Struggle for succession

Ayurbarwada was the second son of Darmabala and Dagi (Targi) of the Khunggirat, and a great-grandson of Kublai Khan (r. 1260–1294). He had been tutored by the Confucian scholar Li Meng, who strongly affected his future political attitudes from his early teens.

In 1305 Bulugan Khatun removed Ayurbarwada from the court and sent him to Honan as the prince of Huai-ning. However, his uncle Temür Khan died without an heir on February 2, 1307, because his son Deshou had died a year earlier before him.

Temür's widow Bulugan of the Bayaud tribe had kept away the Khunggirad-mothered brothers of Khayishan and Ayurbarwada and attempted to set up her favorite, the Muslim Ananda, their uncle and the governor of Ningxia. The Darkhan Harghasun, the right chancellor (右丞相) of the government who became aware of Bulugan's plan, recalled Ayurbarwada and Li Meng from Huaizhou (怀州) to the capital Dadu. They successfully developed a strategy to imprison both Ananda and Bulugan. Afterwards, Ayurbarwada welcomed his older brother Khayishan, who was still far away from Dadu, to succeed to the throne. After the latter's coronation, Ayurbarwada was appointed the Crown Prince in June 1307. The brothers promised each other that their descendants would rule in succession.

Early career under Külüg Khan and enthronement

Ayurbarwada was made head of the top central administrative organs known as the Zhongshu Sheng under his brother and predecessor Khayishan Külüg Khan. He had surrounded himself with the Chinese scholars Chen Hao, Wang I, Wang Yueh, Zhao Mengfu, Wang Chieh, Chan Yaoho, Shang-ye, Yao sui, and Hsia ku; the artists Shang cheng and Wang Cheng-peng; Chagaan, a scholar from Balkh and Haiya, the Uyghur lyricist.

He was able to read and write Chinese and appreciate Chinese paintings and calligraphy in addition to his deep knowledge of Confucianism and Chinese history. Strongly influenced by Confucian political ethics, he was naturally opposed to his brother's exploitative policies. Khayishan's partisans had accused Li Meng of having advised Ayurbarwada to keep the throne for himself; Li Meng left the court immediately after Khayishan's accession. Ayurbarwada spoke out in Li Meng's defence but accomplished nothing much in the end. His disagreement with his brother's high officials remained concealed until his own enthronement.

Khayishan died in January 1311. Unlike the succession struggle over Yuan throne in 1307, Ayurbarwada's succession to his elder brother Khayishan's throne in April 1311 was a peaceful and smooth transition of the Yuan imperial history. This was made possible by the fact that he was designated by Khayishan as the heir apparent in June 1307, in accordance with their earlier agreement, and had subsequently appointed him as the titular head of the Zhongshu Sheng, similar to Kublai Khan had done when grooming Zhenjin to be his successor. He was saluted under the title of Buyantu in his accession kurultai.

Reformation

While one might expect a general continuity in policy and personnel between the two reigns in view of the fraternal love between Khaishan and Ayurbarwada and the peaceful way in which one succeeded the other, what was to happen early in Ayurbarwada's reign was actually the opposite: a political purge of Khaishan's chief ministers and a reversal of most of his policies. These reversals of policies can be traced to Ayurbarwada's cultural and ideological orientation and his uneasy political relationship with his late brother. Strongly influenced by Confucian political ethics as he was, he was naturally opposed to the exploitative policies carried out by the Department of State Affairs under Khaishan.

Ayurbarwada was highlighted for his reform efforts based on Confucianism principle for the Yuan government, though these reforms were made at the displeasure of some Mongol nobility. As soon as he ascended to the throne, he disbanded of the Department of State Affairs set up during Khayishan's reign, which resulted in the execution of 5 high-ranking officials. He also abolished the Zhida paper notes and coins issued by the court of Khayishan; and restored the Zhongtong and Zhiyuan notes as the only official currency. The bureaucracy was trimmed to the 1293 level and new high offices were reduced to the original status they had had in Kublai's reign. The various public building projects of Khayisan were halted. He made Li Meng and Zhang Kui grand councillors in addition to appointing others including Mongols and Semuren (a caste of assorted peoples from Central Asia and the west). The Office of Market Taxes, which was set up to supervise merchants, was abolished with the attempt at abolition by the Semuren. Although he abolished most of Khayishan's policies, converting official salaries into Zhiyuan notes was kept. Aside from that, the court also restored the "salary rice" policy decreed by Temür Khan in 1320. Ayurbarwada decreed that 30 percent of all court officials' salaries were to be paid with rice.

