生平

太原起兵

隋大业十三年（公元617年），李渊时任太原留守，李建成作为长兄携李元吉等家属在河东居住，李建成受李渊之命在河东秘密结交英才。李世民与刘文静首次参与策划，劝父亲起兵。《大唐创业起居注》则说起兵为李渊本意：大业九年（公元613年），李渊就已有建立帝业的念头，在涿郡与杨广近臣宇文士及密谋，但因时机尚未成熟而暂且隐忍。大业十二年（公元616年），李渊被委任太原留守，暗自高兴，认为这是上天的意思。 大业十三年（公元617年）正月，李渊决心起兵，但顾及李建成等家眷尚在河东。按《大唐创业起居注》记载，并不是李世民策划和劝说李渊，而是李渊主动对李世民说：「隋历将尽，吾家继膺符命，不早起兵者，顾尔兄弟未集耳。今遭羑里之厄，尔昆季须会盟津之师，不得同受孥戮，家破身亡，为英雄所笑。」

李渊以勾结突厥为由，铲除了隋炀帝派来监视他的王威和高君雅，准备于晋阳起兵。 李渊派使者与晋阳北面的突厥结盟，以保后方的安全稳定。但是突厥要李渊脱离隋杨政权，自立为天子，李渊不愿答应。尽管刘文静等人屡次劝说李渊却并策划了「兴国寺兵谏」，但是李渊仍不妥协。大业十三年（公元617年）五月，李渊密召李建成携第四子李元吉等家眷从河东到太原。此行路途艰险，又有隋兵追捕，李建成的一个弟弟李智云便死在路上。李建成的到来，棋局顿活，一直怂恿李渊起兵的裴寂、刘文静等人即刻邀建成、世民一同去「请(李渊)依伊尹放太甲，霍光废昌邑故事，废皇帝而立代王，兴义兵以檄郡县，改旗帜以示突厥，师出有名，以辑夷夏」。 这个建议马上被李渊接受。在随后兵变全程，每逢军政要事，李渊必与李建成等相商以定。李建成参与起兵的战略制订和组织领导工作。

后李建成和李世民随李渊西征长安，李元吉守太原。义军未经训练，建成立整肃三军。路上的水果蔬菜，非买不食。如有人窃取者，则赔钱，亦不追究所窃之人。百姓赠送蔬食壶浆者，也与将士们一同分享。对赠送的酒肉则不接受，说：「此隋法也，吾不敢。」 至西河城下，李建成亲自前往安抚，百姓纷纷来投，只有郡丞高德儒不肯归降，李建成于是率军攻打，郡司法书佐朱知瑾从城上将李建成兵马引进城中，生擒高德儒后斩首，其他人全部赦免。建成平定西河，往返只用了九天时间。李渊赞：「以此用兵，天下横行可也。」封陇西公，为左领军大都督。

同年七月，进图关中，驻军贾胡堡。八月，李建成建议开始进兵霍邑，李渊担心霍邑守将宋老生坚守不战。李建成认为宋老生虽然之前可以平定盗贼，其人出身寒微，有勇无谋，可以引诱他出战。李渊派几百个骑兵往霍邑城东，在距城五六里的地方安营，等待步兵。李建成与李世民各只率领几十个骑兵直到霍邑城下巡视。李渊又将部下分为十几队从城东南巡至西南，做出好像要安营又要攻城的样子，让殷开山率领后军开始进军。宋老生见城下打算安营的兵马数量不多，李渊后军尚未前来，于是将三万人一分为二，自己带人从东门杀出，另一队从南门杀出。李渊担心宋老生不会离城太远，让李建成率领左军，李世民率领右军，断掉宋老生的回城之路，李渊自己率军假装撤退，宋老生见李渊撤军，以为是李渊怕了，引军向前，在距城一里处列阵。殷开山率领步兵前军列阵，后军相继而至。还没交战，李建成与李世民率军作出大攻霍邑东门南门的样子，李渊放出谣言说宋老生已被斩首，宋老生兵马听到后，舍弃兵仗四散奔走。城门又被李建成、李世民所堵，宋老生无法回城，城上人放下绳子想要将宋老生拉上去，军头卢君谔趁机将宋老生斩杀。（此处《大唐创业起居注》与《旧唐书》 不一致，《旧唐书》称载李渊被宋老生击败，李建成坠马，此战皆由李世民一人完成。）

九月，李建成率领刘文静等数万军队拒守潼关，兼守永丰仓，以防止屈突通河东驻军来追击，慰抚使窦轨等人也听其调遣。屈突通闻知李渊西行入关，亲自率兵几万人赶赴长安，被刘文静所阻。屈突通想去潼关向刘纲靠拢，王长谐抢先率兵袭击并斩杀了刘纲，占据了都尉南城，屈突通不得不退守都尉北城，唐军保住永丰仓，解除夺取关中后顾之忧，为顺利占领长安打下基础。李渊高兴地说：「屈突通向西不能前进，向东没有退路，只得观望才能采取下一步行动，已经不必再顾虑他了。」于是命令李建成从永丰仓的驻军挑选精兵，取道新封奔赴长乐离宫。

太子期间

李唐统一战争

攻入了长安。义宁二年（公元618年）春，李建成和李世民为正副统帅东征洛阳不克返回，夏，李渊在长安即位，立李建成为太子，裴寂为右仆射、知政事，刘文静为纳言。 李唐开始全面启动统一方案：西线以李世民为元帅，由刘文静、殷开山为副，继续讨伐薛举；李建成与李渊为东西南北及长安几条战线做准备，积极整顿朝纲，调兵遣将，为宰制全国加紧筹备著，此事关全局性的战略实施和物资保障，战线如下：

南线：武德元年七月，李瑗安抚山南。 段纶任益州刺史，为关中提供稳定的后备物资。 四川在三国时期就已是富庶地区，意味关中及东线，物资充分保障。派郑元寿领兵击朱桀，派许绍、李靖、李孝恭对付萧铣部队。

北线：李渊遣李琛、郑元寿贿赂突厥始毕可汗，稳住突厥，牵制突厥附属势力梁师道，派将经营北边。

东线：李密兵败降唐后，李渊派李神通安抚山东。李世民击败薛举后，又派世民到东线战场。派盛彦师锄掉李密，笼络李密谋臣魏徵，派魏徵安抚山东，还积极瓦解王世充部署，派人笼络幽州罗艺部队。

西线：联合土谷浑讨伐李轨，后派安修仁安抚平定李轨。

武德二年（公元619年），司竹盗贼祝山海作乱，自称护乡公，李建成率桑显和前往将其平定。 四月，凉州人安兴贵擒获凉王李轨，率众以河西诸郡向唐朝投降，李建成奉命前往原州接应。

武德三年（公元620年），刘武周被击败后逃往突厥，七月，李渊令李世民征讨王世充，令李建成镇守蒲州，防备突厥。

武德四年（公元621年），唐军占领洛阳后，李建成派任瓌、盛彦师安抚河南。七月，刘黑闼起兵，刘黑闼为窦建德的部将，窦建德降唐后，由于李唐对降将没有实行安抚政策，加上降将的疑惧心理，激起他们的反抗。刘黑闼很快复夺故地。李渊先后派李世民、李元吉徵讨，虽取得了军事上的胜利，但由于实行「悬民处死」的高压政策，民心不稳，并没有彻底解决问题。

