| | 郭陳列傳: |
郭躬字仲孫，潁川陽翟人也。家世衣冠。父弘，習小杜律。太守寇恂以弘為決曹掾，斷獄至三十年，用法平。諸為弘所決者，退無怨情，郡內比之東海于公。年九十五卒。 |
| | Guo Gong, courtesy name Zhongsun, was a native of Yangzhe, Yingchuan. His family had long been members of the gentry class. His father, Guo Hong, studied the Xiao Du Law Code. Governor Kou Xun appointed Guo Hong as a Jucao Yuan (a judicial clerk), and he presided over court cases for as long as thirty years, applying the law impartially. Those whose cases had been decided by Guo Hong left without any resentment, and within the commandery he was compared to Yu Gong of Donghai. He died at the age of ninety-five.
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躬少傳父業，講授徒眾常數百人。後為郡吏，辟公府。永平中，奉車都尉竇固出擊匈奴，騎都尉秦彭為副。彭在別屯而輒以法斬人，固奏彭專擅，請誅之。顯宗乃引公卿朝臣平其罪科。躬以明法律，召入議。議者皆然固奏，躬獨曰：「於法，彭得斬之。」帝曰：「軍征，校尉一統於督。彭既無斧鉞，可得專殺人乎？」躬對曰：「一統於督者，謂在部曲也。今彭專軍別將，有異於此。兵事呼吸，不容先關督帥。且漢制棨戟即為斧鉞，於法不合罪。」帝從躬議。又有兄弟共殺人者，而罪未有所歸。帝以兄不訓弟，故報兄重而減弟死。中常侍孫章宣詔，誤言兩報重，尚書奏章矯制，罪當腰斬。帝復召躬問之，躬對「章應罰金」。帝曰：「章矯詔殺人，何謂罰金？」躬曰：「法令有故、誤，章傳命之謬，於事為誤，誤者其文則輕。」帝曰：「章與囚同縣，疑其故也。」躬曰：「『周道如砥，其直如矢。』『君子不逆詐。』君王法天，刑不可以委曲生意。」帝曰：「善。」遷躬廷尉正，坐法免。 |
| | Guo Gong inherited his father's legal expertise from an early age, and he often taught hundreds of students at a time. Later, he became a local official and was appointed to serve in the imperial court. During the Yongping period, Fengche Duyi Dou Gu led a military campaign against the Xiongnu, with Qiduwei Qin Peng serving as his deputy. While stationed separately, Qin Peng executed someone without authorization; Dou Gu reported this act of overstepping authority and requested that Qin be put to death. Emperor Xianzong summoned the high officials and court ministers to assess the appropriate punishment for his crime. Guo Gong, known for his legal expertise, was summoned to participate in the deliberation. All those present agreed with Dou Gu's recommendation, but Guo Gong alone said, "According to the law, Qin Peng had the authority to execute him." The emperor said, "During a military campaign, all officers are subordinate to the commander-in-chief. Since Qin Peng did not hold authority of execution, could he have acted unilaterally and killed someone?" Guo Gong replied, "Being subordinate to the commander refers to those within his direct command. In this case, Qin Peng commanded a separate detachment and is different from that situation." Military affairs are urgent and do not allow for prior consultation with the commander. Moreover, according to Han dynasty regulations, carrying a qi ji (a ceremonial halberd) was equivalent to holding authority of execution; thus, his action does not constitute a crime under the law." The emperor followed Guo Gong's opinion. There was another case in which brothers had jointly committed murder, but the assignment of guilt remained unresolved. The emperor ruled that since the elder brother failed to instruct his younger sibling properly, he should bear a heavier punishment while the younger brother's death penalty was commuted. Zhongchangshi Sun Zhang announced the imperial decree but mistakenly stated that both brothers were to receive severe punishment. The Shangshu Office reported that Sun had altered the emperor's order, and his crime merited decapitation by slicing at the waist. The emperor again summoned Guo Gong to ask about it, and Guo Gong replied that "Sun Zhang should be fined." The emperor asked, "Sun Zhang altered the imperial decree and caused a man's death—how can this merely warrant a fine?" Guo Gong said, "The law distinguishes between intentional and mistaken actions. Sun Zhang's error in conveying the imperial command constitutes a mistake rather than an intentional act; therefore, according to legal provisions, such errors are treated less severely." The emperor said, "Sun Zhang and the prisoner were from the same county—I suspect this was intentional." Guo Gong replied, "'The Zhou dynasty's way is as smooth as a grindstone, and its straightness like an arrow.'" "'A gentleman does not assume deceit without evidence.'" "The Son of Heaven follows the Mandate of Heaven; punishment cannot be bent to allow for personal intentions." The emperor said, "Well spoken." Guo Gong was promoted to Tingwei Zheng (a high-ranking judicial official), but he was later dismissed due to legal violations.
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後三遷，元和三年，拜為廷尉。躬家世掌法，務在寬平，及典理官，決獄斷刑，多依矜恕，乃條諸重文可從輕者四十一事奏之，事皆施行，著于令。章和元年，赦天下繫囚在四月丙子以前減死罪一等，勿笞，詣金城，而文不及亡命未發覺者。躬上封事曰：「聖恩所以減死罪使戍邊者，重人命也。今死罪亡命無慮萬人，又自赦以來，捕得甚眾，而詔令不及，皆當重論。伏惟天恩莫不蕩宥，死罪已下並蒙更生，而亡命捕得獨不沾澤。臣以為赦前犯死罪而繫在赦後者，可皆勿笞詣金城，以全人命，有益於邊。」肅宗善之，即下詔赦焉。躬奏讞法科，多所生全。永元六年，卒官。中子晊，亦明法律，至南陽太守，政有名跡。弟子鎮。 |
| | After three subsequent promotions, in the third year of Yuanhe, he was appointed as Tingwei (Minister of Justice). Guo Gong's family had long been in charge of legal matters, always emphasizing leniency and fairness. When he held the office responsible for judicial administration, his rulings on cases and sentencing often reflected compassion and mercy. He compiled a list of forty-one serious offenses that could be mitigated under certain circumstances and submitted it to the throne; all these recommendations were implemented and incorporated into official legal codes. In the first year of Zhanghe, an imperial pardon was issued for all prisoners throughout the realm who had been detained before the Bingzi day of the fourth month; their death sentences were reduced by one degree and they would not be subjected to caning but instead ordered to report to the gold fortress. However, the decree did not mention fugitives who had not yet been discovered. Guo Gong submitted a sealed memorial stating: "The imperial grace that reduces death sentences to border service is intended to emphasize the value of human life. Now, there are easily tens of thousands of death-row convicts who have fled; since the pardon was issued, many have been captured. However, as the decree does not cover them, they will all face harsher punishment." I humbly believe that the grace of Heaven is universally forgiving; all those with lesser crimes have been granted a second chance at life, yet only fugitives who are captured remain excluded from this mercy. I suggest that those who committed capital crimes before the pardon but were detained afterward should all be exempted from caning and ordered to report to the gold fortress, so as to preserve human life and benefit the frontier." Emperor Suong approved his suggestion and immediately issued an edict granting pardon. Guo Gong submitted legal rulings, many of which resulted in the preservation of lives. In the sixth year of Yongyuan, he died while holding office. His second son, Guo Zhi, was also well-versed in the law and served as Taishou of Nanyang; his administration earned a reputation for excellence. His disciple was Zhen.
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鎮字桓鍾，少修家業。辟太尉府，再遷，延光中為尚書。及中黃門孫程誅中常侍江京等而立濟陰王，鎮率羽林士擊殺衛尉閻景，以成大功，事在宦者傳。再遷尚書令。太傅、三公奏鎮冒犯白刃，手劍賊臣，姦黨殄滅，宗廟以寧，功比劉章，宜顯爵土，以勵忠貞。乃封鎮為定潁侯，食邑二千戶。拜河南尹，轉廷尉，免。永建四年，卒於家。詔賜冢塋地。 |
| | Zhen, courtesy name Huanzhong, from an early age cultivated the family's legal tradition. He was appointed to serve in Taiwei Fu (the Office of the Grand Commandant), and after two successive promotions, during the Yanguang period he became a Shangshu. When Zhonghuangmen Sun Cheng killed Zhongchangshi Jiang Jing and others to install Jiying Wang, Zhen led the Yulin soldiers in killing Weiwei Yan Jing, thereby achieving a great feat; this event is recorded in the biography of eunuchs. After two more promotions, he became Shangshu Ling (Minister of the Secretariat). Taifu and the Three Excellencies submitted a memorial stating that Zhen had braved blades, personally wielding his sword against traitorous ministers; with the elimination of the faction of villains, the ancestral temples were thus at peace. His merit was comparable to Liu Zhang's, and he should be granted noble titles and fiefdoms in order to encourage loyalty and integrity. He was therefore enfeoffed as Gong of Dingying, with a fief of 2000 households. He was appointed as Yinyin of Henan, later transferred to Tingwei, but was subsequently dismissed from office. In the fourth year of Yongjian, he died at home. An imperial decree was issued granting him a burial site and tomb grounds.
