十一个条款(简称《二十一条》)的无理要求,而其中部分条款就是以孙中山早前提出的若干出让中国主权的条款为底本,如有关汉冶萍公司的条款及孙中山与森恪之间达成的以租借满洲给日本为条件的秘密借款案。日本还逼迫袁世凯政府承认日本取代德国在华的一切特权,进一步扩大日本在满洲及蒙古的权益,以及承诺聘用日本人为顾问。日本的要求等同于将中国纳入成为其保护国。美国闻讯虽对日本提出抗议,但日方并没有收回其主要要求。
经过
从1915年2月2日到5月7日,历时105天,袁世凯政府与日方谈判20多次。在谈判中中国代表对日本的要求多有抵制。袁世凯政府采取各种办法拖延时间并向社会各界透漏日本之无理要求,以期国际社会干涉此案,并唤起国内舆论讨伐日本,国内民众反对《二十一条》的呼声日渐高涨,4月26日,日本代表提出最后修正案,做出一些小让步。5月1日中国方面提出修正案,仍坚持自己的立场,于是日本政府删除对中国最为不利的第五号要求。5月6日,袁世凯在《大总统袁世凯致各省电》中称:
日本政府终于恼羞成怒于5月7日向袁世凯政府发出最后通牒,限5月9日下午6点前答覆,否则将执行必要之手段。此时的日本摆出大战一场的姿态,军舰在渤海一带游弋,山东、奉天兵力增加,关东戒严,日侨纷纷回国。5月8日袁世凯召集政府要员开会,袁世凯认为日本已收回对中国最为不利的第五号各条款,其他条款已非亡国条件,为避免开战,所以接受日本条件。他说:
在日本的胁迫下,袁世凯政府5月9日在回应了日方的最后通牒后将当日定为中国国耻日,史称五九国耻。此后,双方分别准备签约事宜,在条约文字内容上仍有不少折冲,最后于5月25日在北京签署《关于山东省之条约》、《关于南满洲及东部内蒙古之条约》及13件换文,总称《中日民四条约》,与《二十一条》原案比较,中国损失相较于原案已尽可能减小到最低程度。近年来一些新资料表明,条约签订之前袁世凯政府还有另一重压力,当时日本驻华公使日置益向袁世凯面递《二十一条》时曾说:
筹建中华帝国
君主立宪背景
1915年夏,北京政局动荡不定,共和政体以来乱象不断,《二十一条》刚交涉结束,「共和不适于中国国情」之言论不断在社会上传播。8月3日,由通晓中国事务的前哈佛大学校长查尔斯·艾略特为袁安排宪法顾问弗兰克·约翰逊·古德诺发表《共和与君主论》称:「......大多数之人民智识不甚高尚......由专制一变而为共和,此诚太骤之举动,难望有良好结果......中国将来必因总统继承问题『酿成祸乱』......如一时不即扑灭,或驯至败坏中国之独立......中国如用君主制,较共和制为宜,此殆无可疑者也」。从世界形势看,当时采用君主立宪政体的强国亦不在少数。
8月14日,有十三太保之称的杨度和孙毓筠等人成立筹安会,发文支持施行君宪。杨度认为,国家须一元领导才能安定,在安定环境中才能立宪,并逐渐富强。他指出,只有君主立宪才能救中国,其一:中国人文化程度低,共和难以立宪,只有君主才能立宪;其二,共和国选举总统时易动乱。8月23日,筹安会召集各省文武官吏和商团进京商讨国体事宜,除少数表示拥护共和外,大都表示必须改变国体。8月25日,蔡锷等北洋军人请愿帝制。袁克定亦伪造《顺天时报》,营造日本支持袁称帝的氛围。