武德五年（公元622年）六月，刘黑闼再次起兵，声势很大，再夺故地，李建成接受魏徵、王圭建议，请令征讨。十一月初七（12月14日），李建成替代李元吉，成为讨伐刘黑闼的唐军主帅。经历隋末战乱，百姓渴望和平统一的社会环境，盼望国家安定。窦建德部将刘雅对劝他起兵的人说：「天下已安，乐在丘园为农夫耳。起兵之事，非所愿也。」史载「时天下大定，其（高开道）将士多山东人，思还本土，人心颇离。」因此，李建成接受魏徵「今宜悉解其囚俘，慰谕遣之，则可以坐视离散」的建议，改变过去「妻子系虏，欲降无繇」的高压政策，实行宽大安抚政策以争取人心。史载：「建成至，获俘皆抚遣之，百姓欣悦。」为了扩大影响，李建成让被释者互相转告：「若妻子获者，既已释矣。」这一措施起到了争取民心，瓦解斗志的作用，起到了不战而屈人之兵的效果。结果刘黑闼部队「众乃散，或缚其渠长降，遂擒黑闼。」十二月，李建成于魏州大获全胜。

武德六年（公元623年）正月初五，刘黑闼逃到饶阳，被诸葛德威擒住，送到李建成面前。二月，李建成在洺州斩刘黑闼，平定山东。

李唐处死窦建德，激化了未附的山东豪杰，使山东部分力量对李唐缺乏信任，分化了山东豪杰对世民的支持。李世民在洛阳对部署及战败者的私下许诺不能兑现，弱化了世民的权威。平洛阳后，李建成、世民兄弟之间权力发生了碰撞，李世民有不服从调遣的倾向，威胁著太子建成的权威，开启了兄弟权力之争的序幕。

在李建成和李世民的政治斗争中，李建成不断得到李渊的信任和支持，长时间都占据优势，但是与其弟李世民的矛盾冲突日益加剧。早在武德二年（619年），李建成下属李纲就在向唐高祖辞职时称李建成「信谗慝、疏骨肉」，可见最早在那时，兄弟间隔阂已生。

唐突争霸

李建成在秦王攻打王世充时，陈兵蒲城防备突厥的举动。统一战争结束前，李建成多次巡防北边防线，指挥所部主动出击。

武德三年（公元620年）七月初一，李世民出兵讨伐王世充。十三日，李建成到达蒲州驻屯，防御突厥，并于廿五日指挥延州行军总管段德操击败来犯的梁师都和突厥、稽胡联军。

武德四年（公元621年），稽胡酋帅刘仚成拥众数万作乱边疆，正月廿三日李建成率军征讨，于鄜州与刘仚成军交战，大破刘仚成，斩首百馀级，俘虏一千多人。 李建成放走各稽胡首领几十人，让他们回到部落招降其他首领，刘仚成得知后与其他首领前来请降，李建成见这些部落民族兵马太多，害怕他们再次作乱，准备将他们全部杀死，消息泄漏，刘仚成逃往梁师都那里。李建成处死稽胡降兵六千馀人。 八月初二，李建成再次安抚北境。

武德五年（公元622年）八月十一日，李建成出豳州道，防御突厥。

武德六年（公元623年）八月七月廿五日，李建成驻屯于北部边境，防备突厥。

武德四年八月至武德五年十月，李建成一直局部打击突厥，并初步部署了与突厥决战的战线。在东线战争扫尾工作中，李建成整编世民所部，领兵安抚山东刘黑闼部，巡幸幽州罗艺部队，构建打击突厥的战线，处理一切有勾结突厥倾向的将领，净化内部，为战胜突厥做铺垫工作。李渊与李建成还积极调整人事部署。

与李世民的斗争

杨文干事件

根据《资治通鉴》《旧唐书隐太子建成传》描述：武德七年（公元624年）六月初三，李渊带著李世民和李元吉去铜川离宫仁智宫避暑，太子李建成监国，于京城留守。李建成趁勾结自己的死党，原任太子东宫侍卫庆州都督杨文干，让杨文干为自己招募骁勇，阴谋发动政变。并且命人送铠甲给杨文干。然而，负责送盔甲给杨文干的尔朱焕和桥公山在极端的恐惧之下，主动向李渊报告了这件事情。李渊赶忙召李建成觐见。当高祖的使者到达时，太子舍人徐师谟劝李建成据城起兵，李建成没有听从，而是听从詹事主簿赵弘智的意见，前往行宫请求皇帝宽恕，屏去官属，直接入内叩头请死，自投于地，不能起，几乎丧命。高祖将其囚禁在帐内，以麦为其充饥，同时命宇文颖前往庆州宣召杨文干。宇文颖至庆州以情告杨文干后，六月二十四日，杨文干发动兵变。李渊先派钱九陇、杨师道出兵镇压。六月二十六日，李渊向李世民许诺太子之位，以换取他平息叛乱。李世民出征后，李元吉与妃嫔为李建成求情，大臣封德彝固谏，李渊竟改变主意，令太子回京。七月初五日杨文干为部下所杀，宇文颖被俘斩。李世民回来后，李渊只字不提改立太子之事。最后，李渊将此事处理为「兄弟不能相容」，归罪于东宫的王圭、韦挺 和秦王府的杜淹，将他们流放到隽州。李世民知道杜淹没罪，送给他三百两黄金。

此事件为太子谋反，处理结果却是「兄弟不睦」；李世民本是带兵平叛，却遭到部下被流放的处罚。根据唐朝刘餗《隋唐嘉话》，里面有「人妄告东宫」，司马光在《资治通鉴》里也引用了这句话。章太炎，李树桐等学者认为：《通鉴》内有关杨文干反事连李建成案的记载必与事实不符，所谓「杨文干事件」是秦王府策划的阴谋。

同年，唐高祖在城南打猎，李建成、李世民、李元吉都相从，高祖命三子驰射角胜。李建成将肥壮却喜欢蹶的胡马给李世民，李世民乘之，马屡蹶，李世民却总能及时跳到数步外，便对宇文士及说：「他想这么杀我，但死生有命，怎么能伤到我？」李建成得知后，就让妃嫔进谗言，称李世民自称有天命为天下主。高祖大怒，先召李建成、李元吉，再召李世民指责，但正逢突厥入寇，高祖又改变态度与李世民商议对抗突厥。

但他却在洛阳的军政官员中建立了支持的基础，以此来与李建成在长安的优势相抗衡。武德八年（公元625年），李建成召李世民到东宫饮酒，李世民「心中暴痛，吐血数升」，被叔父淮安王李神通扶回西宫。李世民认为是李建成有心毒杀自己。唐高祖想派李世民去守卫洛阳，避免兄弟进一步冲突，但李建成和李元吉交换意见后认为这会使李世民在洛阳建立自己的势力，提出反对，高祖也就没有这么做。

李建成招募两千多名少壮人员来增强他在首都长安的力量，因驻扎在太子住地东宫内的长林门附近，称长林兵。李建成长期在长安经营，与长安的官员和高祖许多妃嫔关系良好，尤其与高祖最宠爱的妃子尹德妃、张婕妤两人关系密切，她们经常在高祖面前说李建成的好话：「至尊万岁后，秦王得志，臣妾母子定无孑遗。」「东宫慈厚，必能养育臣妾母子。」等话，使李建成一直保持李渊对其的信任。