The most prominent reform he made was the reintroduction of the imperial examination system for public officials similar to the one in previous dynasties of China. The imperial examination system, though had repeated been debated during Kublai's reign, had not put into effect until this time. It was now based entirely on Neo-Confucianism, which was thus established as the state philosophy of China for many centuries ever since. A race-based quotas were set for these examinations, allowing a certain number of both Mongol and Han Chinese to enter the government as civil officials. For example, starting in 1313 examinations were introduced for prospective officials – testing their knowledge on significant historical works – in 1315 300 appointments went to the court, with an extra quarter of the positions being given to non-Han Chinese people.

Codification of the law was another area in which Ayurbarwada's efforts to reform the Yuan Dynasty produced the desired results. In the same month that he was enthroned in 1311, he instructed the Zhongshu Sheng to systematize the codes and regulations promulgated since the beginning of Kublai's reign. This compilation and editing was completed in 1316, though the process of reviewing the collection was not completely until 1323, under his son and successor Shidibala, who formally promulgated it under the title Da Yuan Tong Zhi (Chinese: 大元通制, "the comprehensive institutions of the Great Yuan"). In some ways the new code also reflected certain Mongolian customs and the institutional features peculiar to the Mongol dynasty in the history of China.

He believed that the Mongol elites and the Semuren had to learn from Confucian political philosophy and Chinese historical experience in order to govern China. During the reign of Ayurbarwada, a number of Chinese books and works were translated or published with Ayurbarwada's authorization. This can also reveal his fondness for Chinese culture and his and his officials' (especially the Mongols and Central Asians) desire to benefit from Confucian political wisdom and Chinese historical experience. Examples of these translated or published books and works include the Confucian classic Shang Shu (Chinese: 尚书, "Book of history"), Daxue Yanyi (Chinese: 大学衍义, "Extended meaning of the Great Learning"), Zhenguan Zhengyao (贞观政要, "Essentials of the government of the Zhenguan period"), and the Xiao Jing (孝经, "Books of filial piety").

In the winter of 1311 Ayurbarwada ordered the abolition of the jarghuchi (judge) of the princely establishments that was created by Ögedei Khan (r. 1229–1241) and placed all Mongolian violators under the jurisdiction of chienbu while attempting to restrict separate appanage judges. He restricted the position jarghuchi to judicial affairs and organized them under the Court of the Imperial Clan.

Early in his reign Ayurbarwada encouraged agriculture to increase the state revenue. His senior councillor, Temuder, took drastic measures which included collecting salt and iron monopoly taxes and the state monopoly over foreign trade under the Maritime Trade Supervisorate. Despite commercial ties with Europe increased, Ayurbarwada's administration, led by Temuder, unsuccessfully attempted a new cadastral survey called Yanyou Jingli (延佑经理) which involves a comprehensive land survey in 1314. If it had been implemented properly, this survey would have greatly increased the state revenue and helped a more effective tax structure. Ineffective implementation of the survey by corrupt officials caused widespread hardship and resentment. As a result, a serious revolt broke out in Jiangxi in the fall of 1315. Although the revolt was suppressed within two months, it forced the government to abandon the survey program completely to relieve the situation.

Ayurbarwada also granted diploma (yarliq) to exempt the Franciscans from any taxation in 1314. The friars were still expected to pray for the Emperor's life and give their blessing on ceremonial occasions.

Temuder chipped away at the autonomy of the princely appanages and executed Confucian opponents. Since Temuder was viewed by Confucians as an "evil minister", opponents of fiscal centralization charged Temuder with corruption; and Buyantu Khan had to dismiss him in 1317. Unwilling to oppose his mother Dagi (Targi), Ayurbarwada could not eliminate Temuder.

Internationally, Ayurbarwada continued his ancestors' imperialistic policies. He reminded the vassal states of his accession, and told them to remember and send their tribute at the proper time, and assured them that he would make punitive actions if they failed. Among the tributary princes to whom he notified his advent to the throne are named those of Champa, Annam, an island near Japan, Malabar, and kingdoms on the borders of Yunnan.