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長子賀當嗣爵，讓與小弟時而逃去。積數年，詔大鴻臚下州郡追之，賀不得已，乃出受封。累遷，復至廷尉。及賀卒，順帝追思鎮功，下詔賜鎮謚曰昭武侯，賀曰成侯。 |
| | His eldest son, He, should have inherited the title, but he gave it to his younger brother Shi and fled away. After several years, the emperor issued an order through the Dahanlu (Ministry of Rites) to local authorities to pursue him. He had no choice but to finally emerge and accept the title. After successive promotions, he once again became Tingwei. Upon He's death, Emperor Shun recalled Zhen's contributions and issued an edict posthumously bestowing the title of Marquis Zhao Wu Hou on Zhen and that of Cheng Hou on He.
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賀弟禎，亦以能法律至廷尉。 |
| | He's younger brother, Zhen, also became a Tingwei due to his legal expertise.
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鎮弟子禧，少明習家業，兼好儒學，有名譽，延熹中亦為廷尉。建寧二年，代劉寵為太尉。禧子鴻，至司隸校尉，封城安鄉侯。 |
| | Zhen's disciple Xi, from an early age was well-versed and practiced in the family legal tradition while also taking a strong interest in Confucian learning; he gained a reputation for excellence and during the Yanxi period also became Tingwei. In the second year of Jianning, he succeeded Liu Chong as Taiwei. Xi's son Hong attained the position of Silijiao Wei and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Cheng'an Xiang.
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郭氏自弘後，數世皆傳法律，子孫至公者一人，廷尉七人，侯者三人，刺史、二千石、侍中、中郎將者二十餘人，侍御史、正、監、平者甚眾。 |
| | The Guo family, since Guo Hong's time, passed down the legal tradition for several generations. Among their descendants, one became a high-ranking official (a "gong"), seven served as Tingwei, three were enfeoffed as marquises, more than twenty held positions such as Cishi, Erqianshi, Shizhong, or Zhonglangjiang, and many others occupied posts like Shiyushi, Zheng, Jian, or Ping.
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順帝時，廷尉河南吳雄季高，以明法律，斷獄平，起自孤宦，致位司徒。雄少時家貧，喪母，營人所不封土者，擇葬其中。喪事趣辨，不問時日，醫巫皆言當族滅，而雄不顧。及子訢孫恭，三世廷尉，為法名家。 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Shun, Tingwei Wu Xiong Jigao from Henan was renowned for his legal expertise and fair adjudication. Rising from humble official beginnings, he eventually attained the position of Siku. Wu Xiong was poor in his youth and had lost his mother; he selected an unmarked burial site that others had not claimed for her interment. He arranged the funeral quickly without regard to auspicious dates, and both physicians and shamans warned that this would bring about the annihilation of his family; yet Wu Xiong paid no heed. Later, his son Xin and grandson Gong also became Tingwei—three generations in a row—and thus formed a distinguished legal family.
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初，肅宗時，司隸校尉下邳趙興亦不卹諱忌，每入官舍，輒更繕修館宇，移穿改築，故犯妖禁，而家人爵祿，益用豐熾，官至潁川太守。子峻，太傅，以才器稱。孫安世，魯相。三葉皆為司隸，時稱其盛。 |
| | Initially, during the reign of Emperor Suong, Silijiao Wei Zhao Xing from Xiapi did not heed taboos or superstitions. Whenever he entered an official residence, he would renovate and rebuild it, relocating walls and making structural changes, thus violating prohibitions against auspiciousness; however, his family's titles and emoluments became increasingly prosperous, and he attained the position of Taishou of Yingchuan. His son Jun became a Taifu and was renowned for his talent and ability. His grandson Anshi served as Lu Xiang (an official in charge of the Lu region). Three generations held the position of Silijiao, and at that time they were praised for their prominence.
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桓帝時，汝南有陳伯敬者，行必矩步，坐必端膝，呵叱狗馬，終不言死，目有所見，不食其肉，行路聞凶，便解駕留止，還觸歸忌，則寄宿鄉亭。年老寢滯，不過舉孝廉。後坐女婿亡吏，太守邵夔怒而殺之。時人罔忌禁者，多談為證焉。 |
| | During the reign of Emperor Huan, there was a man named Chen Bojing from Ru'nan. He always walked with measured steps and sat uprightly with his knees properly positioned. He would scold dogs or horses but never utter the word "death." If he saw an animal, he refused to eat its meat; if he heard of misfortune while traveling, he immediately stopped his carriage and remained there overnight. Should returning home involve encountering a taboo date, he instead stayed at a local inn in the village. In his old age, despite his reclusive nature and moral integrity, he was never promoted beyond being recommended as an Xiaolian (filial and upright official). Later, because his son-in-law fled from office duties, Taishou Shao Kui became enraged and had him executed. At the time, many people who disregarded taboos cited this case as evidence in their discussions.
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論曰：曾子云：「上失其道，民散久矣。如得其情，則哀矜而勿喜。」夫不喜於得情則恕心用，恕心用則可寄枉直矣。夫賢人君子斷獄，其必主於此乎？郭躬起自佐史，小大之獄必察焉。原其平刑審斷，庶於勿喜者乎？若乃推己以議物，捨狀以貪情，法家之能慶延于世，蓋由此也！ |
| | Commentary: Zengzi said, "When the ruler loses the right way, the people have long since become disunited." "If one understands their true circumstances, one should feel compassion and pity rather than rejoice." If one does not take joy in uncovering the truth, then a spirit of leniency will prevail; and with such a spirit, one can be entrusted to discern between injustice and righteousness. Is it not the case that virtuous men and gentlemen, when adjudicating cases, must necessarily adhere to this principle? Guo Gong rose from an assistant official position; in all matters of justice—whether great or small—he always conducted thorough investigations. Tracing the origins of his fair sentencing and careful adjudication, was this not an embodiment of the principle of "not rejoicing in uncovering the truth"? If one can reflect on oneself when judging others, and abandon rigid formalities in favor of understanding the true circumstances, then legal experts who possess such abilities will indeed be celebrated and honored by future generations—this is precisely why!
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陳寵字昭公，沛國洨人也。曾祖父咸，成哀閒以律令為尚書。平帝時，王莽輔政，多改漢制，咸心非之。及莽因呂寬事誅不附己者何武、鮑宣等，咸乃歎曰：「易稱『君子見幾而作，不俟終日』，吾可以逝矣！」即乞骸骨去職。及莽篡位，召咸以為掌寇大夫，謝病不肯應。時三子參、豐、欽皆在位，乃悉令解官，父子相與歸鄉里，閉門不出入，猶用漢家祖臘。人問其故，咸曰：「我先人豈知王氏臘乎？」其後莽復徵咸，遂稱病篤。於是乃收斂其家律令書文，皆壁藏之。咸性仁恕，常戒子孫曰：「為人議法，當依於輕，雖有百金之利，慎無與人重比。」 |
| | Chen Chong, courtesy name Zhaogong, was a native of Xiao, Peiguo. His great-grandfather, Chen Xian, served as Shangshu during the reigns of Emperors Cheng and Ai, specializing in legal codes and regulations. During the reign of Emperor Pingdi, when Wang Mang assisted in governance, he made many changes to Han dynasty institutions; Chen Xian inwardly disapproved. When Wang Mang, taking advantage of the Lü Kuan affair, executed those who did not support him such as He Wu and Bao Xuan, Chen Xian sighed and said, "The Yijing says, 'A gentleman perceives opportunity and acts accordingly without waiting for the entire day.' I can now retire!" He immediately requested to resign from his post. When Wang Mang usurped the throne, he summoned Chen Xian and appointed him as Zhangkou Dafu (a military official), but Chen feigned illness and refused to accept. At that time, his three sons—Can, Feng, and Qin—all held official positions; he therefore ordered them all to resign from their posts. Father and sons returned together to their hometown, shut themselves in their home without going out or receiving visitors, and continued observing the Han dynasty's ancestral New Year rituals. When people asked why they did this, Chen Xian said, "Could my ancestors have ever known about the Wang clan's New Year?" Later, when Wang Mang again summoned him, he claimed to be seriously ill. He then gathered all the legal texts and documents in his family and concealed them within walls for safekeeping. Chen Xian was naturally kind and forgiving, and often warned his descendants: "When interpreting the law for others, always lean toward leniency. Even if there is a profit of hundreds of gold pieces, be cautious never to impose harsher penalties on people."