9月1日,参政院开幕,请愿团纷纷向参政院请愿施行君宪制。蔡锷、沈云沛、周家彦等人也在同日请愿改变国体。袁世凯在9月6日说:「本大总统所见,改革国体,经纬万端,极应审慎,如急遽轻举,恐多窒碍。本大总统有保持大局之责,认为不合事宜」。梁士诒又在9月19日成立全国请愿联合会,向参政院呈上二次请愿书,要求召开国民会议,票决国体。10月6日,参议院收到建议改国体为君宪制的各省代表请愿书83件。依参政院起草的《国民代表大会组织法》,由全国选出的国民代表共计1993人于1915年12月11日上午9时就国体变更问题投票,结果全票通过君宪制。当日,各省代表请袁接受推戴书,袁以「民国初建,本大总统曾向参议院宣誓,愿竭力发扬共和,今若帝制自为,则是背弃誓词」为由婉拒。当晚,孙毓筠等人又以参政院总代表的名义呈递二次推戴书,称:
12月12日,袁世凯宣布改次年为洪宪元年,准备即皇帝位当日早上,袁世凯申令「天下兴亡,匹夫有责,……但亿兆推戴,责任重大,应如何厚利民生,应如何振兴国势,应如何刷新政治,跻进文明,种种措置,岂于薄德鲜能所克负荷。前次掬诚陈述,本非故为谦让,实因惴惕文萦,有不能自己者也。乃国民责备愈严,期望愈切,竟使子无以自解,并无可诿避」,袁接受第二次推戴后,袁的外国顾问团仿照《日本皇室典范》拟定《新皇室规范》:
此后,中华帝国进入筹备阶段,欲改年号为洪宪,意为洪扬宪法,总统府改为新华宫。然而蔡锷、唐继尧等人在1915年12月25日联名通电全国,宣布云南独立,举行护国运动,西南爆发反袁运动。袁得知消息后,于12月29日下令免去蔡锷等人职务,称蔡锷讨论国体问题时,曾联合北京的高级军官首先署名主张君主立宪,后请假出国就医,怎会秘密回到云南,袁世凯不相信蔡锷欺骗自己,但无论宣布云南独立的通电是否受人胁迫或被奸人捏造,唐继尧、任可澄都应承担地方之责,蔡锷行迹诡秘,不知远嫌,所以将他们三人免职,听候查办。原令如下:
中华帝国结束
蔡锷当初多次劝进袁世凯君主立宪制,后来却又起兵讨袁,袁世凯才明白自己被蔡锷欺骗了。1915年12月云南起义爆发后,袁世凯组织北洋军征伐滇军,互有胜负。与此同时,中华革命党和日本帝国也趁机活动,日本早在1916年初就开始密切关注中国动向,袁世凯政权并不符合日本在华利益,因此日本在背后以各种手段支持反袁势力。虽然部分官员及参政院奏请袁世凯早日登基,但随著战势的加剧,人心不稳,黔、蜀、粤等省相继宣布独立,冯国璋于1916年3月18日联合5名将军发密电致各省将军,就迅速取消帝制、惩办祸首、停战议和等徵求各省将军同意。袁世凯在内外交困之下,于1916年3月22日召秘书张一麟起草文告宣布取消君主立宪国体,退回各省区推戴书,所有筹备事宜停止,中华帝国随之流产,张一麟忆述当时情形:
袁世凯在《撤销帝制令》中申明,民国建立以来变故纷乘,忧国人士多主张恢复帝制以结束争端。1913年后,主张帝制的声音不绝于耳,每次都遭他呵斥。1915年形势有变,多数人都说若不施行君主立宪制,就不能救亡图存。且看墨西哥革命后的内战及葡萄牙第一共和国成立后,越南、缅甸一定会步其后尘。帝制论者言之有理,各界纷陈来电呼吁帝制。而自己一再声明有维护国体之责,但主张帝制者依然坚持,所以他决定由国会解散国体,大家一致赞成君主立宪。他说,数千年来帝王子孙之祸不断,而主张帝制者本意是巩固国基,然爱国误入歧途足以害国。反帝制者也发表了政见,但不能矫枉过正,危及国家。他望各方摒弃异见、同心协力,神州华裔不应同室操戈。并将所有责任归咎于己,不怪罪他人。
5月4日,梁啓超电劝段祺瑞出以果断,劝袁退位。5月6日,袁世凯通电陈宧,同意自大总统之职退位,但需要先商定善后。冯国璋联络各省于5月17日组织召开《南京会议》,因各省区将军代表谋略不一,会议无果而终。