李元吉曾劝李建成趁李世民来齐王府时杀之，但李建成不想杀弟弟，阻止了。

玄武门之变

当大唐王朝开始渐渐稳定下来的时候，李建成一方和李世民为一方的早在战争时期已逐渐产生的隔阂，终于表面化且发展为你死我活的权力斗争。

根据两唐书和《资治通鉴》的记载：李建成为了削弱来自李世民的威胁，作出了种种应对，李建成和李元吉一起，算计了李世民最重要的谋士房玄龄和杜如晦，将其开革，而后又派人行刺了李世民的重要将领尉迟恭，失败后又诋毁尉迟恭，尉迟恭经李世民说情才免于一死。为削弱李世民力量，当突厥人于公元626年初入侵边境时，李建成和李元吉去抗御突厥人，并想要趁机带走李世民幕府的精锐将领和士兵，李建成和李元吉还重金贿赂李世民手下的关键人物，希望他们倒戈相向，但尉迟恭、段志玄都拒绝了他们的拉拢。李世民对此展开了反击，在军方中立将领的默许中，做好了武装政变的准备。为此李世民收买了玄武门的禁军将领常何，使其听命于己。

这时，李建成手下的率更令王晊又向李世民泄露李建成、李元吉意欲在昆明池杀害李世民的计划，李世民遂在部属建议下决意发动政变。武德九年（626年）六月三日，李世民向唐高祖告密李建成、李元吉与尹德妃、张婕妤通奸偷情，淫乱后宫。唐高祖立即对四人私通乱伦一事进行查验。次日一早，张婕妤把李世民对他们的控告通知建成和李元吉，他们便决定不去朝廷而径自去见皇帝说明详情，因此打马直奔太极宫，想为自己辩护，结果在玄武门遇到李世民的埋伏，李建成被李世民本人引弓射杀，终年37岁，李元吉也被尉迟恭射死，史称玄武门之变。

李世民随后掌握了宫中的禁军部队，唐高祖李渊无力回天，只得下诏以李世民主军国事。事后，建成的儿子安陆王李承道、河东王李承德、武安王李承训、汝南王李承明、巨鹿王李承义，李元吉的儿子梁郡王李承业、渔阳王李承鸾、普安王李承奖、江夏王李承裕、义阳王李承度等人都因而被杀，还在宗室的名册上被删除名字。李世民被立为太子，在其即帝位后，于十月初一丙辰日（626年10月26日）下诏，追封李建成为息王并以亲王礼仪规格下葬，诏李建成东宫旧臣来会，于宜秋门哭之，谥隐。贞观元年，唐太宗以宗室子李怀仁为李建成后嗣，后改以己子李福为李建成后嗣，贞观十六年六月庚寅（7月8日）又追封为隐太子。

唐太宗入冥记

唐代小说，1900年发现于敦煌莫高窟藏经洞，原件藏于大英博物馆。

太子府可考人员

• 太子太保杜伏威；

• 太子詹士、太子少保李纲；

• 太子左庶子、太子詹士裴矩；

• 太子詹士窦轨；

• 太子左庶子郑善果；

• 太子中舍人、太子中允王圭；

• 陇西公友、太子中舍人、太子洗马贺徳仁；

• 太子洗马魏徵；

• 陇西公府谘议参军、左元帅府录事参军、率更令萧德言；

• 典膳监任璨；

• 太子中舍人殷闻礼；

• 太子舍人、太子中舍人李立言；

• 詹士府主簿、太子舍人赵弘智；

• 陇西公府记室、太子舍人庾抱；

• 太子舍人徐师谟；

• 太子通事舍人杨弘礼；

• 太子通事舍人张弼；

• 宫门大夫、太子家令韦庆嗣；

• 太子率更令卢赤松；

• 率更丞王眰；

• 太子监门率马三宝；

• 东宫左率府录事参军张楚贤；

以上见《墓志所见玄武门之变》作者：赵壮，南京大学。

• 太子率更令窦师干；

• 太子左卫率裴龙虔；

• 属官李安俨；

• 车骑将军、武安县公、副护军薛万彻；

• 翊卫车骑将军冯立；

• 世子府谘议参军、东宫中舍人王皂；

• 右卫率府铠曹参军唐临；

• 宿卫杨文干；

• 太子千牛李志安；

• 谷州刺史任瑰；

• 陇西公府祭酒、太子左卫骠骑、检校左率韦挺；

• 太子左千牛、上大将军李义余；

• 军头雷永吉；

• 左领军长史陈演寿；

• 太子左千牛，右卫率府亲府队正王大礼；

• 太子右千牛、右率郎将徐慈政；

• 银青光禄大夫、给事中、太子率更令欧阳询；

• 太子学士陈子良；

• 司农卿、阳城县公、开府仪同三司、农圃监韦云起；

• 鸿胪寺卿韦庆俭；

• 太子家令、彭城郡公韦庆嗣；

• 益州道行台尚书郭行方；

• 太子中王知敬；

• 太子左卫率兰谋；

• 长林军可达志；

• 东宫左监门卫副率哥舒季通；

后世平反

在正史中，李建成和李元吉都被说得一无是处：李建成则无才无能，桀骜难驯，终日沉湎打猎酒色。李元吉则是暴虐无道，荒淫无度。这至少是这一时期，传统史料对二人形象故意歪曲的部分结果。 司马光曾指出当时的实录对李建成和李元吉有偏颇不实之处。

《书唐隐太子建成传后》

清末民初思想家、史学家、朴学大师章太炎在《书唐隐太子建成传后》 指出：「史之失官，莫如书书唐隐太子与明建文事。建文纪年被革除，因不为著实录，其时政令遂不可知，顾史官阙文而已。隐太子事，加诬乃已甚矣。按玄武门之讼，太宗率长孙无忌等伏兵门侧，而隐太子无衷甲之卫，是太子无欲杀太宗心，借曰计虑不及，魏徵之智，岂后于房杜耶？不以伏兵教太子，是征亦未尝劝之杀太宗也。凡太宗所表诉（音「诉」，诽谤意）于神尧者，与炀帝诉太子勇语绝相类，被鸩心痛，亦饰为之耳。又攻及隐昧，云太子与宫嫔乱，谁见之谁证之？

太宗既立，惧于身后名，始以宰相监修国史，故《两朝实录》无信辞。吴兢刘昫不能为同异，虽宋子京亦不悟。唐人独一刘餗明杨文干事为诬告，而国史不采。司马公颇欲阙疑，然不能尽汰也。夫以神尧素染胡俗，非滞于成周之制者，且又素幸太宗，过于冢子，令唐有天下之功皆在太宗，何惮而不更置耶？然卒立隐太子无所变者，以太子自有功。按倡议之谋，本裴寂、刘文静启之，太宗在侧，故附成其说。隐太子不在侧，故不得附成其说。太宗非有以过其兄也。其决策之大者，莫如师次贾胡，久雨乏粮，群议欲返太原，惟隐太子兄弟沮其计，使神尧仡然西进，终成大业。此其功亦二人兼之，观温大雅《创业起居注》所记，大郎二郎方略正等（温大雅后亦为太宗所用，而《创业起居注》未尝剟定，唐初信史，惟此一编今其书具存。）知太子非庸谨不可与立者，神尧所以卒无异志为此也。