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建武初，欽子躬為廷尉左監，早卒。 |
| | In the early years of Jianwu, Qin's son Guo Gong became Tingwei Zuojian (Left Supervisor of Justice), but died at an early age.
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躬生寵，明習家業，少為州郡吏，辟司徒鮑昱府。是時三府掾屬專尚交遊，以不肯視事為高。寵常非之，獨勤心物務，數為昱陳當世便宜。昱高其能，轉為辭曹，掌天下獄訟。其所平決，無不厭服眾心。時司徒辭訟，久者數十年，事類溷錯，易為輕重，不良吏得生因緣。寵為昱撰辭訟比七卷，決事科條，皆以事類相從。昱奏上之，其後公府奉以為法。 |
| | Guo Gong fathered Chong, who was well-versed in his family's legal tradition; from a young age he served as an official at the level of zhou and jun, and later was appointed to Siku Bao Yu Fu (the Office of Grand Commandant). At that time, officials serving in the three offices specialized in socializing and regarded it as a mark of superiority to refuse to attend to official duties. Chen Chong often criticized this trend, and alone devoted himself diligently to public affairs, frequently advising Bao Yu on matters of practical importance for the times. Bao Yu held his ability in high esteem and transferred him to Ci Cao (a legal office), where he was responsible for overseeing lawsuits throughout the empire. All cases that he adjudicated were universally satisfactory and convinced the people's hearts. At that time, lawsuits handled by Siku were often unresolved for several decades; the cases were mixed and complicated, making it easy to misjudge their severity. Dishonest officials could then exploit these circumstances for personal gain. Chen Chong compiled seven volumes of legal precedents on lawsuits for Bao Yu, organizing the rulings and regulations according to categories of cases. Bao Yu submitted them to the throne; thereafter, the public offices followed these as legal standards.
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三遷，肅宗初，為尚書。是時承永平故事，吏政尚嚴切，尚書決事率近於重。寵以帝新即位，宜改前世苛俗。乃上疏曰：「臣聞先王之政，賞不僭，刑不濫，與其不得已，寧僭不濫。故唐堯著典，『眚災肆赦』；周公作戒，『勿誤庶獄』；伯夷之典，『惟敬五刑，以成三德』。由此言之，聖賢之政，以刑罰為首。往者斷獄嚴明，所以威懲姦慝，姦慝既平，必宜濟之以寬。陛下即位，率由此義，數詔群僚，弘崇晏晏。而有司執事，未悉奉承，典刑用法，猶尚深刻。斷獄者急於篣格酷烈之痛，執憲者煩於詆欺放濫之文，或因公行私，逞縱威福。夫為政猶張琴瑟，大弦急者小弦絕。故子貢非臧孫之猛法，而美鄭喬之仁政。《》云：『不剛不柔，布政優優。』方今聖德充塞，假于上下，宜隆先王之道，蕩滌煩苛之法。輕薄箠楚，以濟群生；全廣至德，以奉天心。」帝敬納寵言，每事務於寬厚。其後遂詔有司，絕鉆鑽諸慘酷之科，解妖惡之禁，除文致之請讞五十餘事，定著于令。是後人俗和平，屢有嘉瑞。 |
| | After three successive promotions, in the early years of Emperor Suzong's reign, he became a Shangshu (Minister). At that time, following the precedents of Yongping era, official administration was characterized by strictness and severity; decisions made by Shangshu officials tended to be harsh. Chen Chong believed that since the emperor had just ascended the throne, it was appropriate to reform the harsh customs of previous generations. He therefore submitted a memorial stating: "I have heard that the governance of former kings ensured rewards were not excessive and punishments were not arbitrary. When unavoidable, it is better to err on the side of excess than to be arbitrary. Hence, Emperor Tang Yao established a precedent: "For unintentional offenses and calamities, clemency shall be granted." Duke of Zhou composed admonitions: "Do not err in the handling of common lawsuits"; the classics of Boyi state, "Revere the five punishments diligently to achieve the three virtues." From this it is clear that in the governance of sages and virtuous men, criminal punishment was considered paramount. In the past, strict and clear adjudication of cases served to deter evildoers; once such evildoers have been pacified, it is certainly appropriate to follow with leniency. Your Majesty's ascension has followed this principle; you have repeatedly issued edicts to the officials, promoting peace and tranquility. Yet those in charge of affairs do not fully comply; their application of laws and punishments remains excessively severe. Judges rush to inflict cruel and harsh punishments, while officials enforcing the law become entangled in tedious accusations of fraud and abuse; some even misuse public authority for private gain, arbitrarily exercising power and blessings. Governance is like tuning a qin or se zither: if the main strings are too tight, the smaller ones will snap. Therefore, Zigong criticized Zang Sun's harsh laws but praised Zheng Qiao's benevolent governance. The Book of Songs says: "Neither rigid nor yielding, the administration is graceful and gentle." Now that Your Majesty's virtuous rule permeates both high and low, it is appropriate to uphold the ways of former kings and eliminate burdensome and harsh laws. Reduce the severity of punishments and whippings to benefit all living beings; preserve and expand great virtue, so as to fulfill Heaven's will." The emperor respectfully accepted Chen Chong's advice, and from then on, every matter was handled with leniency and kindness. Subsequently, the emperor issued an edict to the relevant officials, abolishing all cruel and inhumane regulations such as drilling punishments, lifting prohibitions against so-called evil omens, and removing over fifty cases of overly technical legal interpretations. These changes were formally established in the law code. After this, society became peaceful and harmonious, with frequent occurrences of auspicious omens.
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漢舊事斷獄報重，常盡三冬之月，是時帝始改用冬初十月而已。元和二年，旱，長水校尉賈宗等上言，以為斷獄不盡三冬，故陰氣微弱，陽氣發泄，招致災旱，事在於此。帝以其言下公卿議，寵奏曰：「夫冬至之節，陽氣始萌，故十一月有蘭、射干、芸、荔之應。時令曰：『諸生蕩，安形體。』天以為正，周以為春。十二月陽氣上通，雉雊雞乳，地以為正，殷以為春。十三月陽氣已至，天地已交，萬物皆出，蟄蟲始振，人以為正，夏以為春。三微成著，以通三統。周以天元，殷以地元，夏以人元。若以此時行刑，則殷、周歲首皆當流血，不合人心，不稽天意。月令曰：『孟冬之月，趣獄刑，無留罪。』明大刑畢在立冬也。又：『孟冬之月，身欲寧，事欲靜。』若以降威怒，不可謂寧；若以行大刑，不可謂靜。議者咸曰：『旱之所由，咎在改律。』臣以為殷、周斷獄不以三微，而化致康平，無有災害。自元和以前，皆用三冬，而水旱之異，往往為患。由此言之，災害自為它應，不以改律。秦為虐政，四時行刑，聖漢初興，改從簡易。蕭何草律，季秋論囚，俱避立春之月，而不計天地之正，二王之春，實頗有違。陛下探幽析微，允執其中，革百載之失，建永年之功，上有迎承之敬，下有奉微之惠，稽春秋之文，當月令之意，聖功美業，不宜中疑。」書奏，帝納之。遂不復改。 |
| | According to Han dynasty precedents, the reporting of severe death penalty cases was usually completed by the end of the third lunar month in winter. At this time, however, the emperor changed it so that such reports were only required by early winter, i.e., the tenth lunar month. In the second year of Yuanhe, a drought occurred. Zhangshui Jiaozhi Jia Zong and others submitted a memorial stating that the reason for this was because death penalty cases were not completed by the end of three winter months; thus, yin energy remained weak while yang energy was excessively released, leading to the disaster of drought, which they attributed directly to this. The emperor referred their statement to the high ministers for discussion. Chen Chong submitted a memorial saying: "At the winter solstice, yang energy begins to sprout; thus, in the eleventh lunar month there are signs such as orchids,射 gan (a type of plant),芸 (another plant), and litchi fruits. The seasonal regulations state: "All living things are cleansed, and the forms of beings find peace." Heaven takes this as a sign of order, while Zhou dynasty considers it the beginning of spring. In the twelfth lunar month, yang energy rises upward; pheasants call and hens begin to lay eggs—Earth takes this as order, while the Yin dynasty considers it spring. In the thirteenth lunar month (i.e., first lunar month of next year), yang energy has arrived, Heaven and Earth have interacted, all things emerge; hibernating insects begin to stir. People take this as order, while Xia dynasty considers it spring. The three subtle signs become evident, thus connecting the Three Systems (San Tong). Zhou takes Heaven as its origin, Yin takes Earth as its origin, and Xia takes Humanity as its origin. If punishments were carried out at this time, then the beginning of the Yin and Zhou calendars would both involve executions, which is contrary to human sentiment and does not conform to Heaven's will. The Yue Ling (Monthly Ordinances) states: "In the first month of winter, expedite trials and punishments; do not leave crimes unresolved." This clearly indicates that major executions should be completed by the Beginning of Winter. Moreover, it says: "In the first month of winter, one's body should seek tranquility and affairs should remain calm." If punishments are carried out to express wrath at this time, it cannot be called tranquility; if major executions are conducted, it cannot be considered calm. Those who debated all said: "The cause of the drought lies in changing the legal regulations." I believe that Yin and Zhou dynasties did not carry out trials based on these three subtle signs, yet their governance brought peace and prosperity without disasters. Before Yuanhe, the practice of using all three winter months for trials was followed, yet floods and droughts frequently occurred as disasters. From this it is evident that natural calamities are caused by other factors, not because of changes in the legal system. The Qin dynasty practiced cruel governance and carried out punishments throughout all four seasons; when the holy Han dynasty first rose to power, it changed this practice to a simpler and more lenient system. Xiao He drafted the laws, and in the third autumn month prisoners were judged; they all avoided the month of Beginning of Spring, without considering Heaven's order or the spring months of the two dynasties. This was indeed somewhat contradictory. Your Majesty has probed the profound and analyzed the subtle, firmly adhering to the middle path. You have corrected a mistake that had persisted for over a hundred years and established enduring achievements. Above, there is reverence in receiving Heaven's will; below, there is grace in benefiting the people. This accords with the records of Spring and Autumn Annals and conforms to the intent of Yue Ling (Monthly Ordinances). Your holy accomplishments and virtuous deeds should not be doubted." After the memorial was submitted, the emperor accepted it. Thus, no further changes were made.