早在3月27日,袁的身体即出现病状,报载袁病失音,疑系中毒。5月16日,袁的腰和枕骨出现疼痛症状,饮食锐减,不能入寐。5月28日袁病重,颜色憔悴。6月3日病笃,饮食即吐,小便癃闭。6月5日中午袁猝晕,6月6日上午10时15分袁逝世。袁谢世之日,他的书案上有他亲笔书写的一句话「为日本去一大敌,看中国再造共和」。
身后
尽管他在遗嘱中说「余之死骸勿付国葬,由袁家自行料理」,继任者黎元洪则以「民国肇建,......(袁世凯)奠定大局,苦心擘画,昕夕勤劳,天不假年......所有丧葬典礼......务极优隆,用符国家崇德报功之至意」命国务院为袁世凯举办一场集古今中外皇庶官民新旧典章于一举的国葬。令各官署、军营、军舰、海关下半旗二十七日,6月28日出殡日全国下半旗一日,鸣炮108响,京师学校当日停课。北洋政府根据其「葬吾洹上」的遗愿,委派河南巡按使田文烈赶赴河南安阳慎选堪舆,勘定吉壤,最终选定洹水北岸,工程持续近两年,由北洋政府拨款50馀万银元,徐世昌、段祺瑞、王士珍等8人募捐25万馀银元建成,陵墓被称为「袁林」,占地近130亩。
任内施政
党狱方面
「二次革命」失败后,袁世凯利用军政执法处杀害的人即「数以千计」;其中较为著名者有:四川会党领袖张百祥,密谋刺杀袁的程泽湘,辛亥南京革命军正参谋曹锡圭,山东同盟会支部长徐镜心,四川民政长张培爵,北京《民主报》总编辑仇亮,江苏第三师旅长张秀全,南京临时政府交通部司长林逸民,湖北军政府北伐学生军队长方亚凡,辛亥山东烟台民军营长左宪章,河南革命军参谋余国桢等。1913年9月黎元洪捕杀革命党人宁调元、熊樾山。次年段芝贵在湖北全省进行「清乡」,从6月至11月破获「乱党之案百数十起」。1914年6月汤芗铭破坏「长沙革命党机关」,逮捕四十多人,其中二十九人被惨杀。倪嗣冲于安庆设探访局,任命王之纲为局长,人称王为「活阎王」,在两年之中竟杀害革命党人五百七十馀人。1914年3月,龙济光派兵「清乡」,迭次破获乱党机关,「厥功甚著」,袁特赠他一等嘉禾章。
社会方面
1913年8月,北京《爱国报》编辑丁葆臣(桢)作「时评」说:「军人为国家卖命,非为个人卖命者。为个人可谋生计之处甚多,何必从军。」便被军政执法处逮捕,以「迹近通匪、煽惑军心」的罪名,加以杀害。1914年4月2日,袁世凯公布《报纸条例》,警察机关可以用「妨害治安」等理由,任意查封报社,禁止报纸发行,以致逮捕编辑、记者,判处徒刑。
1914年3月2日,袁世凯公布《治安警察条例》,规定「严禁秘密结社」和「同盟罢工」等。5月20日又公布了《地方保卫团条例》,命令各县建立「保卫团」,负责「清查户口」、「搜捕盗匪」。11月又先后公布恢复肉刑的《易笞条例》和《惩办盗匪法》。
文化方面
清朝入主中原后,虽然实行剃发易服政策和文字狱,但同时也尊崇儒学与孔子。袁世凯逼宣统帝退位之后,延续清朝的尊孔,1912年9月20日,袁世凯颁布《尊崇伦常文》,提倡国民尊崇儒家伦常,他在《通令国民尊崇伦常文》中说:
1913年6月22日,袁世凯颁布《尊崇孔圣文》,并在《中华民国宪法草案》里规定:「国民教育以孔子之道为修身大本」。1914年8月颁布《暂行祭祀冠服制》,这是一部以明代祭服制度为主体,结合「周制」概念拟订的祭祀冠服条例,恢复汉服式祭服,并于同年冬至在北京天坛举办具有汉人政权特色的祭天典礼。1914年9月25日,袁世凯又颁布《祭孔令》,明令中央和各地方须在孔子诞辰之日举行祭孔活动,并于28日举行中华民国官方首次「官祭孔子」活动,又令财政部拨款修缮北京孔庙。1914年11月3日,袁世凯在《箴规世道人心告令》中称「忠孝节义」为国粹,指责乱党破坏中国社会秩序:
另外,华人四大节日与春节的设立也与袁世凯有关。农历新年的第一天「元旦」是中国的传统节日,可上溯至4000多年前,而现行的春节历史却很短。1913年,袁世凯批准以农历正月初一为「春节」,例行放假;而元旦改为国历一月一日,从1914年开始实行并延续至今。
军事方面
1903年起,袁世凯开始著手中国军事现代化的工作,在中国军制改革、军事教育、建军治军、近代警察制度等方面做出大量有益尝试。在华北组建中国近代第一支新式军队,雇佣德军教官,创办警、步、马、炮、工、辎等兵科,设立现代化的通讯兵学校,培养大批军事人才,先后有5人当上中华民国总统或总理。至接掌北洋,裁撤旧军改编警察,令中国军警分离,清末巡警制度的创立是中国警察制度近代化的开始。
对外军事方面,袁在1884年朝鲜王朝的甲申政变中,在无法得到国内指示的危机时刻,当机立断,率军击退日军,瓦解了朝鲜亲日派和日军颠覆朝鲜政权的图谋。之后,在袁任清朝驻朝鲜大臣期间,他尽一切可能扩大中国在朝鲜的影响力,成为朝鲜王朝内最有权势的人物,全面掌握朝鲜的商业、外交事务和内政。义和团运动爆发后,在山东的袁世凯与两广的李鸿章、湖广的张之洞,两江的刘坤一,一起组织了东南自保运动,反对朝廷对于义和团的支持、也反对朝廷对外国的宣战,并在他们的管辖范围内镇压拳民,保护在华外国人的安全。虽然这一政策对于民族主义者来说具有反动性,但是也正是这一政策使得经济昌盛的东南地区,避免了义和团运动带来的社会混乱与外国武力的入侵。
经济方面
工业方面,他积极发展实业经济,1905年,他出面筹钱,督修了中国人自己建造的第一条铁路京张铁路,自1912年到1914年这3年间,新开的工厂为4000多家,民族资本兴建的面粉厂、火柴厂、卷菸厂、造纸厂以及采煤、冶炼企业,得到长足发展。袁世凯在遭谴归隐之后还说出「官可不做,实业不可不办」的话。袁世凯当政时期,颁布实行了一系列有利于中国民族工业发展的经济政策,扶持弱势的民族工商业,提倡国货,增加进口税并减少出口税,加强国货竞争力,扩大国货销售市场。
农业方面,袁世凯在兴办农业教育、创设农业基金和推广农业新技术方面做出尝试。
财政金融方面,袁世凯筹公债、整顿税收、开办银行、疏通金融、改革币制,这些举措不仅缓解了当时的财政危机也促进了中国近代财政金融的现代化。
在对外经济交往方面,袁世凯主动对外开放,开通商埠,这在近代中国对外开放的历史进程中具有重要意义。袁世凯主张引进外资和侨资,前后素志不移,这在苏杭甬铁路、文辞协议、中美轮船公司等问题上即有体现。经过袁世凯的治理,中央财政也有很大改观,从民国初年的借债度日到每年库存可余两千万元。
教育方面
袁世凯兴学重教,主张废除科举,兴办新式学校,积极倡导学子留洋。他与张之洞在1905年建议清廷废除了沿袭一千多年的科举制度。,在财政捉襟见肘的情况下,袁世凯推广免费的新式学校,即四年制初级小学。他强调教育的重要性:国家之繁荣昌盛,实系于国民之品德、知识和体力之高超,若欲提高此三者之水平,必得强化公民教育。袁世凯曾上奏《山东试办大学堂暂行章程折稿》,同时调蓬莱知县李于锴进行筹备,《折稿》获光绪皇帝批准,山东大学的前身山东大学堂正式成立,为山东高等教育写下浓重一笔。袁世凯任直隶总督期间,颁行了一系列教育法规,创建学校司、提学使司、劝学所等近代新式教育管理机构,形成河北近代教育行政管理体制。另外,他多方筹措经费,培养师资,编辑新教材,创建新式小学、中学、大学和各种军事学堂、实业学堂等新教育设施,建立河北近代新教育体系,从而使河北教育摆脱了旧教育的羁绊,步入近代化的发展轨道。