其后削平东夏，实太宗之功为大，事乃在武德三年。后王魏劝太子亲将讨刘黑闼以立功，事虽卒就，比于太宗尚不逮，要创业时功非有异也。太宗以削平东夏自伐，故思夺宗。与炀帝以平陈自伐无异。夺宗之事，太宗与炀帝等。房杜为之谋主，与杨素等。凡事为耳目所习者，其取法也易，其虑之也亦深。神尧虽暗，独惩于隋之高祖。讼者知其不决，则剚刃以先之，事乃有甚于炀帝者矣。盖史者所以督视人君，唐初《两朝实录》，则房玄龄删定以奏御者，其书玄武门之变，太宗且教令肆言之，是故论功则尽归于此，举恶则尽委于彼。此犹不置法司而令罪人躬自折狱。狱成矣，果足以欺百姓耶？虽然，有时直坐罪齐王而称建成仁厚，此亦周内之不能尽也。」

《唐朝盛衰三百年：唐史十二讲》

中国知名文史学家黄永年在《唐朝盛衰三百年：唐史十二讲》 ：「建成、元吉也决非如历史读本中所诟骂是什么「纨裤无赖子」、「凶险」之徒。《旧唐书》所说「建成残忍，岂主鬯之才，元吉凶狂，有覆巢之迹，若非太宗逆取顺守，积德累功，何以致三百年之延洪，二十帝之纂嗣？或坚持小节，必亏大猷，欲比秦二世、隋炀帝，亦不及矣。」好像由建成、元吉来做皇帝，唐政权就会马上垮台，连秦二世、隋炀帝的结局都不如，也无非是受了《实录》、《国史》对建成、元吉所加诬陷之词的影响。

然而篡改历史总是件心劳力拙的蠢事，今天仔细研读文献，仍不难看出建成、元吉对唐皇室的积极作用。李渊太原起兵后一直让建成、世民共同充当统帅，直到正式称帝为止，其间建成、世民都完成了任务，并无显著的高下优劣之分。

至于政事上，建成当了太子后「高祖忧其不娴政术，每令习政事，自非军国大事，悉委决之」。也就是让他学习主持日常工作。史书上也找不到他此时在政事上弄得如何糟的话，相反在这方面他起码在经验上要比李世民丰富得多。

（一）在出征问题上，前此建成以太子身份留长安练习政事，除武德二年出兵盩厔镇压司竹园的「群盗祝山海」，四年出兵鄜州击破稽胡酋帅刘仚成的部落外，再未承担军事任务。而这两次都是长安附近的小规模作战，事罢即回长安，不能像李世民那样培植私人军事实力。元吉虽然出征山东，总还是李世民的副手，捞不到多少好处。现在趁李世民为李渊疏薄，他们赶快争取出任大战役的统帅。据《旧唐书·高祖纪》，武德五年（622）八月「突厥颉利寇雁门」，「遣皇太子及秦王讨击，大败之」。十月「遣齐王元吉击刘黑闼于洺州」。十一月「命皇太子率兵讨刘黑闼」。十二月「皇太子破刘黑闼于魏州，斩之，山东平」。六年七月「突厥颉利寇朔州，遣皇太子及秦王屯并州以备之」。八年六月「突厥寇定州，命皇太子往幽州，秦王往并州，以备突厥」。最后九年「突厥犯边，诏元吉率师拒之」，因玄武门之变而告吹。可见武德后期李世民已当不成大战役的最高统帅，这个重要位置已逐步为建成、元吉取代。

（二）不仅公开取代统帅权，还用公开或秘密的手法来瓦解李世民已经结集的小集团势力。用金帛招诱尉迟敬德、段志玄、李安远等秦府将领，不成就加以排陷，曾下尉迟敬德于诏狱，要出程知节为康州刺史，连房玄龄、杜如晦这两个大谋士都被斥逐出秦府。

（三）和李世民一样大搞其结党营私，扩充东宫、齐府的实力。李世民有以杜如晦、房玄龄为首的谋士和秦府文学馆十八学士，建成有洗马魏徵、中允王圭、左卫率韦挺等「尽心所事」的东宫官属。

《唐史考辨》

台湾师范大学教授、隋唐史专家李树桐在《唐史考辨》第九章「唐隐太子建成军功考」中指出：「及太宗即位以后，必需要说出自己得即帝位的合理合法的根据来。于是造自己的功，造建成的过等等一套工作，是势必要作的。在这个原则下，自然不能不去掩没建成的军功。 许敬宗奉太宗命作高祖实录，掩没建成的军功一项工作，就在所修实录里完成。掩没建成军功的方法有下列之多：

（一） 对建成立的军功，除去建成之名。如平西河之役。

（二） 对建成部下将领立军功的，不书明属于建成部下。如克长安之役，将雷永吉改名为雷绍，而且不书明属于建成部下。

（三） 对建成的职权或官衔从略，使受建成指挥的军队所建之功不属于建成。如书「太子屯蒲州以备突厥」，及以后各战役是。

（四） 对建成部属的战功，特别从略。如太子建成平刘黑闼时，他的部将钱九垄、窦琮等的军功，毫不加描述。若与秦王世民平王世充、窦建德时对秦王及其部属军功的描述相比，尚不及数十或百分之一。

（五） 对建成的军功或战胜，往往改为战败或罪过。如霍县之役。」

相关争议

观看《起居注》

「起居注」是史书的一种体式，史官依实记录帝王每日言行，按年代顺序编成。按规定，起居注是不准被记录者本人看的，善行恶举必记不漏。所以，其真实性不容质疑。按惯例，帝王大行之后，要依起居注修实录，实录既成，起居注即被销毁，就是不毁亦因实录的存世而起居注不再受重视。所以，唐以前的起居注早已不复存在，而唐代也仅此一种，弥足珍贵。

贞观9年，李渊死后5个月，李世民第一次要求看《起居注》，未遂。

《贞观政要》记载说：贞观年间，褚遂良负责太宗《起居注》。李世民想取过来看，褚遂良以「不闻帝王躬自观史」为由拒绝了。唐太宗说：「我有不好的言行，你也一定要记下吗？」褚遂良说：「我的职责是记录历史，当然一定要记。」黄门侍郎刘洎：「即使褚遂良不记，天下人也记。」《旧唐书·褚遂良传》和《资治通鉴》（第一百九十六卷）也载有此事。

次年，太宗再度要求看《起居注》 ，房玄龄等人就把国史加以删减整理，撰写成高祖和太宗的《实录》各二十卷，当他看到「书六月四日事，语多微文」——史官对当年玄武门事变的内容含糊其辞，太宗告诉房玄龄：不必替他遮遮掩掩，反正玄武门事件本来就是像「周公诛管、蔡，季友鸩叔牙」那样的义举，目的是为了「安社稷、利万民」，要求「削去浮词，直书其事」。《资治通鉴》第一百九十七卷亦有记载。

这一行为给史学考究带来极大困难，也遭到章太炎等学者的指责。之后学者在依据贞观史料写成的两唐书和《资治通鉴》中，发现大量删改史实的痕迹，这些史料往往自相矛盾、漏洞百出、不合常理。这些在黄永年《六至九世纪中国政治史》等文章书籍中都有揭露。王觉仁说，时至今日，关于贞观君臣改史之事在学界几乎已成定论，无可辩驳。认为这是由于李建成在玄武门之变被杀，李世民即位，史臣在编撰实录和国史时，有意篡改了史实真相。