The reign of Ayurbarwada also saw the Esen Buqa–Ayurbarwada war between the Chagatai Khanate under Esen Buqa I and the Ayurbarwada's Yuan dynasty and its ally the Ilkhanate under Öljaitü. The war ended with the victory for the Yuan and the Ilkhanate, but the peace only came after the death of Esen Buqa in 1318.

Aftermath

Ayurbarwada died on March 1, 1320. After Khayishan died, Ayurbarwada reneged his promise later in his reign by making his own son Shidibala the new Crown Prince in 1316. Therefore, his son succeeded him instead of one of Khayisan's sons.

His death created two decades of political turmoil. The Khunggirat faction under Temuder and Dagi became even more powerful at the court. After the assassination of Shidibala in 1323, none of his descendants ruled the Empire.

Family

He had three consorts, only two gave him sons:

• Radnashiri Khatun, of the Hongjila clan (弘吉剌氏d. 1322) from Khongirad

　• Shidibala, Crown Prince ( 硕德八剌太子, 22 February 1302 – 4 September 1323), 1st son

• Dharmashiri Khatun, of the Korean Kim clan (答里麻失里)

　• Udüs Büqa, Prince of Shunyang (顺阳王, d.1321), 2nd son

• Bayan Qutugh Khatun, of the Kaesong Wang clan (伯顔忽笃皇后), granddaughter of Wonjong of Goryeo

• Unknown

　• Kökelün, Grand Princess of Lü State (阔阔伦 鲁国公主), 1st daughter

　　• Married Duoluben Küregen, one of the descendants of Dai Setsen

　• Second daughter

Ancestors

倾心儒学

至大四年正月初八日（1311年1月27日），元武宗病逝。至大四年三月十八日（1311年4月7日），元仁宗在大都大明殿即位。

仁宗自幼熟读儒籍，倾心释典。他从十几岁起就师从著名儒士李孟，儒家的伦理和政治观念对他有很强的影响。他在登基称帝之前，先后在身边任用的有王约、赵孟俯、张养浩等汉儒和很多艺术家以及翻译家和散曲作家。

仁宗不仅能够读、写汉文，还能鉴赏中国书法与绘画，此外他还非常熟悉儒家学说和中国历史。

仁宗下诏下令将《贞观政要》、《帝范》、《资治通鉴》和儒家经典《尚书》、《大学衍义》等书翻译成蒙古文并刊行天下，令蒙古人、色目人诵习。

仁宗支持下刊行天下的汉文著作包括：儒家经典《孝经》、《烈女传》、《春秋纂例》、《辨疑》、《微旨》以及元朝官修农书《农桑辑要》。

恢复科举

1234年起，蒙古帝国灭金朝、控制中原地区之后需要大量人才治理国家。1237年秋八月，元太宗窝阔台根据中书令耶律楚材的建议下诏开科取士，诸路考试均于1238年（戊戌年）举行，史称「戊戌选试」；这次考试共录取东平杨奂等4030人，皆为一时名士，朝廷得到了需要的各方面的人才，但后来因「当世或以为非便，事复中止」。在此之后，定宗（贵由）、宪宗（蒙哥）、世祖、成宗、武宗等朝，朝廷多次讨论恢复科举，但因为多种原因一直没能实现。

皇庆改元（1312年）仁宗将其儒师王约特拜集贤大学士，并将王约、李孟「兴科举」的建议「著为令甲」（《元史》列传第六十五王约）。皇庆二年（1313年）农历十月，仁宗要求中书省议行科举。中书省官员建议只设德行明经一科取士，仁宗同意。

皇庆二年农历十一月十八日（1313年12月6日），元仁宗下诏恢复科举，以朱熹集注的《四书》，即《四书章句集注》为所有科举考试者的指定用书，并以朱熹和其他宋儒注释的《五经》为汉人科举考试者增试科目的指定用书。指望中举的读书人必须熟读，不得另外解释。明清两朝沿用该做法。

这一变化最终确定了程朱理学在今后600年里的国家正统学说地位，因为后来明清两朝的科举取士基本上沿袭元朝的科举制度及实施办法，并在此基础上进一步加以发展、充实和完善。

中书省对于乡试、会试（「会试」之名亦始见于金朝）、殿试的举行时间，每次考试的录取人数、考试内容、考官来源、各行省的乡试录取名额分配、考试过程中的考场纪律等都做了详细的规定。