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寵性周密，常稱人臣之義，苦不畏慎。自在樞機，謝遣門人，拒絕知友，唯在公家而已。朝廷器之。 |
| | Chen Chong was by nature meticulous and often emphasized the duties of a subject, lamenting that people lacked fear and caution. Since he held office in the central government, he dismissed his disciples and refused to see friends or acquaintances, devoting himself entirely to public affairs. The imperial court highly esteemed him.
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皇后弟侍中竇憲，薦真定令張林為尚書，帝以問寵，寵對「林雖有才能，而素行貪濁」，憲以此深恨寵。林卒被用，而以臧汙抵罪。及帝崩，憲等秉權，常銜寵，乃白太后，令典喪事，欲因過中之。黃門侍郎鮑德素敬寵，說憲弟夏陽侯瑰曰：「陳寵奉事先帝，深見納任，故久留臺閣，賞賜有殊。今不蒙忠能之賞，而計幾微之故，誠傷輔政容貸之德。」瑰亦好士，深然之。故得出為太山太守。 |
| | The empress's younger brother, Shizhong Dou Xian, recommended Zhang Lin, the magistrate of Zhen Ding, for a position as Shangshu. The emperor asked Chen Chong about this, and Chen replied: "Although Lin has ability, his conduct has always been greedy and corrupt." Because of this, Dou Xian harbored deep resentment toward Chen Chong. Zhang Lin was eventually appointed to the post, but later was punished for corruption and embezzlement. After the emperor's death, Dou Xian and others seized power; they had long resented Chen Chong. They then reported to the Empress Dowager, requesting that he be assigned responsibility for overseeing funeral arrangements, hoping to find a fault in him as an excuse. Huangmen Shilang Bao De, who had always respected Chen Chong, advised Dou Xian's younger brother Xiayang Hou Gui: "Chen Chong served the late emperor with great loyalty and was highly trusted; that is why he remained in office for a long time at Tai Ge (the central government), receiving special rewards and gifts. Now, instead of being rewarded for his loyalty and ability, he is being targeted over trivial matters; this truly harms the virtue of those in charge who should show tolerance and leniency." Gui also valued scholars and deeply agreed with this view. Therefore, Chen Chong was allowed to leave the capital and serve as Taishan Tai Shou (Governor of Taishan).
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後轉廣漢太守。西州豪右并兼，吏多姦貪，訴訟日百數。寵到，顯用良吏王渙、鐔顯等，以為腹心，訟者日減，郡中清肅。先是洛縣城南，每陰雨，常有哭聲聞於府中，積數十年。寵聞而疑其故，使吏案行。還言：「世衰亂時，此下多死亡者，而骸骨不得葬，儻在於是？」寵愴然矜歎，即敕縣盡收斂葬之。自是哭聲遂絕。 |
| | Later he was transferred to serve as Governor of Guanghan. In the western regions, powerful and wealthy families often monopolized land and resources; many officials were corrupt and dishonest, resulting in hundreds of lawsuits being filed each day. When Chen Chong arrived, he appointed capable officials such as Wang Huan and Dan Xian to key positions, relying on them as his trusted confidants. As a result, the number of lawsuits decreased daily, and the entire prefecture became orderly and clean. Before this, in the southern part of Luoxian city, during overcast or rainy days, a weeping sound was often heard at the government office, and this had continued for several decades. Chen Chong heard of this and suspected there might be an underlying cause; he ordered officials to investigate on foot. They returned with a report: "During times of decline and chaos, many people died in this area below, but their bones were not properly buried. Perhaps the weeping is coming from there?" Chen Chong was deeply moved and sighed with compassion; he immediately ordered the county to collect all the remains and give them proper burials. From then on, the weeping sound ceased entirely.
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及竇憲為大將軍征匈奴，公卿以下及郡國無不遣吏子弟奉獻遺者，而寵與中山相汝南張郴、東平相應順守正不阿。後和帝聞之，擢寵為大司農，郴太僕，順左馮翊。 |
| | When Dou Xian became the Grand General and led a campaign against the Xiongnu, officials at all levels from the ministers down to the commanderies and kingdoms sent their subordinates' sons or relatives with gifts and offerings. However, Chen Chong, along with Zhongshan Xiang Ru Nan Zhang Chin (Governor of Zhongshan), and Dongping Xiang Ying Shun remained steadfast in integrity and did not flatter Dou Xian. Later, Emperor He heard of their conduct and promoted Chen Chong to Dasi Nong (Minister of Agriculture), Zhang Chin to Taifu (Minister of the Imperial Stables), and Ying Shun to Zu Fengyi (Left Administrator of Fengyi).
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永元六年，寵代郭躬為廷尉。性仁矜。及為理官，數議疑獄，常親自為奏，每附經典，務從寬恕，帝輒從之，濟活著甚眾。其深文刻敝，於此少衰。寵又鉤校律令條法，溢於甫刑者除之。曰：「臣聞禮經三百，威儀三千，故甫刑大辟二百，五刑之屬三千。禮之所去，刑之所取，失禮則入刑，相為表裏者也。今律令死刑六百一十，耐罪千六百九十八，贖罪以下二千六百八十一，溢於甫刑者千九百八十九，其四百一十大辟，千五百耐罪，七十九贖罪。春秋保乾圖曰：『王者三百年一蠲法。』漢興以來，三百二年，憲令稍增，科條無限。又律有三家，其說各異。宜令三公、廷尉平定律令，應經合義者，可使大辟二百，而耐罪、贖罪二千八百，并為三千，悉刪除其餘令，與禮相應，以易萬人視聽，以致刑措之美，傳之無窮。」未及施行，會坐詔獄吏與囚交通抵罪。詔特免刑，拜為尚書。遷大鴻臚。 |
| | In the sixth year of Yongyuan, Chen Chong succeeded Guo Gong as Tingwei. He was naturally kind and compassionate. When he became a judicial official, he frequently deliberated on doubtful cases and often personally submitted memorials. He always cited classical texts to support his arguments, striving for leniency; the emperor usually followed his advice, thus saving many lives. The practice of harsh and rigid legal interpretations declined somewhat during this time. Chen Chong also reviewed and examined the laws and regulations, removing those that exceeded the scope of basic punishments. He said: "I have heard that there are 300 rites in the Rites Classic, with 3,000 ceremonial forms; therefore, the Fu Xing (basic punishments) include 200 capital penalties and 3,000 affiliated punishments under the five categories. Where rites are abandoned, punishment takes over; to lose one's rites is to fall into criminality. They are thus inseparable and complementary. Now, the law codes stipulate 610 death penalties, 1,698 punishments of castration or servitude, and 2,681 cases eligible for redemption through payment. This exceeds the original Fu Xing by 1,989 items: specifically, 410 capital punishments, 1,500 punishments of servitude, and 79 cases of redemption. The Spring and Autumn Bao Qian Tu states: "A sage ruler should revise the laws once every three hundred years." Since the founding of the Han dynasty, 320 years have passed; regulations and decrees have gradually increased, with no limits on legal provisions. Moreover, there are three schools of interpretation for the law, each offering different explanations. It is appropriate to order the Three Dukes and Tingwei to revise the laws and decrees, retaining only those that conform with classical texts and moral principles. This would result in 200 death penalties and 2,800 cases of servitude or redemption, totaling 3,000, while all other provisions should be entirely removed. In this way, the legal system will align with rites, ease the people's burdens, achieve a state where punishments are rarely used, and establish an enduring legacy." Before this proposal could be implemented, he was implicated in a case involving prison officials who had communicated improperly with prisoners and thus faced punishment. The emperor specially exempted him from punishment and appointed him as Shangshu (minister). He was later promoted to Dahuanglu.