《大唐创业起居注》

作者温大雅（572年－629年），字彦弘，太原人，曾任被李渊任命为大将军府记室参军，「专掌文翰」。 由于其长期置身中枢，又亲历了李唐王朝从酝酿到玉成的全过程，公馀修史，先后撰成《大丞相唐王官属记》二卷、《今上王业记》六卷和《大唐创业起居注》三卷。《剑桥中国隋唐史》称他为「唐朝建立的目击者」。

《大唐创业起居注》记录了大业十三年（617年）五月李渊太原起兵至武德元年（618年）李渊长安称帝这段时间内发生的历史事件，诸如李渊联络豪杰、酝酿起兵、南下灭隋、在长安立代王及被拥戴登基等。这段时间温大雅做大将军府记室参军，所记多为亲见亲闻亲历。

《大唐创业起居注》约成书于高祖武德年间，涉及内容非常详赡丰富，比之后来的《旧唐书》、《新唐书》、《资治通鉴》等史书，记言记事多有出入。摘其要者，如太原起兵的主谋是谁，李建成于灭隋过程的功业如何？以及李渊屈节突厥、李渊与李密的关系等，而《大唐创业起居注》似更贴近当时史实，这也是历代治唐史者的共识。

太原起兵的谋划

关于太原起兵的主谋，《旧唐书》、《新唐书》、《资治通鉴》等官修正史均归功李世民，《新唐书·高祖本纪》说，大业十三年（617年）高祖做太原留守后，「世民阴与（裴）寂谋，寂因选晋阳宫人私侍高祖。高祖过寂饮酒，酒酣从容，寂具以大事告之，高祖大惊。寂曰：『正为宫人奉公，事发当诛，为此尔。』」后李渊被逼无奈：「吾儿诚有此谋，事已如此，当复奈何，正须从之耳。」司马光在《资治通鉴》中说，「高祖所以有天下，皆太宗之功」。作为大唐帝国开国皇帝的李渊，在正史中，仅是个缺乏主见，任由李世民和其谋臣摆布的人，从太原起兵直至建国，几乎没起什么作用。

而温大雅的《大唐创业起居注》所记则完全不同，李渊不仅是太原起兵的主谋，而且为人英明、决断、足智多谋，李世民仅起了协助作用。如同样是大业十三年（617年）李渊被任命为太原留守，《大唐创业起居注》载：「帝（李渊）遂私窃喜甚，而谓第二子秦王等曰：『唐固吾国，太原即其地焉。今我来斯，是为天与。与而不取，祸将斯及。」此言谋隋而代之的雄心已暴露无遗了。若比较后代官修正史与《大唐创业起居注》，在李渊起兵灭隋这一过程中，由于温大雅是按当时所见所闻所历及时记载下来的，所以不像正史受后来的主流意识形态左右，应该说他的记载是最接近历史真实的。

太子李建成与李世民的功业

在这个问题上，温大雅作为秦王李世民的亲信，在书中未免有夸大世民、贬抑李建成之处，但毕竟与正史受到太宗执政时期损益的史书截然不同，也被认为是相对客观公正的记录。由于李世民在玄武门之变中是靠杀兄逼父登上皇帝宝座的，而后世修史往往会替尊者讳。并且太宗「昔周公诛管、蔡而周室安，季友鸩叔牙而鲁国宁。朕之所为，义同此类，盖所以安社稷，利万民耳。」已为玄武门定下基调。故在新、旧《唐书》及《资治通鉴》这样的官修史书中，不仅要给李世民的夺位赋予正义的光环，还要对玄武门之变的受害者大加贬斥。如开创唐帝国的主角李渊庸庸无能，而太子李建成在灭隋兴唐的风云际会中更一无是处，或曰他的功绩簿上一片空白。

但温大雅在写《大唐创业起居注》时，李世民还仅是秦王，与太子也未发生夺位之争，因而温大雅虽然与秦王关系殊近，却不会也不敢厚此薄彼，只能秉笔直书。所以，在《大唐创业起居注》中，太子李建成随父起兵争战，一路政绩战功卓著，而李世民并无殊勋。就在后世史家津津乐道的李世民苦谏父亲勿从霍邑前线回师太原这件事上，《大唐创业起居注》也明确记录，这是李建成与李世民共同的主张，而李渊也是欣然接受，并无「哭谏」一事。

关于两唐书中所记载的李建成加害李世民等事情，由于政治斗争之残酷，其有待详查。

东宫毒酒事件的时间问题

新旧唐书李建成传都差不多，安排在杨文干事件之后。「后又与元吉谋行鸩毒，引太宗入宫夜宴，既而太宗心中暴痛，吐血数升，淮安王神通狼狈扶还西宫。高祖幸第问疾，因敕建成：『秦王素不能饮，更勿夜聚。』」

《资治通鉴》采用倒序手法，放在了武德九年六月一日条目下，正是玄武门事变前3天。《资治通鉴·卷第一百九十一·唐纪七》建成夜召世民，饮酒而鸩之，世民暴心痛，吐血数升，淮安王神通扶之还西宫。

《旧唐书·房玄龄传》则把这一事件安排在建唐之前，而且没有提到毒酒，只是中毒。接著就是房玄龄献计诛杀兄弟逼退父亲。「太宗尝至隐太子所，食，中毒而归，府中震骇，计无所出。」

人物评价

• 温大雅：太子及王俱禀圣略，倾财赈施，卑身下士。逮乎鬻缯博徒，监门厮养，一技可称，一艺可取，与之抗礼，未尝云倦。故得士庶之心，无不至者。

• 刘昫：建成残忍，岂主鬯之才。有功曰祖，有德曰宗。建成、元吉，实为二凶。中外交构，人神不容。

• 司马光：向使高祖有文王之明，隐太子有泰伯之贤，太宗有子臧之节。

• 王夫之：太原之起，虽由秦王，而建成分将以响长安，功虽不逮，固协谋而戮力与偕矣。

• 近代史学大家陈寅恪《唐代政治史述论稿》：然高祖起兵太原，李建成即与太宗各领一军。及为太子，其所用官僚如王圭、魏徵之流即后来佐成贞观之治的名臣，可知李建成亦为才智之人。

• 当代著名史学家黄永年在其中古史的力作《六至九世纪中国政治史》中指出：其实从第一手文献《大唐创业起居注》来看，从太原起兵到高祖进入长安称帝建唐，建成的功业并不亚于李世民；至于政事上，《旧唐书.建成传》说建成当了皇太子后，「高祖忧其不娴政书，每令习时事，自非军国大务，悉委决之」，用今天的话来说，就是让建成主持日常工作，学习做皇帝。而史书即使按太宗李世民定的调子多作改窜，也找不到建成此时在政事上弄得如何糟的话。相反，倒可以知道建成在这方面的经验至少要比李世民丰富得多。」