政治方面
袁世凯在政治层面的成果体现在清末政体、官制改革、近代法律、地方自治、维护领土完整等方面。袁对中国民主化进程的推进起了积极的作用,袁世凯在晚清时期高举「立宪」大旗,几乎是孤军奋战请求立宪,对晚清宪政起到了至关重要的作用。在他的逼宫下,清朝皇帝退位,亚洲第一个共和国中华民国得以成立。袁世凯作为编纂官制大臣,直接参与官制改革的讨论与决策,在官制改革中的作用举足轻重,他对文官的等级、任用、考试、惩戒、保障、甄别、恤金、待遇均制定了专门的法律,初步形成了一套文官管理制度,其中文官候选人考试,以考察行政能力与一般知识为主。并建立廉政机构,设置平议院,专门审理官员犯罪案。在法律建设上,袁世凯大力提拔、举荐和重用新式法律人才,改革和完善近代司法制度,对引进西律、修订旧律,加强中国法制现代化起到重要作用。袁世凯还是地方自治制度的积极参与者,在天津推行地方自治、试行普选制开全国先河,其成效影响深远,直隶省(今河北省)也因此成为当时的模范省。全国各地借鉴天津地方自治的成功经验,地方自治之花遍地开放。
禁毒禁赌
禁毒禁赌也是袁世凯的一贯主张。清末的烟馆是重要的社交场所,风气败坏,直隶总督袁世凯在1907年5月19日上奏的《预筹革除鸦片折》中表示:「鸦片之害,荼毒生灵,虚糜金银,不可胜计,实为中国贫弱之源」,袁世凯所领导的直隶省设立了200馀个戒烟分所,先后铲除烟馆800多个,查获秘密贩烟案1300起,在禁止种植罂粟方面,他多次颁布晓谕,倘有偷种之户,立将烟苗划去,地亩充公。当选民国总统后,袁世凯更是规定吸鸦片者立即戒除,贩者分别停歇,种植者若不将烟田改种他物则一律治罪,凡官员故纵者,按情节轻重予以惩治,期间颁布的《禁烟令》至少有七次之多。在禁赌方面,袁世凯自小站练兵时期就禁止军队赌博,在其制定的《简明军律二十条》中有两条为罚律,其中之一即是关于赌博,犯者插箭责罚。直隶总督时期,在直隶师范学堂和小学堂《学堂条规》中规定学堂上下人等一概严禁赌博,违者由总办分别责饬开革。任职民国总统后,袁世凯则以法令的方式禁赌,1912年6月颁发的《暂行新刑律》对赌博者、开设赌场者规定有不同的刑罚。
评价
• 引自李敖千秋评论丛书《千秋·冤狱·党》:「……蔡元培追忆这个中华民国大总统的罪恶,可盖棺论定三点,第一是「官僚」,「畏强仰弱,假公济私,口蜜腹剑,穷侈极欲,所以表官僚之黑暗也」;第二是「学究」,「天坛祀帝,小学读经,复冕之饰,行拜跪之仪,所以表学究之顽旧也」;第三是「方士」,「武庙宣誓,教院祈祷,相士贡谀,神方治疾,所以表方士之迂怪也」。……」
• 袁世凯喜好打仗,杀人无数,人称「人屠」。张之洞喜好建设,动辄用尽官府积蓄,被指为浪费银两,且又向当地门阀富豪募款,人称「财屠」。岑春煊则喜好弹劾官吏,人称「官屠」,并戏称为「清末三屠」
• 徐凌霄、徐一士兄弟称:「袁氏为人,有术而无学,重利害而轻是非。」
• 张之洞说:「袁岂仅有术,直多术耳。」
• 严复评价袁世凯说,袁世凯的才具,只适合担任旧日帝制之下的督抚,「欲与列强君相抗衡,则太乏科哲知识,太无世界眼光。」
• 梁啓超说:「袁氏自身,原不知人之所以异于禽兽者何在,以为一切人类通性,惟见白刃则战栗,见黄金则膜拜,吾挟此二物以临天下,夫何其不得者。」