乡试，每三年一次，都是在八月二十日举行，全国共在17个省级区域设17处乡试科场，按照不同的地方的人口和民族进行名额分配，从赴试者中选300名合格者次年二月到大都参加会试。值得注意的是，高丽王朝所在的征东行省也有乡试科场，并在300名乡试中选者中有3人的名额。

延佑元年（1314年）农历八月二十日，全国举行乡试，一共录取三百人。

延佑二年（1315年）农历二月初一日，三百名乡试合格者在大都举行会试第一场，初三日第二场，初五日第三场，取中选者一百人。

延佑二年（1315年）农历三月七日，一百名会试中选者在大都皇宫举行殿试（廷试），最终录取护都答儿、张起岩等五十六人为进士。

当元仁宗在1313年下诏恢复科举时，距离元太宗窝阔台在1238年的「戊戌选试」已经有75年，史称「延佑复科」；至此天下读书的士人再次获得以科举方式晋身做官的途径，方便了不同社会阶层之间的流动，缓和了社会矛盾。

从1315年元仁宗开科取士到1368年元顺帝逃离大都使元朝垮台形成北元为止，科举每三年一次，元朝一共举行了16次科举考试，考中进士的共计1139人（中间因为因为元顺帝时期丞相伯颜擅权，执意废科举，1336年科举和1339年科举停办），国子学积分及格生员参加廷试录取正副榜284人，总计为1423人。

延佑经理

延佑元年（1314年），元仁宗下诏在江浙、江西、河南等三行省地进行田产登记，清查田亩，以增加国家税收，但是当1314年农历十月经理正式实行时，由于官吏对此上下其手导致的执行不力，很多富民通过贿赂官吏隐瞒田产，很多贫苦农民和有田富民则被官吏乱加亩数，广大农民深受其害，最终导致1315年江西赣州蔡五九起义，虽然两个月中就被平定，但是元仁宗迫于形势，不得不停止经理，并减免所查出的漏隐田亩租税。「延佑经理」以失败告终。

风宪宏纲

元仁宗即位后，「以格例条画有关于风纪者，类集成书，」编修成一部专门的监察法规《风宪宏纲》，并命监察御史马祖常作《风宪宏纲序》。

元顺帝至元二年（1336年），在增订《风宪宏纲》的基础上，将有关御史台典章制度汇编为《宪台通纪》。

大元通制

至大四年（1311年）三月元仁宗即位不久，允中书所奏，「择耆旧之贤、明练之士，时则若中书右丞伯杭、平章政事商议中书刘正等，由开创以来政制法程可著为令者，类集折衷，以示所司，」分为制诏、条格、断例三部分：此外将介于《条格》、《断例》之间的内容编成成别类。

延佑三年（1316年）五月，书成。书成之后，又命「枢密、御史、翰林、国史、集贤之臣相与正是，凡经八年而是事未克果。」

至治三年二月十九日（1323年3月26日），元英宗最终审定，命名《大元通制》，颁行天下。全书共88卷，2539条。

《大元通制》是继《至元新格》之后元朝的第二部法典，现在只有条格的一部分(22卷，653条)流传下来，称为《通制条格》。

内外政绩

在位期间，减裁冗员，整顿朝政，推行「以儒治国」政策。

又出兵西北，击败察合台后王也先不花。

打破叔侄相传

元朝历代皇帝中，仁宗是对元朝较有贡献和有一番作为的其中一位（其他几位较有作为的分别是元世祖、元成宗、元英宗和元文宗）。

仁宗后将武宗之长子和世㻋徙居云南，立自己儿子硕德八剌为皇太子，打破叔侄相传的誓约。这个做法导致后来元朝长达二十年的政治混乱及宫廷斗争。

去世

延佑七年正月二十一日（1320年3月1日），元仁宗在大都光天宫驾崩，享年三十六岁（虚龄），其英年早逝可能和好酒伤身有关。

尊谥庙号

延佑七年八月初十日（1320年9月12日），元英宗为父亲爱育黎拔力八达上諡号圣文钦孝皇帝，庙号仁宗，蒙古语称号普颜笃皇帝。

《仁宗皇帝谥册文》，内容如下：

仁宗实录

延佑七年十一月初九日（1320年12月9日），元英宗敕翰林国史院纂修《仁宗实录》。

至治三年二月初四日（1323年3月11日），翰林国史院向元英宗进呈《仁宗实录》。《仁宗实录》，包括《仁宗皇帝实录》60卷，《事目》17卷，《制诏录》13卷，总计90卷。明朝初年史官修《元史》，参照实录修成《仁宗本纪》3卷，《仁宗实录》今已失传，其主干内容保存在《仁宗本纪》中。