• 史学者何木风：他是大唐第一位太子，也是被历史扭曲了多年的真太子。

墓志铭

李建成墓碑被盗多年，2013年出现于一起经公安机关破获的盗墓案中，6月8日对外公布，全文如下：

::「大唐故息隐王墓志。王讳建成。武德九年六月四日薨于京师。粤于贞观二年岁次戊子正月已酉朔十三日辛酉。葬于雍州长安县之高阳原。」

墓志记载的高阳原为今西安市长安区郭杜镇，具体出土地点约在郭杜镇西北的羊村。墓志上谥号「隐」字明显为剜磨去原字后改刻。《唐会要》记载：

::贞观二年三月（据志文当为正月），有司奏谥息王为戾。上令改谥。议，杜淹奏改为灵。又不许，乃谥曰隐。

知当时墓志本已刻好，后依太宗旨意改字。挖去的字当为原来谥号「戾」字。

家庭

妻妾

• 原配某氏。

• 太子妃郑观音，继室。生于隋开皇十九年（599年），隋朝大业十年（614年）嫁李建成。 郑观音比丈夫年轻十岁，成婚时李建成已虚岁二十六岁，且二人成婚时间比丈夫的弟弟李世民与弟媳长孙氏成婚时间更晚，推测郑观音并非李建成原配。卒于唐高宗上元三年（676年），年78。出自荥阳郑氏，北魏太常卿，徐州刺史郑道玉的曾孙女，北魏司徒府长史、谏议大夫、颍川郡太守、吴山郡公郑谌的孙女，北齐本州大中正、吴山公、隋开府仪同三司、金紫光禄大夫、括州刺史郑继伯之女。早年史书中，关于李建成太子妃的记载仅「李安严（李安俨）与隐太子同取郑氏」一句。

• 承徽杨舍娘，生于隋开皇十八年（598年），卒于唐高宗总章元年（668年），年71。出自弘农杨氏，北魏使持节大将军、鄜豳燕成文扶邓赵八州刺史、傥城郡公杨绍的曾孙女，使持节仪同大将军杨长的孙女，隋通化府鹰扬郎将杨氏之女。武德初（618年）以良家子入宫，封承徽（良娣、良媛之后为承徽，从五品）。有女乐陵县主，永徽中封，嫁洛州温县令于善询。墓志铭中有「望夫依石，思子临台。」之句，可能有儿子死于玄武门之变。

子

李建成共有六子。除长子早卒，其馀五子都在玄武门之变被诛。

• 长子李承宗，620年六月封太原郡王，早卒

• 次子李承道，620年六月封安陆郡王，626年被诛

• 三子李承德，河东郡王，626年被诛

• 四子李承训，武安郡王，626年被诛

• 五子李承明，汝南郡王，626年被诛

• 六子李承义，钜鹿郡王，626年被诛

从李建成妻妾已出土的墓志「东望吾子，西望吾夫」等语来看，李建成诸子很可能与李建成葬于一处。

女

至少有五个女儿

• 次女李婉顺，嫁刘应道为妻，封闻喜县主

• 五女归德县主，郑观音所生。郑观音墓志有「巢倾穴毁，重承胎卵之仁。虽掌碎骊珠，而庭开虹玉，已绝倚闾之望，旋闻解瑱之欢。昔有陶婴，恤孤资于纺绩；缅惟梁寡，励节在于衡泌」语，可能在玄武门之变后生下遗腹女，未详与归德县主是否一人

• 乐陵县主，杨舍娘所生，嫁洛州温县令于善询。

备注

参考

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Background

Li Jiancheng was born in 589 during the reign of Emperor Wen of Sui. He was the oldest son of Li Yuan, then Duke of Tang, who was a hereditary noble, and Li Yuan's wife Duchess Dou, who was the daughter of Dou Yi (窦毅), the Duke of Shenwu and Northern Zhou's Princess Xiangyang. Duchess Dou would subsequently give birth to three of Li Jiancheng's younger brothers: Li Shimin, Li Xuanba (李玄霸, who died in 614), and Li Yuanji. She also gave birth to a girl child who eventually became Princess Pingyang, although it is not clear whether she was older or younger than Li Jiancheng. At some point, Li Jiancheng received the title of Heir Apparent of Tang.

Participation in Tangs founding

The rebellion against Sui rule

In 616, with rebellions beginning to engulf northern China and frequent Eastern Tujue incursions across the border, Emperor Yang of Sui commissioned Li Yuan to be the commander of Taiyuan, guarding it against both rebels and the Eastern Tujue. As the chief commander of Taiyuan, Li Yuan was obligated by law to leave his family behind. Li Jiancheng was therefore put in charge of the estate and became the head of the house of Hedong (河东, in modern Yuncheng, Shanxi) while Li Yuan was away. Li Yuan took his younger son Li Shimin with him to the city Jinyang, which was the administrative center of Taiyuan.

According to the traditional narrative in the official historical records, in 617 Li Yuan was persuaded by Li Shimin to rebel against Sui rule (see "Historical sources" below). Another source, Wen Daya (温大雅)'s Da Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu (大唐创业起居注), attributes the decision to revolt to Li Yuan himself. When Li Yuan was initially assigned to Jinyang in 616, he was pleased and regarded his assignment as a divinely-granted opportunity. But just one year later, in 617, Li Yuan said to Li Shimin: "The Sui Empire is about to collapse and the next family to rule this country will be us. The only reason I haven't yet started a rebellion is because your brothers are still in Hedong". Li Yuan sent secret messengers to Hedong to transfer his family to Jinyang. During the journey one of Li Jiancheng's younger brothers, Li Zhiyun, died. He also summoned his son-in-law Chai Shao from Chang'an. At the urging of Li Yuan's daughter, Chai Shao left Chang'an on his own while she went into hiding.

Even before Li Jiancheng, Li Yuanji, and Chai Shao arrived at Jinyang, Li Yuan rebelled, declaring that he intended to support Emperor Yang's grandson Yang You, the Prince of Dai, as emperor, while honoring Emperor Yang as Taishang Huang (retired emperor). Yang You was nominally in charge of the capital city Chang'an at the time.

Li Yuan made both Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin key generals, and in nine days they captured Xihe Commandery (西河, roughly modern Lüliang, Shanxi), impressing their father. Subsequently, Li Yuan divided his forces into six armies, giving Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin command of three armies each. He also made Li Jiancheng the Duke of Longxi and Li Shimin the Duke of Dunhuang. Li Yuan then advanced toward Chang'an. As he approached Hedong, torrential rains prevented his army from advancing further. With rumors running rampant that Liu Wuzhou and the Eastern Tujue were about to attack Taiyuan, Li Yuan initially ordered a retreat back to Taiyuan. However, Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin argued that this would mean sure defeat, and Li Yuan changed his mind.

Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin then captured the fortress of Huoyi (霍邑, in modern Linfen, Shanxi), eventually convincing Li Yuan to bypass Hedong and directly advance toward Chang'an. After he crossed the Yellow River into Guanzhong (i.e., the Chang'an region), he sent Li Jiancheng with Liu Wenjing (刘文静) east to guard Tong Pass and Yongfeng Storage (永丰仓) and to stop any potential Sui reinforcements from the eastern capital Luoyang. He also sent Li Shimin north of the Wei River to seize territory. Once Li Yuan himself approached Chang'an, he summoned both Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin to join him in a siege of Chang'an. In the winter of 617, Li Yuan captured Chang'an and declared Yang You emperor (as Emperor Gong). He was created Prince of Tang, and became the regent for Yang You.