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寵歷二郡三卿，所在有跡，見稱當時。十六年，代徐防為司空。寵雖傳法律，而兼通經書，奏議溫粹，號為任職相。在位三年薨。以太常南陽尹勤代為司空。 |
| | Chen Chong held positions in two commanderies and three high-ranking offices, leaving a record of achievement wherever he served; his accomplishments were widely praised during his time. In the sixteenth year [of the Yongyuan era], he succeeded Xu Fang as Sikong (Minister of Works). Although Chen Chong specialized in legal studies, he also had a thorough knowledge of Confucian classics. His memorials and proposals were warm yet refined, earning him the reputation as an exemplary official. He held office for three years before passing away in his post. Taidonggong Nanyang Yin Qin was appointed to succeed him as Sikong.
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勤字叔梁，篤性好學，屏居人外，荊棘生門，時人重其節。後以定策立安帝，封福亭侯，五百戶。永初元年，以雨水傷稼，策免就國。病卒，無子，國除。 |
| | Yin Qin, courtesy name Shuliang, was a man of steadfast character and love for learning. He lived in seclusion from society; thorns grew at his gate. At the time, people highly respected his integrity. Later, because of his role in determining the succession plan for Emperor An, he was enfeoffed as Hou (Marquis) of Futing with a fief of 500 households. In the first year of Yongchu, due to heavy rains damaging crops, he was dismissed from office and ordered to return to his fief. He died of illness without any sons; thus, the marquisate was abolished.
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寵子忠。 |
| | Chen Chong's son was Chen Zhong.
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忠字伯始，永始中辟司徒府，三遷廷尉正，以才能有聲稱。司徒劉愷舉忠明習法律，宜備機密，於是擢拜尚書，使居三公曹。忠自以世典刑法，用心務在寬詳。初，父寵在廷尉，上除漢法溢於甫刑者，未施行，及寵免後遂寢。而苛法稍繁，人不堪之。忠略依寵意，奏上二十三條，為決事比，以省請讞之敝。又上除蠶室刑；解臧吏三世禁錮；狂易殺人，得減重論；母子兄弟相代死，聽，赦所代者。事皆施行。 |
| | Chen Zhong, courtesy name Boshi, was appointed to the Siku Fu (Ministry of Personnel) during the Yongshi period. He was promoted three times and became Tingwei Zheng. He gained a reputation for his ability and talent. Siku Liu Kai recommended Chen Zhong as someone who was well-versed in legal matters and suitable for handling confidential affairs. As a result, he was promoted to Shangshu and assigned to the Three Dukes' Bureau. Chen Zhong considered that his family had long been responsible for legal matters, so he devoted himself particularly to ensuring leniency and thoroughness in judicial decisions. Initially, when his father Chen Chong was Tingwei, he submitted a proposal to abolish Han dynasty legal provisions that exceeded the penalties stipulated in the Fu Xing (ancient penal code). However, these proposals had not been implemented; after Chen Chong's dismissal from office, they were put on hold. Meanwhile, harsh and excessive legal provisions gradually multiplied, becoming unbearable for the people. Chen Zhong roughly followed his father's intentions and submitted twenty-three articles, establishing them as precedents for adjudication in order to reduce the burdensome process of requesting judicial reviews. He also proposed abolishing the punishment of castration. He recommended lifting the lifelong ban on holding office for corrupt officials and their descendants for three generations; those who killed others while mentally deranged could receive a reduced sentence; if a mother, son, or sibling volunteered to die in place of another family member, the request would be granted and the person being substituted for would be pardoned. All these proposals were implemented.
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及鄧太后崩，安帝始親朝事。忠以為臨政之初，宜微聘賢才，以宣助風化，數上薦隱逸及直道之士馮良、周燮、杜根、成翊世之徒。於是公車禮聘良、燮等。後連有災異，詔舉有道，公卿百僚各上封事。忠以詔書既開諫爭，慮言事者必多激切，或致不能容，乃上疏豫通廣帝意。曰：「臣聞仁君廣山藪之大，納切直之謀；忠臣盡謇諤之節，不畏逆耳之害。是以高祖舍周昌桀紂之譬，孝文嘉爰盎人豕之譏，武帝納東方朔宣室之正，元帝容薛廣德自刎之切。昔晉平公問於叔向曰：『國家之患孰為大？』對曰：『大臣重祿不極諫，小臣畏罪不敢言，下情不上通，此患之大者。』公曰：『善。』於是下令曰：『吾欲進善，有謁而不通者，罪至死。』今明詔崇高宗之德，推宋景之誠，引咎克躬，諮訪群吏。言事者見杜根、成翊世等新蒙表錄，顯列二臺，必承風響應，爭為切直。若嘉謀異策，宜輒納用。如其管穴，妄有譏刺，雖苦口逆耳，不得事實，且優遊寬容，以示聖朝無諱之美。若有道之士，對問高者，宜垂省覽，特遷一等，以廣直言之路。」書御，有詔拜有道高第士沛國施延為侍中，延後位至太尉。 |
| | After Empress Dowager Deng's death, Emperor An began to personally attend court affairs. Chen Zhong believed that at the beginning of his reign, Emperor An should quietly recruit virtuous and talented individuals to help promote moral influence. He repeatedly recommended reclusive scholars and upright men such as Feng Liang, Zhou Xie, Du Gen, Cheng Yishi, and others. As a result, the imperial court sent official carriages to respectfully invite Feng Liang, Zhou Xue, and others. Later, with successive natural disasters and omens of calamity, an imperial edict was issued requesting the recommendation of virtuous individuals. The Grand Commanders, senior officials, and all court ministers each submitted sealed memorials. Chen Zhong, considering that the imperial edict had already encouraged remonstrations and warnings, was concerned that those who spoke out would likely be overly direct or critical, possibly leading to intolerance. Therefore, he submitted a memorial in advance to help broaden the emperor's understanding and tolerance. He said: "I have heard that a benevolent ruler, like a vast mountain or forest, is broad-minded enough to accept sincere and direct advice; a loyal minister will fully uphold the virtue of honesty and frankness, without fearing the harm that comes from speaking bluntly." Therefore, Emperor Gaozu forgave Zhou Chang's comparison of the ruler to Jie and Zhou; Emperor Wen praised Yuan Ang for his sharp criticism likening the emperor to a pig; Emperor Wu accepted Dongfang 朔's upright advice in the Xuan Room; and Emperor Yuan tolerated Xue Guangde's drastic act of self-sacrifice through suicide. In ancient times, Duke Ping of Jin once asked Shu Xiang: "What is the greatest threat to a state?" Shu Xiang replied: "When high-ranking officials, despite generous salaries, do not offer the most urgent remonstrances, and low-ranking officials fear punishment and dare not speak out, so that the sentiments of the people cannot reach upward, this is the greatest danger." The duke said: "Well spoken." He then issued an order saying: "I wish to promote virtue. Anyone who obstructs a petition from being heard shall be punished with death." Now, the clear edict extols the virtue of Emperor Taizong and promotes the sincerity of Song Jing; it acknowledges faults with self-restraint and consults all officials. Those who speak out will see that Du Gen, Cheng Yishi and others have recently been honored with recognition and prominently listed in the two high offices; they are sure to follow this example and compete to offer forthright advice. If there are excellent strategies or unusual plans, they should be promptly accepted and put into use. If the advice is narrow-minded or groundless, and makes baseless criticisms, even though it may be harsh and unpleasant to hear but lacks factual basis, one should still remain patient and tolerant in order to demonstrate the virtue of a sage dynasty that does not hide from criticism. "If any virtuous person, when questioned, provides lofty and insightful responses, the emperor should personally review them and grant a special promotion by one rank in order to broaden the path for candid speech." The memorial was presented to the emperor, and an imperial edict followed appointing Shiyan of Peiguo, who ranked highest among those recommended as virtuous men, as Shizhong. Later, Shiyen attained the position of Taiwei.