翰林国史院《进实录表》，内容如下：

家庭

父母

• 答剌麻八剌，1286年真金太子去世后元世祖本打算立为皇太子，但因病1292年去世，1307年元武宗追尊为皇帝，为答剌麻八剌上庙号顺宗，汉文諡号昭圣衍孝皇帝。

• 答己王妃，1307年元武宗登基后尊为皇太后，1311年元仁宗登基后继续尊为皇太后，1320年元英宗登基后尊为太皇太后，1322年病逝，1323年元英宗上谥号昭献元圣皇后。

兄弟姐妹

• 大哥 阿木哥，郭妃所生，1307年元武宗即位，封为魏王，赐兽纽金印。1311年元仁宗赐钞二万锭，1312年，赐庆元路定海县六万五千户为食邑。不久因为获罪贬谪到高丽耽罗岛，后来贬谪到高丽大青岛，后来因涉嫌谋反被贬谪到山西大同。1324年，元泰定帝将阿木哥召回京师，1324年六月去世。长子阿鲁，1330年被元文宗封为西靖王，出镇陕西；次子孛罗帖木儿，1324年袭封魏王，1353年在河南因为疏于防范被红巾军所杀。

• 二哥 元武宗海山，生母答己王妃，1307年即位称帝，1311年去世。

• 鲁国公主 祥哥剌吉（约1283-1331年），生母答己王妃，下嫁碉阿不拉，1307年元武宗即位，封鲁国大长公主，1311年元仁宗即位，进号皇姐大长公主。热衷书画收藏，有「皇姊图书」印，中国历史上第一位女收藏家。

妻妾

• 阿纳失失里皇后，弘吉剌氏，1322年元英宗上谥号庄懿慈圣皇后，1327年元泰定帝改谥宣慈惠圣皇后

• 答里麻失里皇后，金氏，高丽人

• 伯颜忽笃皇后，王氏，高丽人

子女

• 长子：元英宗硕德八剌，生母是阿纳失失里皇后

• 次子：兀都思不花

• 鲁国公主 阔阔伦，下嫁脱罗本

相关史料

• 《大元圣政国朝典章》，简称《元典章》，元英宗在位后期（1322年—1323年）官修政书，收录1234年—1322年元朝各地地方官吏会抄的有关政治、经济、军事、法律等方面的圣旨条画、律令格例以及司法部门所判案例的汇编，分为前集和新集，史实多为《元史》所不载。

• 《大元通制》，1323年元英宗颁布的元朝第二部法律，现存残本收录1234年—1316年元朝官方颁布的关于法律方面的圣旨条画、律令格例以及司法部门所判案例的汇编，史实多为《元史》所不载。

• 《至正条格》，1346年元顺帝颁布的元朝第三部法律，现存残本收录1260年—1344年元朝官方颁布的关于法律方面的圣旨条画、律令格例以及司法部门所判案例的汇编，史实多为《元史》所不载。

• 《元史·仁宗本纪》 ，明朝官修正史

• 《新元史·仁宗本纪》 ，民国官修正史

• 《续资治通鉴》 ，清朝史学家毕沅撰写。

• 《元史类编》，清朝史学家邵远平撰写。

• 《元史新编》，清朝史学家魏源撰写。

• 《元书》，清朝史学家曾廉撰写。

• 《蒙兀儿史记》，清末民初史学家屠寄撰写。

评价

• 明朝官修正史《元史》宋濂等的评价是：「仁宗天性慈孝，聪明恭俭，通达儒术，妙悟释典，尝曰：『明心见性，佛教为深；修身治国，儒道为切。』又曰：『儒者可尚，以能维持三纲五常之道也。』平居服御质素，澹然无欲，不事游畋，不喜征伐，不崇货利。事皇太后，终身不违颜色；待宗戚勋旧，始终以礼。大臣亲老，时加恩赉；太官进膳，必分赐贵近。有司奏大辟，每惨恻移时。其孜孜为治，一遵世祖之成宪云。」