In the spring of 618, Li Yuan sent Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin toward Luoyang, which was then under attack by the rebel leader Li Mi, Duke of Wei, ostensibly to help the Sui forces there. The Sui forces rejected the overture, and Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin returned to Chang'an.

Tang imperial reunification

Later in the spring of 618, Emperor Yang, then at Jiangdu (江都, in modern Yangzhou, Jiangsu), was killed in a coup led by the general Yuwen Huaji. When this news arrived at Chang'an, Li Yuan had Yang You yield the throne to him. He established the Tang Dynasty, and declared himself the Emperor Gaozu. He also made Li Jiancheng crown prince.

In 619, Li Yuan sent Li Jiancheng to attack the peasant rebel leader Zhu Shanhai (祝山海), the Duke of Huxiang. Li Jiancheng defeated Zhu. Later that year Li Gui, the Emperor of Liang, was captured in a coup by his official An Xinggui (安兴贵), who then surrendered to Tang. Li Yuan sent Li Jiancheng to welcome An and to escort Li Gui to Chang'an, where An was executed by Li Yuan.

Meanwhile, Li Jiancheng was developing a reputation for leniency but was addicted to drinking and hunting. Li Yuan was worried that he was ignorant about politics and uninterested in working for the state. He added his key ministers Li Gang (李纲) and Zheng Shanguo (郑善果) to Li Jiancheng's staff.

Campaigns against Tujue

On July 1, 620, Li Shimin was sent to fight Wang Shichong. In the fall of 620, reports came in that Li Zhongwen (李仲文), who was then in charge at Taiyuan, was planning to rebel. Li Yuan sent Li Jiancheng to Pufan (蒲反, i.e., Hedong) to guard against Li Zhongwen, while summoning Li Zhongwen back to the capital. Li Zhongwen complied and was later executed.

In spring 621 the Xiongnu chieftain Liu Xiancheng (刘仚成) harassed Tang's border territory. Li Yuan sent Li Jiancheng to attack Liu. Li Jiancheng captured a number of the Xiongnu and released their leaders. This led them to surrender in large numbers, and he then massacred them. Only Liu escaped and fled to Liang Shidu, the Emperor of Liang. In 622, Li Jiancheng was one of the commanders that Li Yuan sent, along with Li Shimin, Li Zihe (李子和), and Duan Decao (段德操), to counter an Eastern Tujue incursion.

Rivalry with Li Shimin

Meanwhile, an intense rivalry had developed between Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin, who now carried the title Prince of Qin. Although Li Jiancheng had made contributions towards Tang's reunification of China, Li Shimin had defeated a number of the most important contenders including Xue Rengao, the Emperor of Qin, Wang Shichong, the Emperor of Zheng, and Dou Jiande, the Prince of Xia. Li Shimin therefore had a stronger reputation in the army. Li Yuanji was also often relied on by Li Yuan as a general and had been created the Prince of Qi. He supported Li Jiancheng in his rivalry with Li Shimin, and often pushed Li Jiancheng toward a more hard-line position, wanting to be crown prince when Li Jiancheng became emperor. Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji had better relations with Li Yuan's favored young concubines than Li Shimin did (their mother Duchess Dou had died before Tang's establishment), and those concubines helped rehabilitate Li Jiancheng's standing before Li Yuan. Li Yuan had considered making Li Shimin crown prince instead of Li Jiancheng, but his concubines persuaded him not to.

By winter 622, the only remaining major threat against Tang rule was Liu Heita, the Prince of Handong. He had been a Xia general, and rose against Tang after Li Yuan had executed Dou Jiande. He had been defeated by Li Shimin earlier in the year. Li Jiancheng's staff members Wang Gui and Wei Zheng argued to him that he needed some victories to establish his reputation, and Li Jiancheng volunteered to command the army against Liu Heita. Li Yuan sent Li Jiancheng to attack Liu, assisted by Li Yuanji. Around the turn of the year, Liu's forces were bogged down while attacking Tang's Wei Prefecture (魏州, in modern Handan, Hebei). Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji engaged him at Guantao, crushing him. Liu fled north toward the Eastern Tujue, but was ambushed and captured by his own official Zhuge Dewei (诸葛德威), who delivered him to Li Jiancheng. Li Jiancheng executed Liu. China was by this point almost completely unified by Tang.

In 623, when the Eastern Tujue made another incursion into Tang territory, Li Yuan again sent Li Jiancheng and Li Shimin to guard against the attack. Meanwhile Li Yuanji suggested to Li Jiancheng that he could have Li Shimin assassinated when Li Shimin was visiting Li Yuanji's mansion, but Li Jiancheng refused, not having the heart to kill a brother.

In 624, Li Jiancheng requisitioned a number of soldiers from the general Li Yi, the Prince of Yan, to supplement his guard corps. This was against Li Yuan's regulations. Li Yuan rebuked Li Jiancheng when he found out, and exiled his guard commander Keda Zhi (可达志). Nevertheless, Li Jiancheng later requested the commandant at Qing Prefecture (庆州, in modern Qingyang, Gansu), Yang Wen'gan (杨文干) to conscript troops, presumably to guard against Li Shimin. The officers Erzhu Huan (尔朱焕) and Qiao Gongshan (桥公山) informed Li Yuan that Li Jiancheng was encouraging Yang to start a rebellion so that they could seize power together. Li Yuan, then at Renzhi Palace (仁智宫, in modern Tongchuan, Shaanxi), was incensed, and summoned Li Jiancheng, then at Chang'an, to Renzhi Palace. Li Jiancheng briefly flirted with the idea of occupying Chang'an instead of accepting the order, but eventually reported to Renzhi Palace to request forgiveness. Li Yuan put him under arrest. When Yang heard this, Yang rebelled, and Li Yuan sent Li Shimin to attack Yang. Li Yuan promised Li Shimin that he would replace Li Jiancheng as crown prince, and that Li Jiancheng would be sent to the modern Sichuan region as the Prince of Shu. After Li Shimin left, however, Li Yuanji, Li Yuan's concubines, and the chancellor Feng Deyi, all spoke on Li Jiancheng's behalf, and Li Yuan changed his mind, released Li Jiancheng, and allowed him to return to Chang'an as crown prince. Li Yuan then blamed the discord between his sons on Li Jiancheng's staff members Wang Gui and Wei Ting (韦挺), and Li Shimin's staff member Du Yan, exiling them. Yang was subsequently assassinated by his own subordinates.

Later that year, Li Yuan, troubled by repeated Eastern Tujue incursions, seriously considered burning Chang'an to the ground and moving the capital to Fancheng, a suggestion that Li Jiancheng, Li Yuanji, and the chancellor Pei Ji agreed with. Li Shimin opposed the plan, however, and it was not carried out. Meanwhile, Li Shimin sent his confidants to Luoyang to build up personal control of the army there.