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常侍江京、李閏等皆為列侯，共秉權任。帝又愛信阿母王聖，封為野王君。忠內懷懼懣而未敢陳諫，乃作搢紳先生論以諷，文多故不載。 |
| | Changshi Jiang Jing and Li Run were all enfeoffed as marquises, holding power together. The emperor also loved and trusted his wet nurse Wang Sheng, who was enfeoffed as Jun (Lord) of Yewang. Chen Zhong harbored inner fears and doubts but dared not directly remonstrate, so he composed a treatise titled "The Discussion of the Literati" as an indirect warning. The text was lengthy, so it is not included here.
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自帝即位以後，頻遭元二之厄，百姓流亡，盜賊並起，郡縣更相飾匿，莫肯糾發。忠獨以為憂，上疏曰：「臣聞輕者重之端，小者大之源，故隄潰蟻孔，氣洩鍼芒。是以明者慎微，智者識幾。書曰：『小不可不殺。』《》云：『』蓋所以崇本絕末，鉤深之慮也。臣竊見元年以來，盜賊連發，攻亭劫掠，多所傷殺。夫穿窬不禁，則致彊盜；彊盜不斷，則為攻盜；攻盜成群，必生大姦。故亡逃之科，憲令所急，至於通行飲食，罪致大辟。而頃者以來，莫以為憂。州郡督錄怠慢，長吏防禦不肅，皆欲採獲虛名，諱以盜賊為負。雖有發覺，不務清澄。至有逞威濫怒，無辜僵仆。或有跼蹐比伍，轉相賦斂。或隨吏追赴，周章道路。是以盜發之家，不敢申告，鄰舍比里，共相壓迮，或出私財，以償所亡。其大章著不可掩者，乃肯發露。陵遲之漸，遂且成俗。寇攘誅咎，皆由於此。前年勃海張伯路，可為至戒。覆車之軌，其跡不遠。蓋失之末流，求之本源。宜糾增舊科，以防來事。自今彊盜為上官若它郡縣所糾覺，一發，部吏皆正法，尉貶秩一等，令長三月奉贖罪；二發，尉免官，令長貶秩一等；三發以上，令長免官。便可撰立科條，處為詔文，切敕刺史，嚴加糾罰。冀以猛濟寬，驚懼姦慝。頃季夏大暑，而消息不協，寒氣錯時，水涌為變。天之降異，必有其故。所舉有道之士，可策問國典所務，王事過差，令處煖氣不效之意。庶有讜言，以承天誡。」 |
| | Since the emperor ascended the throne, the realm has repeatedly suffered from calamities in the first and second years of his reign. The people have been displaced and wandering, while bandits have risen everywhere. Local commanderies and counties concealed rather than exposed these problems, none willing to report or investigate them. Chen Zhong alone was deeply concerned and submitted a memorial, saying: "I have heard that what seems light is the beginning of something heavy, and what appears small is the source of something great. Hence, a dike breaks because of an ant's hole, and air escapes through the point of a needle." Therefore, the wise are cautious about small matters, and the intelligent recognize omens. The Book of Documents says: "Even minor evils cannot be left unchecked." The Book of Songs says: "Do not let the deceitful and fickle go free, so as to guard against the wicked." This is precisely why one must emphasize fundamentals and eliminate superficial evils—an expression of profound foresight. I secretly observe that since the first year [of this reign], bandits have repeatedly emerged, attacking outposts and committing robberies, causing many injuries and deaths. If petty thieves are not restrained, they will eventually become powerful robbers; if powerful robbers are not cut off, they will turn into attackers of strongholds; when these attackers gather in large numbers, they inevitably give rise to great villains. Therefore, the punishment for harboring fugitives is a matter of urgent legal concern; even providing food and drink to them can result in capital punishment. Yet recently, no one has regarded this as a cause for concern. The regional and local officials have become lax in their supervision, while magistrates neglect to enforce strict defenses. All of them seek to gain a false reputation by concealing the fact that bandits are active within their jurisdictions. Even when crimes are discovered, they do not strive for thorough investigation and resolution. To the point where some officials indulge their wrath recklessly, causing innocent people to be killed. Or there are those who cower among their neighbors, shifting burdens onto each other through excessive levies and taxes. Some people follow officials on their pursuits, running about in confusion along the roads. Therefore, families affected by banditry dare not report it; neighbors and fellow villagers suppress the matter together. Some even use their private wealth to compensate for what was lost. Only when the situation becomes so obvious that it cannot be concealed do they finally reveal it. This gradual decline is slowly becoming a customary practice. The blame for banditry and disorder all stems from this situation. Last year, Zhang Bolutu of Bohai is a most instructive warning. The track of the overturned carriage is not far behind us. Indeed, neglecting the root causes and only addressing superficial symptoms will lead to failure. It is appropriate to revise and strengthen existing regulations in order to prevent future incidents. From now on, if powerful robbers are reported and discovered by higher authorities or other commanderies and counties, upon the first report, all local officials responsible for failing to act will be executed according to law; the Tingwei (magistrate) shall be demoted one rank, while the county magistrates and heads of districts must pay three months' salary as a fine to atone for their crimes. If this occurs twice, the Tingwei shall be dismissed from office and the county magistrates or heads of districts demoted one rank; if it happens three times or more, the county magisters and heads of districts shall be dismissed. It would then be appropriate to draft legal provisions and issue them as an imperial decree, strictly instructing the cishi (governors) to rigorously investigate and punish offenders. This is intended to use severity in conjunction with leniency, startling and deterring evildoers. Recently, during the late summer when it should have been very hot, there was a mismatch in seasonal messages; cold weather occurred at the wrong time, and water surged as an omen of change. When Heaven sends omens or anomalies, it is always for a reason. Those recommended as virtuous scholars should be questioned about the state's duties, past mistakes in governance, and asked to explain how to address the failure of warm weather. Perhaps this will yield sincere advice to heed Heaven's warning."
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元初三年有詔，大臣得行三年喪，服闋還職。忠因此上言：「孝宣皇帝舊令，人從軍屯及給事縣官者，大父母死未滿三月，皆勿徭，令得葬送。請依此制。」太后從之。至建光中，尚書令祝諷、尚書孟布等奏，以為「孝文皇帝定約禮之制，光武皇帝絕告寧之典，貽則萬世，誠不可改。宜復建武故事」。忠上疏曰：「臣聞之孝經，始於愛親，終於哀戚。上自天子，下至庶人，尊卑貴賤，其義一也。夫父母於子，同氣異息，一體而分，三年乃免於懷抱。先聖緣人情而著其節，制服二十五月，是以春秋臣有大喪，君三年不呼其門，閔子雖要絰服事，以赴公難，退而致位，以究私恩，故稱『君使之非也，臣行之禮也』。周室陵遲，禮制不序，蓼莪之人作詩自傷曰：『瓶之罊矣，惟罍之恥。』言己不得終竟子道者，亦上之恥也。高祖受命，蕭何創制，大臣有寧告之科，合於致憂之義。建武之初，新承大亂，凡諸國政，多趣簡易，大臣既不得告寧，而群司營祿念私，鮮循三年之喪，以報顧復之恩者。禮義之方，實為彫損。大漢之興，雖承衰敝，而先王之制，稍以施行。故藉田之耕，起於孝文；孝廉之貢，發於孝武；郊祀之禮，定於元、成；三雍之序，備於顯宗；大臣終喪，成乎陛下。聖功美業，靡以尚茲。孟子有言：『老吾老以及人之老，幼吾幼以及人之幼，天下可運於掌。』臣願陛下登高北望，以甘陵之思，揆度臣子之心，則海內咸得其所。」宦豎不便之，竟寢忠奏而從諷、布議，遂著于令。 |
| | In the third year of Yuanchu, an imperial edict decreed that high-ranking officials were allowed to observe a three-year mourning period for their parents and would resume their duties after completing the mourning. Taking this as an opportunity, Chen Zhong submitted a proposal: "The old decree of Emperor Xuan ordered that any person serving in the military garrison or working for local government officials whose grandparents had died and not yet completed three months of mourning should be exempted from corvée labor to allow them time to bury and send off their deceased relatives. I respectfully request that this regulation be followed." The Empress Dowager approved the proposal. By the Jian Guang period, Shangshuliu Zhu Feng and Shangshu Meng Bu submitted a memorial stating: "Emperor Wen established the system of simplified mourning rites, while Emperor Guangwu abolished the practice of announcing one's intention to observe mourning. These set precedents for all future generations and should truly not be altered. We should restore the practices of the Jianwu era." Chen Zhong submitted a memorial saying: "I have heard in the Classic of Filial Piety that filial piety begins with loving one's parents and culminates in deep sorrow. From the Son of Heaven down to commoners, regardless of rank or status, this principle remains the same. Parents and their children share the same vital essence but are separated in form; they are one body divided, and it is only after three years that a child can be weaned from his or her parents' care. The ancient sages, based on human sentiment, established mourning rites. The prescribed period of mourning is twenty-five months; therefore, in the Spring and Autumn Annals, when a minister encountered a major funeral, the ruler would not summon him for three years. Even Minsi, though required by duty to wear the mourning cord and serve during an official crisis, upon returning from service, resigned his position to fully observe private mourning rites. Hence it was said: "The ruler's command may be inappropriate, but the minister's action is in accordance with ritual." During the decline of the Zhou dynasty, when rites and systems fell into disorder, a man grieving for his parents composed a poem lamenting: "The small jar is empty; it brings shame to the large vessel." This means that if one cannot fulfill the full filial duty as a son, it is also a disgrace for those above. When Emperor Gaozu received the mandate of Heaven, Xiao He established regulations allowing high-ranking officials to take leave for mourning, which conformed to the principle of expressing grief. At the beginning of the Jianwu period, following a great turmoil, many state policies were simplified for convenience. High-ranking officials could no longer take leave to mourn their parents, and lower officials, preoccupied with securing their salaries and personal interests, rarely observed the three-year mourning rites in order to repay the debt of parental care. The principles of ritual and righteousness were indeed greatly eroded. When the great Han dynasty rose to power, although it inherited a time of decline, the institutions of former kings were gradually implemented once more. Thus, the practice of plowing the ceremonial fields began with Emperor Wen; the system of selecting filial and upright officials was initiated by Emperor Wu; and the rites for sacrifices at the suburbs were established during the reigns of Emperors Yuan and Cheng; the three schools (Yong, Xiang, and Xiao) were fully developed under Emperor Xianzong; and the practice of high-ranking officials completing their mourning period was realized by Your Majesty. Your holy achievements and glorious deeds are unparalleled in excellence. Mencius once said: "Respect one's own elders and extend that respect to the elders of others; cherish one's own young and extend that care to the children of others. With this, the world can be governed as easily as turning it over in one's palm." I humbly request that Your Majesty ascend to a high place and look northward, reflecting upon the sentiments of Ganling, and measure the hearts of your ministers and subjects. If you do so, all within the realm will find their proper place," he said. The eunuchs found this inconvenient and ultimately suppressed the loyal minister's memorial, following instead the advice of Feng and Bu. The matter was then formalized into an edict.