• 黄远生评论袁世凯:「袁总统之为人,意志镇静,能御变故,其一长也。经验丰富,周悉情伪,其长二也。见识闳远,有容纳之量,其长三也。强干奋发,勤于治事,其四长也。拔擢材能,常有破格之举,能尽其死力,其五长也。有此五长,而乃善日少而恶日多者,一由知识之不能与新社会相接,一由公心太少而自扶植势力之意太多。综言之,则新知识与道德之不备而已。故不能利用其长于极善之域,而反以济恶。既自顾手执政权者十馀年,天下之大,变故之繁,无不为其牢笼而宰御,则益骄视一切,以为天下事不过如此,于是其手段日以老辣,其执行益以勇往,乃至举中国之人物为供奔走,尽中国国家之所有供其政治演剧之材料。某今敢断言,长此不变以终古。袁总统者,在世界历史上虽永不失为中国怪杰,而在吾民国历史上,终将为亡国之罪魁。」
• 袁世凯的外交秘书顾维钧评价袁世凯,称其:「坚强有魄力,谁一见他也会觉得他是一个野心勃勃、坚决果断、天生的领袖人物……和顽固的保守派相比他似乎相当维新,甚至有些自由主义的思想,但对事物的看法则是旧派人物那一套,他是个实干家,卓越的行政官吏、领袖人物」,「袁世凯不懂得共和国是个什么样子,也不知道共和国为什么一定比其它形式的政体优越。他的统治越来越趋向恢复帝制,保持旧的制度,使自己高高在上。他不只是不了解共和国需要什么或民主如何起作用,看来他根本没有实现共和或民主的愿望。」
• 1913年7月,陈其美发表讨袁宣言:「国贼袁世凯,残害忠良,袒护凶犯,捣乱司法之制,提倡暗杀之风,蔑视国会,干涉宪法,诬陷善类,擅捕议员,私借外债,丧失主权,重人民之负担,启各国之干涉。蒙古叛乱,不加一兵。失地丧权,擅缔协约。授各国以利益均沾之口实,陷中国于瓜分豆剐之危机。滥掷金钱,日用多至一千馀万。收买议员,国会遂至一事无成。解散各省联合会之民意机关,擅设不经议会通讨之滥竽宫职。约法扫地,奸宄盈庭。」
• 1914年5月,孙中山发表《讨袁檄文》:「袁背弃前盟,暴行帝制,解散自治会,而闾阎无安民矣;解散国会,而国家无正论矣;滥用公款,谋杀人才,而陷国家于危险之地位矣;假民党狱,而良懦多为无辜矣。有此四者,国无不亡!国亡则民奴,独袁与二三附从之奸,尚可执挺衔璧以保富贵耳。呜呼!吾民何不幸,而委此国家生命于袁氏哉!自袁为总统,野有饿莩,而都下之笙歌不彻;国多忧患,而效郊祀之典礼未忘。万户涕泪,一人冠冕,其心尚有「共和」二字存耶?既妄忘共和,即称民贼。吾侪昔以大仁大义铸此巨错,又焉敢不犯难,誓死戮此民贼,以拯吾民。」
• 1915年,袁世凯复辟帝制,景梅九发布檄文声讨袁世凯:「本绍、术之馀孽,袭莽、操之故智。谋破五族共和之均势,希图万世一统之帝业。讽令二三奴儒,上劝进表;赂遣各省代表,奉请愿书。藉共和以推翻共和,假民意以摧残民意。称皇称帝,有舰面目;误国误民,全无心肝。」
• 1915年12月25日,蔡锷在云南发起讨袁护国运动,组织护国军,与唐继尧、李烈钧联名宣布云南独立,檄文称袁世凯:「元首谋逆,蔑弃《约法》,背食誓言,拂逆舆情,自为帝制,率召外侮,警告迭来。」「徒以袁逆,内罔吾民,多欺列国,有兹干涉,既濒危亡。非自今永除帝制,确保共和,则内安外攘,两穷于术。」
• 1916年1月,康有为发布《讨袁世凯檄》:「国贼袁世凯者,蜂目忍人,豺声乱性,含奸薮慝,蕴毒滔天。」「因武昌之兵起,成总揆之登庸;假立宪之高义,以收军国之全权;借排满之人心,而迫朝廷之禅让。」「始以高位厚禄,笼络革命之英;继即以重兵酷刑,诛锄革命之杰。始以美言多金,诱进步党而排国民党;终则专制横行,散国会而驱逐党人。」「始则累誓保守共和,而铲除专制;继则明布力行专制,而大反共和。始则深恶国会,竟敢废自治而停选举;今则为改帝制,忽而选议员以开大会。」「甚乃自背累誓之共和而称帝矣。于是以一人私篡之奸谋,伪托为举国之民意。民选议员本大公无私,岂知名由官中直指;劝进电文之千篇一律,岂知稿由朝贵拟来。掩耳盗铃,以予知自矜;只手遮天,以愚民为戏。其反覆无良,诈欺弄术,司马昭之心,路人皆知久矣。」