The Poisoned Wine at Eastern Palace

According to Zizhi Tongjian, on the first day of the 6th lunar month of 626, three days before the Xuanwu Gate incident, Li Jiancheng hosted a banquet for Li Shimin and Li Yuanji at his residence, the Eastern Palace. Li Shimin was carried back home after a night of drinking. Li Shimin reported through officials at his residence that he started vomiting a lot of blood after returning home. Li Yuan sent a royal decree to Li Jiancheng: "The prince of Qin (Li Shimin) has a low alcohol tolerance, therefore, he is forbidden to go out drinking at night." Li Shimin apparently interpreted the wine as an assassination attempt, but Li Yuan did not mention poison in his decree to Li Jiancheng. Li Yuan considered sending Li Shimin to guard Luoyang to prevent further conflict, but Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji opposed the plan because they believed that this would give Li Shimin an opportunity to build up his personal power. They expressed their concerns to Li Yuan's ministers, who explained to him that this plan could escalate a brotherly rivalry into a civil conflict. Li Yuan therefore did not carry out the plan.

The date and the veracity of this event are both disputed. According to Zizhi Tongjian, it happened 3 days before the Xuanwu Gate incident. In Li Jiancheng's biography from the Old Book of Tang and the New Book of Tang, it took place after the Yang Wen'gan incident but several months before the Xuanwu Gate incident. However, in Fang Xuanling's biography from the Old Book of Tang, it happened before the founding of Tang, and wine was not mentioned. It remains a mystery whether or not someone attempted to poison Li Shimin at the Eastern Palace.

Death

By 626, Li Shimin was fearful that he would be killed by Li Jiancheng, and his staff members Fang Xuanling, Du Ruhui, and Zhangsun Wuji were encouraging Li Shimin to attack Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji first. Similarly, Wei Zheng was encouraging Li Jiancheng to attack Li Shimin first. Li Jiancheng persuaded Li Yuan to remove Fang and Du, as well as Li Shimin's trusted guard officers Yuchi Gong and Cheng Zhijie (程知节), from Li Shimin's staff. Zhangsun, who remained on Li Shimin's staff, continued to try to persuade Li Shimin to attack first.

In summer 626, the Eastern Tujue were making another attack. Li Yuan was initially inclined to send Li Shimin to resist them, but at Li Jiancheng's suggestion sent Li Yuanji instead. Li Yuanji was given command of much of the army previously under Li Shimin's control. This further troubled Li Shimin, who believed that with the army in Li Yuanji's hands he would be unable to resist an attack. Li Shimin had Yuchi secretly summon Fang and Du back to his mansion, then sent an accusation to Li Yuan that Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji were committing adultery with Li Yuan's concubines. Li Yuan responded by issuing summonses to Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji for the next morning, convening the senior officials Pei Ji, Xiao Yu, and Chen Shuda to examine Li Shimin's accusations. As Li Jiancheng and Li Yuanji approached the central gate leading to Li Yuan's palace, Xuanwu Gate (玄武门), Li Shimin ambushed them. He personally fired the arrow that killed Li Jiancheng, and Yuchi killed Li Yuanji. Li Shimin's forces entered the palace and, under this intimidation, Li Yuan agreed to make Li Shimin crown prince. Two months later, Li Shimin succeeded to the throne. Li Jiancheng's five sons were all executed.

Li Jiancheng was initially reduced to commoner rank. After Emperor Taizong took the throne, he posthumously granted Li Jiancheng the title of Prince of Xi and assigned his own son Li Fu (李福) into Li Jiancheng's lineage as Li Jiancheng's heir. He also buried Li Jiancheng with the ceremonies due to an imperial prince. In 642, he restored Li Jiancheng's crown prince title. However, Li Jiancheng was never fully rehabilitated and his daughters still had the status of daughters of a common prince, rather than a crown prince.

Historical sources

Da Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu

"Qijuzhu" is a type of imperial diary which records the emperor's daily activities that appeared as early as the Han dynasty. The purpose of Qijuzhu is to help govern the emperor's behavior by faithfully recording the actions and words of the Emperor in court. The emperor must not read or ask about the Qijuzhu. In the Tang dynasty, imperial diarists were in charge of the Qijuzhu. According to convention, the Qijuzhu should be edited and the original diary destroyed after the death of the emperor.

The author of Da Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu (大唐创业起居注, "Imperial diary of the foundation of the Great Tang") was Wen Daya (c. 572 - 629 CE). He served as Li Yuan's staff of records and witnessed the establishment of Tang dynasty in 618. Da Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu was a three-chapter book with a detailed narrative and a firsthand account of the 357 days of insurrection. His work was finished before Li Shimin began censoring the official imperial records. Since Wen Daya was a supporter of Li Shimin, he did not feel a need to exaggerate Li Jiancheng's contribution to Tang's founding. As the only complete original court diary left from pre-Qing times, Da Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu is now generally considered a more reliable source on early Tang Dynasty..

Da Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu emphasizes that Li Yuan was the mastermind of the revolt against the Sui. Li Shimin, who was a teenager at the time, served only a secondary role in these events. In the official histories, Li Jiancheng was described as an incompetent crown prince. Wen Daya portrayed a different Li Jiancheng: a capable leader, generous and open-minded. He knew how to recruit talented people and did well in his early political career as a crown prince. Li Yuan, in Wen Daya's narrative, was a fearless leader with vision, courage and strategic planning.

Contemporary historians have re-examined the evidence for events contained in the official histories (the Old Book of Tang, the New Book of Tang and Zizhi Tongjian) and have concluded that important elements were probably fabricated during the reign of Li Shimin at his order. On the basis of other material, most importantly Da-Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu, historians have been able to correct some of the bias and distortions of the official histories about the founding of the Tang dynasty. Da Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu provides a clear example of how Li Shimin rewritten history for his own favor. It also explains Li Jiancheng's historical image contradictions in the official histories. The truth that had intentionally been distorted and ignored by later official historians can be found in the Da Tang Chuangye Qijuzhu.

Family

Spouse

• Princess Zheng Guanyin (599-676), married 614.

Sons

• Li Chengzong, Prince of Taiyuan (title granted in 620, died prematurely).

• Li Chengdao, Prince of Anlu (title granted in 620, executed and excluded from imperial clan 626).

• Li Chengde, Prince of Hedong (presumably born after 620, executed and excluded from imperial clan 626).

• Li Chengxun, Prince of Wu'an (presumably born after 620, executed and excluded from imperial clan 626).

• Li Chengming, Prince of Runan (presumably born after 620, executed and excluded from imperial clan 626).

• Li Chengyi, Prince of Julu (presumably born after 620, executed and excluded from imperial clan 626).

Daughters

• Li Wanshun (李婉顺) (622-661), courtesy name Wāngniáng (尪娘), the second daughter, granted the title of Princess of Wénxǐ in 638, married Liú Yīngdào (刘应道).

• Princess of Guide, the fifth daughter.

Tombstone inscription

Li Jiancheng's tombstone was lost for many years. It was recovered in 2013, and the inscription was released to the public on June 8, 2013.

There are 55 words in total, as follows:

「大唐故息隐王墓志。王讳建成。武德九年六月四日薨于京师。粤于贞观二年岁次戊子正月已酉朔十三日辛酉。葬于雍州长安县之高阳原。」

Modern Depictions

• Portrayed by Yan Yikuan in the 2005 TV series The Prince of Qin, Li Shimin.

• Portrayed by Choi Jung-woo in 2006-2007 SBS TV series Yeon Gaesomun.

• Portrayed by Qiao Zhenyu in the 2012 TV series Heroes of Sui and Tang Dynasties.

• Portrayed by Han Dong in the upcoming CCTV TV series Peace in Palace, Peace in Chang'An.