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忠以久次，轉為僕射。時帝數遣黃門常侍及中使伯榮往來甘陵，而伯榮負寵驕蹇，所經郡國莫不迎為禮謁。又霖雨積時，河水涌溢，百姓騷動。忠上疏曰：「臣聞位非其人，則庶事不敘；庶事不敘，則政有得失；政有得失，則感動陰陽，妖變為應。陛下每引災自厚，不責臣司，臣司狃恩，莫以為負。故天心未得，隔并屢臻，青、冀之域淫雨漏河，徐、岱之濱海水盆溢，兗、豫蝗蝝滋生，荊、楊稻收儉薄，并涼二州羌戎叛戾。加以百姓不足，府帑虛匱，自西徂東，杼柚將空。臣聞洪範五事，一曰貌，貌以恭，恭作肅，貌傷則狂，而致常雨。春秋大水，皆為君上威儀不穆，臨蒞不嚴，臣下輕慢，貴倖擅權，陰氣盛彊，陽不能禁，故為淫雨。陛下以不得親奉孝德皇園廟，比遣中使致敬甘陵，朱軒軿馬，相望道路，可謂孝至矣。然臣竊聞使者所過，威權翕赫，震動郡縣，王侯二千石至為伯榮獨拜車下，儀體上僭，侔於人主。長吏惶怖譴責，或邪諂自媚，發人修道，繕理亭傳，多設儲跱，徵役無度，老弱相隨，動有萬計，賂遺僕從，人數百匹，頓踣呼嗟，莫不叩心。河閒託叔父之屬，清河有陵廟之尊，及剖符大臣，皆猥為伯榮屈節車下。陛下不問，必以陛下欲其然也。伯榮之威重於陛下，陛下之柄在於臣妾。水災之發，必起於此。昔韓嫣託副車之乘，受馳視之使；江都誤為一拜，而嫣受歐刀之誅。臣願明主嚴天元之尊，正乾剛之位，職事巨細，皆任賢能，不宜復令女使干錯萬機。重察左右，得無石顯泄漏之姦；尚書納言，得無趙昌譖崇之詐；公卿大臣，得無朱博阿傅之援；外屬近戚，得無王鳳害商之謀。若國政一由帝命，王事每決於己，則下不得偪上，臣不得干君，常雨大水必當霽止，四方眾異不能為害。」書奏不省。 |
| | Zhong, due to his long service, was transferred to serve as Puye (Minister of Works). At that time, the emperor frequently sent Huangmen Changshi and Zhongshi Bo Rong to travel back and forth between Ganling. However, Bo Rong,恃宠而骄, was arrogant in his conduct, and wherever he passed through the commanderies and states, none failed to greet him with elaborate ceremonies and homage. Moreover, after prolonged heavy rains, the Yellow River surged over its banks, causing unrest among the people. Zhong submitted a memorial stating: "I have heard that if positions are not held by suitable individuals, then all affairs of state will fall into disorder; if all affairs are in disorder, then governance will be marked by successes and failures; when governance has both successes and failures, it stirs the yin and yang forces, leading to omens of change as a response. Your Majesty often attributes calamities to Yourself alone, not holding Your ministers and officials accountable. As a result, these officials grow complacent in the favor shown them and do not feel any sense of guilt or responsibility. Therefore, Heaven's will has not yet been appeased, and disasters continue to occur frequently. In Qing and Ji commanderies, torrential rains have caused rivers to overflow; along the coasts of Xu and Dai, seawater has surged inland; in Yan and Yu, locusts and grubs have multiplied; in Jing and Yang, rice harvests are meager; and in Bing and Liang provinces, Qiang and Rong tribes have rebelled. Moreover, the people lack sufficient resources, and the imperial treasury is depleted; from west to east, the looms are nearly empty. I have heard that in the Da Hong Fan (Great Plan of King Tang), five matters are emphasized, and the first is "miao" (appearance or demeanor). A ruler's appearance should be respectful; respect leads to solemnity. If a ruler's demeanor is impaired by arrogance, it results in recklessness, which brings about prolonged rain. In the Spring and Autumn Annals, major floods were all attributed to a ruler's failure in maintaining proper dignity and decorum, his lack of strict governance, the disrespectful behavior of his ministers, the undue influence of favored favorites, and the excessive strength of yin forces that could not be restrained by yang. Hence, torrential rains occurred. Your Majesty has been unable to personally offer homage at the ancestral temple and mausoleum of Emperor Xiaode, so You have repeatedly sent imperial envoys to pay respects at Ganling. Processions with red-draped carriages and decorated horses can be seen along the roads; this surely demonstrates utmost filial devotion. Yet I have secretly heard that wherever the envoys passed, they wielded great authority and power, causing tremors in the commanderies and counties. Even marquises and officials of the rank of two thousand dou knelt alone before Bo Rong's carriage to pay homage; their ceremonial conduct exceeded proper bounds and rivaled that of a sovereign ruler. Local officials, terrified of censure, either resorted to flattery or sent people to repair roads and maintain relay stations. They stockpiled supplies in great quantities, levied corvée labor without restraint, and thus old and weak men were forced to accompany them; the number involved often reached into the tens of thousands. Gifts and bribes for attendants amounted to hundreds of bolts of silk per person, causing people to fall down exhausted and cry out in despair, their hearts filled with sorrow. Hejian, relying on his uncle's status; Qinghe, holding the respect of a mausoleum and temple; as well as high-ranking officials who had been granted seals of office—all humbly knelt before Bo Rong in submission beneath his carriage. Your Majesty does not inquire, but they will certainly believe that You desire it to be so. Bo Rong's authority has become greater than Your Majesty's; the power of the Son of Heaven now lies in the hands of servants and concubines. The occurrence of this water disaster must stem from this very cause. In the past, Han Yan was entrusted with a secondary carriage and given the mission to inspect at speed; when Jiangdu mistakenly knelt in homage once, Han Yan suffered capital punishment by decapitation. I wish that a wise ruler would uphold the supreme dignity of Heaven's Mandate, establish firm authority as the Son of Heaven, and assign all major and minor duties to capable and virtuous individuals. It is not appropriate for female attendants to interfere in or disrupt the myriad affairs of state. Carefully examine those around You, ensuring that there are no corrupt officials like Shi Xian who might leak secrets; and scrutinize the Secretaries and Censorate officers to ensure they do not harbor deceitful individuals like Zhao Chang, who framed others through false accusations. Among the high-ranking ministers and senior officials, there must be no one like Zhu Bo, who used his influence to support corrupt favorites; And among Your close relatives and near kin, there should be no schemes akin to those of Wang Feng, who plotted against the virtuous Minister Dou Shang. If the affairs of state are entirely decided by Your Majesty's command, and all matters of governance are resolved by Yourself alone, then subordinates will not dare to pressure their superiors, and ministers will not dare to interfere with the sovereign. In that case, prolonged rains and great floods must surely cease, and various calamities from all directions will be unable to cause harm." The memorial was submitted but went unheeded.