家族
袁世凯一妻九妾,有十七个儿子、十五个女儿、二十八个孙子、三十一个孙女,儿孙总和达九十一人。
• 妻 于氏(河南沈丘县财主于鳌之女)
• 第一子 克定,娶吴大澄之女吴本娴为妻。
• 第一妾 沈氏(苏州人,未生育子女)
• 第二妾 李氏(朝鲜人,第三妾金氏两个陪嫁姑娘之一)
• 第一女 伯祯,嫁张人骏子张允亮。
• 第五子 克权,娶端方女儿为妻。
• 第七子 克齐,娶孙宝琦女儿为妻。
• 第十子 克坚,娶陆建章的女儿为妻。
• 第十二子 克度,娶富商罗云章的女儿为妻
• 第六女 籙祯,嫁孙宝琦儿子。
• 第三妾 金氏(朝鲜王族夫人之表姊妹,两班出身)
• 第二子 克文,娶刘梅真为妻。
• 第三子 克良,娶张百熙的女儿为妻。
• 第三女 叔祯,又名袁静雪,嫁杨士骢(杨士琦弟)之子杨毓珣。
• 第八女 环祯(早亡),
• 第十女 思祯,嫁邹文凯(北京宪兵司令)
• 第四妾 闵氏(又作吴氏,朝鲜人,第三妾金氏两个陪嫁姑娘之一)
• 第四子 克端,娶天津盐商何仲璟之女何慎基为妻。
• 第二女 仲祯,嫁薛福成的孙子薛观澜。
• 第四女 次祯(早亡)
• 第七女 复祯,嫁荫昌子荫铁阁。
• 第五妾 杨氏(天津杨柳青人,小户人家,精明能干)
• 第六子 克桓,娶陈启泰之女陈征为妻。
• 第八子 克轸,娶周馥之女周瑞珠为妻。
• 第九子 克玖,娶黎元洪次女黎绍芳为妻。
• 第十一子 克安,娶天津盐商李士铭的女儿李宝慧为妻。
• 第五女 季祯,嫁陆宝忠之子。
• 第十五女 玲祯(早亡)
• 第六妾 叶蓁(南京人)
• 第十四子 克捷,娶北京女招待王氏为妻。
• 第十七子 克友,娶京剧演员于云鹏的女儿为妻。
• 第九女 福祯
• 第十一女 奇祯
• 第十二女 瑞祯
• 第七妾 张氏(河南人,未生育子女)
• 第八妾 郭宝仙(苏州人)
• 第十三子 克相,娶那桐的孙女张寿芳为妻,后又娶陈炳焜女儿陈思行为妻。
• 第十五子 克和,娶盐商张调宸之女为妻。
• 第十四女 怙祯,嫁曹锟的长子曹士岳。
• 第九妾 刘氏(第五妾杨氏一个丫头)
• 第十六子 克藩,早亡。
• 第十三女 仪祯,在季祯死后,续嫁陆宝忠之子。
袁世凯相关书籍
• 袁世凯 辑,新建陆军兵略录存,光绪二十四年排印本
• 袁世凯 辑,训练操法详晰图说,光绪二十五年石印本
• 沈祖宪 辑,养寿园奏议辑要
• 淸 甘厚慈 辑,北洋公牍类纂,光绪三十三年排印本
• 淸 甘厚慈 辑,北洋公牍类纂续编,宣统二年排印本
• 沈祖宪 吴闓生辑,容庵弟子记,1913年
• 淸 袁克文 撰并辑,洹上私乘,大东书局,1926年
• 刘成禺 撰,洪宪纪事诗本事簿注
• 陆纯 辑,袁大总统书牍汇编,民国三年序排印本
• 国事新闻社 辑,北京兵变始末记,民国元年序排印本
• 黄毅 辑,袁氏盗国记,民国五年序排印本
• 白蕉 撰,袁世凯与中华民国,人文月刊社,1936年
• 梁啓超 撰,盾鼻集,民国五年序排印本
• 庾恩旸 撰,《云南首义拥护共和始末记》,民国六年序排印本
• 阙名 撰,袁世凯全传 袁世凯佚事,民国中排印本
• 洪宪公报 洪宪元年一月六日至三月二十四日(卽政府公报),政事堂印铸局 发行
• 黄远庸 撰,远生遗著(卽黄远生遗著),民国八年序排印本
• 张维翰 辑,民初文献一束,钞本