• 清朝史学家邵远平《元史类编》的评价是：「册曰：立极电扫，稗政悉除；设科辍猎，屏言利徒；澹然无欲，十年罔渝；是惟令主，信史用书。」

• 清朝史学家毕沅《续资治通鉴》的评价是：「帝天性恭俭，通达儒术，兼晓释典，每曰：『明心见性，佛教为深；修身治国，儒道为大。』在位十年，不事游畋，不喜征伐，尊贤重士，待宗戚勋旧，始终有礼。有司奏大辟，每惨恻移时。其孜孜为治，一遵世祖成宪云。」

• 清朝史学家魏源《元史新编》的评价是：「武仁授受之际，无可议者，仁宗初政，首革尚书省敝政，在位九年，仁心仁闻，恭俭慈厚，有汉文帝之风。惟武宗初约，由帝传位己子和世㻋而后及于英宗。及武宗崩，仁宗立，乃出封和世㻋于云南，而立子硕德八剌为太子。虽迫于皇太后之命，而已不守初约矣。和世㻋不之云南而举兵赴漠北，又不予以总兵和林之任，于是英宗被弑而泰定以晋王入绍大统，武宗旧臣燕帖木儿不服，遂于泰定殂后迎立周王于漠北，迎立怀王于江陵。怀王先立，周王后至，岂肯让于兄，于是弑之于中途，而国乱者数世。使当初即立周王，何至于此。至铁木迭儿奸贪不法，已经言官列款弹劾，而犹碍于皇太后，不敢质问，遂贻英宗以奸党谋逆之祸，不得谓非仁宗贻谋不臧有以致之也。」

• 清朝史学家曾廉《元书》的评价是：「论曰：元代科举之议久矣，至延佑而后行之，何其难乎？夫元代文学之盛，亦不须科举也。然儒风以振矣。天下啧啧以盛事归之。仁宗不亦宜乎？」

• 清末民初史学家屠寄《蒙兀儿史记》的评价是：「汗事兴圣太后。终身不违颜色，手勘内难，迎奉海山汗，退处东宫，不矜不伐，及海山汗升遐，哀恸不已。居丧再逾月，而后践阼。其孝友盖天性也。通达儒术，妙悟释典，尝曰：『明心见性，佛教为深；修身治国，儒道为切。』又曰：『儒者可尚，以能维持三纲五常之道也。』居东宫日，即有志兴学，以铁穆耳汗朝建国子监未成，趋台臣奏毕其功。既即位，一再增广国子生额，行科举取士之法。又尝遣使四方，旁求经籍。得秘笈，辄识以小玉印，命近侍掌之。承旨忽都鲁都儿迷失、刘赓进宋儒真德秀《大学衍义》，汗觉而善之，谓侍臣曰：『治天下此一书足矣。』命翰林学士阿邻铁木儿并《贞观政要》皆译以国语，与图象《孝经》、《列女传》同刊印，以赐蒙兀、色目诸臣。平居服御，质素澹然，无欲不事游畋，不喜征伐，不崇货利，不受虚誉。待宗戚勋旧始终以礼，太官进膳，必分赐贵近；有司奏大辟，每惨恻移时。尝谓札鲁忽赤买闾曰：『札鲁忽赤，人命所系，其详阅狱辞，事无大小，必谋诸同寮，疑不能决，与省台臣集议以闻。』又顾谓侍臣曰：『卿等以朕居帝位为安耶？朕惟太祖创业艰难，世祖混一不易，兢业守成，恒惧不能当天心，绳祖武，使万方百姓各得其所，朕念虑在兹，卿等固不知也。』其孜孜为治，一遵忽必烈汗成宪。 惟饮酒无度，或其短祚之由欤。」

• 民国官修正史《新元史》柯劭忞的评价是：「仁宗孝慈恭俭，不迩声色，不殖货利。侍宗戚勋旧，始终以礼，大臣亲老，时加恩赍。有司奏大辟，辄恻怛移时，晋宁侯甲兄弟五人，俱坐法死，帝悯之，宥一人以养其父母。崇尚儒学，兴科举之法，得士为多，可谓元之令主矣。然受制母后，嬖幸之臣见权用事，虽稔知其恶，犹曲贷之。常问右丞相阿散曰：『卿日行何事。』对曰：『臣等奉行诏旨而已。』帝曰：『祖宗遣训，朝廷大法，卿辈犹不遵守，况朕之诏旨乎。』其切责宰相如此。有君而无臣，惜哉！」

注释

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