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時三府任輕，機事專委尚書，而災眚變咎，輒切免公台。忠以為非國舊體，上疏諫曰：「臣聞『君使臣以禮，臣事君以忠』。故三公稱曰冢宰，王者待以殊敬，在輿為下，御坐為起，入則參對而議政事，出則監察而董是非。漢典舊事，丞相所請，靡有不聽。今之三公，雖當其名而無其實，選舉誅賞，一由尚書，尚書見任，重於三公，陵遲以來，其漸久矣。臣忠心常獨不安，是故臨事戰懼，不敢穴見有所興造，又不希意同僚，以謬平典，而謗讟日聞，罪足萬死。近以地震策免司空陳褒，今者災異，復欲切讓三公。昔孝成皇帝以妖星守心，移咎丞相，使賁麗納說方進，方進自引，卒不蒙上天之福，徒乖宋景之誠。故知是非之分，較然有歸矣。又尚書決事，多違故典，罪法無例，詆欺為先，文慘言醜，有乖章憲。宜責求其意，割而勿聽。上順國典，下防威福，置方員於規矩，審輕重於衡石，誠國家之典，萬世之法也。」 |
| | At that time, the Three Offices held little authority; all important matters were entrusted solely to the Secretariat. Whenever disasters or ominous events occurred and were blamed on governance, high-ranking officials in the Grand Council would be promptly dismissed from office. Zhong believed this was not in accordance with the established traditions of the state, and he submitted a memorial to advise: "I have heard that 'a ruler should employ his ministers according to ritual, and a minister should serve his ruler with loyalty.' Therefore, the Three Dukes were called Zongcai (Grand Chancellor), and a sovereign treated them with special respect. When passing by their carriages, he would step down; when they entered his presence while seated, he would rise to greet them. Upon entering court, they would confer on state affairs, and upon leaving, they would oversee and supervise right and wrong in the realm. According to Han dynasty precedents and established customs, whenever a prime minister made a request, it was always granted without exception. Nowadays, the Three Dukes hold their titles in name only and lack real authority. All matters of appointments, dismissals, punishments, and rewards are decided solely by the Secretariat. The power of the Secretariat has become greater than that of the Three Dukes; this gradual shift has been occurring for a long time since the decline began. My loyal heart has always felt uneasy about this. Therefore, when faced with affairs of state, I am filled with fear and hesitation, daring not to act on my own initiative or make any proposals. Moreover, I do not seek to align myself with my colleagues in order to falsely alter established principles; yet daily I hear criticisms and accusations against me, for which the punishment is surely death a thousand times over. Recently, Grand Commandant Chen Bao was dismissed from office due to an earthquake and the issuance of a decree blaming governance. Now, with new disasters and omens, You again intend to hold the Three Dukes accountable. In the past, Emperor Cheng of Han, when an ominous star occupied the Heart constellation, transferred blame onto his prime minister. He sent Bin Li to persuade Fang Jin, who then voluntarily resigned; yet in the end, he did not receive Heaven's favor and merely failed to match the sincerity of Song Jing. Therefore, it is clear that the distinction between right and wrong has become evident. Moreover, in deciding matters of state, the Secretariat often violates established precedents. They impose punishments without legal basis or examples to follow, prioritize accusations and deceit, and use harsh and ugly language that contradicts the principles of law and regulation. It is appropriate to hold them accountable for their intentions and reject their proposals without consideration. To act in accordance with the state's established institutions above, and to prevent abuses of power below, placing officials within defined roles and responsibilities, and carefully weighing their importance as one would measure weight on a balance—this is indeed the proper system for our nation and a law that will endure through all generations."
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忠意常在褒崇大臣，待下以禮。其九卿有疾，使者臨問，加賜錢布，皆忠所建奏。頃之，遷尚書令。延光三年，拜司隸校尉。糾正中官外戚賓客，近倖憚之，不欲忠在內。明年，出為江夏太守，復留拜尚書令，會疾卒。 |
| | Zhong's intention was always to honor and elevate high-ranking officials, treating those beneath him with propriety. Whenever any of the Nine Ministers fell ill, envoys were sent to visit them and additional money and cloth was granted as a gift—these measures were all proposed by Zhong. Soon after, he was promoted to Minister of the Secretariat (Shangshu Ling). In the third year of Yanguang, he was appointed as Sili Jiao Wei. Zhong corrected the misconduct of eunuchs and relatives of the emperor, as well as their guests. Those favored by the emperor resented him and did not wish for Zhong to remain in court. The following year, he was sent out as governor of Jiangxia, but was soon recalled and reappointed Minister of the Secretariat. However, before assuming office, he died due to illness.
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初，太尉張禹、司徒徐防欲與忠父寵共奏追封和熹皇后父護羌校尉鄧訓，寵以先世無奏請故事，爭之連日不能奪，乃從二府議。及訓追加封謚，禹、防復約寵俱遣子奉禮於虎賁中郎將鄧騭，寵不從，騭心不平之，故忠不得志于鄧氏。及騭等敗，眾庶多怨之，而忠數上疏陷成其惡，遂詆劾大司農朱寵。順帝之為太子廢也，諸名臣來歷、祝諷等守闕固爭，時忠為尚書令，與諸尚書復共劾奏之。及帝立，司隸校尉虞詡追奏忠等罪過，當世以此譏焉。 |
| | Initially, Grand Commandant Zhang Yu and Minister of Works Xu Fang wished to join Zhong's father, Chong, in submitting a memorial requesting the posthumous bestowal of titles on Deng Xun, the father of Empress Hexi, who had served as Huqiang Jiao Wei (Commander for Pacifying the Qiang). However, Chong argued that there was no precedent in their family's history for such a request. He contested this for several days without success and ultimately followed the decision made by the two offices. Later, when Deng Xun was posthumously granted a title and honorific name, Zhang Yu and Xu Fang once again invited Chong to send his son together with them to present offerings of respect at the hands of General Du Bing Zhonglangjiang Deng Zhi. However, Chong refused, which caused Deng Zhi to feel resentment. Thus, Zhong did not gain favor in the eyes of the Deng family. When Deng Zhi and others fell from power, many common people resented them. Zhong repeatedly submitted memorials to expose their evils, and thus accused the Grand Minister of Agriculture Zhu Chong (possibly a different person with the same name) of wrongdoing. When Emperor Shun was deposed as crown prince, many distinguished ministers such as Lai Li and Zhu Feng stood at the palace gate to strongly protest. At that time, Zhong served as Minister of the Secretariat and joined with other Secretaries in jointly submitting a memorial denouncing them. After Emperor Shun ascended the throne, Sili Jiao Wei Yu Xu submitted a memorial recounting Zhong's past crimes and misconduct. People of that time criticized him for this reason.
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| | 郭陳列傳: |
論曰：陳公居理官則議獄緩死，相幼主則正不僭寵，可謂有宰相之器矣。忠能承風，亦庶乎明慎用刑而不留獄。然其聽狂易殺人，開父子兄弟得相代死，斯大謬矣。是則不善人多幸，而善人常代其禍，進退無所措也。 |
| | Commentary: When Chen Gong served as a judicial official, he advocated for leniency in sentencing and delayed executions; when serving as prime minister to a young emperor, he upheld righteousness without yielding to undue influence. He can truly be said to have possessed the qualities of a chancellor. Zhong was able to follow this example, and thus could be considered nearly as enlightened in his cautious use of punishment and ensuring that no cases were left unresolved. Yet, he allowed the reckless killing of people to be heard in court and permitted fathers and sons or brothers to substitute for one another in death. This was a grave error. This meant that the wicked often escaped punishment by chance, while the virtuous frequently bore their misfortunes instead. It left people uncertain of how to act or where they stood in such a system.
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| | 郭陳列傳: |
贊曰：陳、郭主刑，人賴其平。寵矜枯胔，躬斷以情。忠用詳密，損益有程。施于孫子，且公且卿。 |
| | Eulogy: Chen and Guo presided over criminal justice; the people relied on their fairness. Chong showed compassion for the innocent, personally adjudicating cases with empathy and reason. Zhong applied meticulous attention to detail; his reforms were measured and well-considered. Their legacy was passed on to their descendants, who became both dukes and high-ranking officials.
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