• 阮忠枢 等辑,居仁日览,钞本
• 日佐藤铁治郎,袁世凯,天津时闻报馆,宣统二年(1910年)
• 日佐藤铁治郎 著,孔祥吉、村田雄二郎 整理,一个日本记者笔下的袁世凯,天津古籍出版社,2005年(此书为上一书之新版)
• 金陵中立呆汉撰,袁世凯之新出现:六集,光明书社,上海,1911年
• 日关矢越山(关矢充郎),怪杰袁世凯,实业之日本社,大正二年(1913年)五月
• 日内藤顺太郎 著,范石渠 译,袁世凯,文汇图书局,1914年
• 日内藤顺太郎 著,张振秋 译,袁世凯正传,广益书局,1914年
• 亚苏,救亡 袁世凯叛国自帝之真相,亚强社,1915年
• 袁世凯全传,上海:文艺编译社,1916年
• 野史氏辑,袁世凯轶事,上海:文艺编译社,1916年
• 野史氏辑,袁世凯轶事续录,上海:文艺编译社,1916年
• 云南政报发行所,袁世凯伪造民意纪实,云南政报发行所,1916年
• 民心社 辑,最新袁世凯,泰东图书局,1916年
• 袁世凯撰,襟霞阁主编,袁世凯家书,上海:共和书局,1925年
• 平如衡,袁世凯家书 (第七版),上海:中央书店,1936年
• 国立故宫博物院故宫文献编辑委员会编辑,袁世凯奏摺专辑,台北:广文,1970年
• Lo Hui-min (ed.)(1976) The correspondence of G.E. Morrison 1: 1895-1912, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• Lo Hui-min (ed.)(1978) The correspondence of G.E. Morrison 2: 1912-1920, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
• 澳骆惠敏编,陈霞飞译,清末民初政情内幕:《泰晤士报》驻北京记者、袁世凯政治顾问乔·尼·莫理循书信集,上海:知识出版社,1986年
• 天津图书馆,天津社会科学院历史研究所,袁世凯奏议,天津:天津古籍出版社,1987年
• 佚名撰,中日交涉纪事本末,台北:文海出版社,1987年
• 袁世凯家书,台北:中央研究院近代史研究所编印,1990年
• 天津市档案馆辑,袁世凯天津档案史料选编,天津:天津古籍出版社,1990年
• 陈瑞芳 王会娟编辑,北洋军阀史料 袁世凯卷,天津:天津古籍出版社,1996年
• 天津市历史博物馆馆藏北洋军阀史料 袁世凯卷,天津:天津古籍出版社,1996年
• 全国公共图书馆古籍文献委会辑,袁世凯未刊书信稿,中华全国图书馆文献缩微复制中心,1998年
• 文斐,我所知道的袁世凯,北京:中国文史出版社,2004年
• 袁静雪,袁克齐著,袁世凯秘辛,香港:东西文化事业公司
• 骆宝善 刘路生主编,袁世凯全集 1-36卷,国家清史编纂委员会•文献丛刊,郑州:河南大学出版社,2013年
• 单富良 (Patrick Fuliang Shan), «袁世凯评传» (Yuan Shikai: A Reappraisal), 卑诗大学出版社 (UBC Press), 2018.
影视形象
注释
Text | Count |
---|---|
清史稿 | 103 |
清史纪事本末 | 34 |
庚子国变记 | 8 |
清稗类钞 | 4 |
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