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刘毅字仲雄，东莱人也。治身清高，厉志方直，为司隶校尉，皇太子鼓吹入东掖门，毅奏劾保傅以下，诏赦之，然后得入。世祖问毅曰：卿以吾可方汉何帝。对曰：可方桓灵。世祖曰：吾虽德不及古人，犹克己为治，又平吴会，混一天下，方之桓灵，其已甚乎。对曰：桓灵卖官钱入官库，陛下卖官钱入私门，以此言之，乃殆不如桓灵也。 |
| | Liu Yi, courtesy name Zhongxiong, was a native of Donglai. He maintained personal integrity and moral uprightness, cultivating a determined will to be upright and principled. When he served as the Director of the Office of Imperial Censorship (Sili Jiao Wei), when the Crown Prince entered the Dongye Gate with a musical procession, Liu Yi impeached those below the level of the Crown Prince's tutors, and an imperial edict had to pardon them before they were allowed entry. The Shizu Emperor asked Liu Yi, "In your opinion, can I be compared with which emperor of the Han dynasty?" He replied, "You may be compared to Emperors Huan and Ling." The Shizu Emperor said, "Although my virtue may not match that of the ancients, I have still restrained myself to govern well. Moreover, I have pacified Wu Hui and unified the entire realm. To compare me with Emperors Huan or Ling is surely excessive." He replied, "Emperors Huan and Ling sold official positions with the proceeds going into the imperial treasury, whereas Your Majesty sells official posts with the money entering private doors. In this regard, it could be said that you are even worse than Emperors Huan and Lin."
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迁尚书左仆射，龙见武库井中，车驾亲观，有喜色，于是外内议当贺。毅独表曰：昔龙降郑时门之外，子産不贺，龙降夏廷，卜藏其漦，至周幽王，祸舋乃发，证据旧典，无贺龙之礼。诏报曰：政德未修，诚未有以膺受嘉祥，省来示以为瞿然，贺庆之事，宜详依典义，动静数示。 |
| | He was later transferred to the position of Left Minister of Works. A dragon appeared in a well within the Wu Ku (Imperial Armory), and the emperor personally went to observe it, showing signs of joy. Consequently, both officials inside and outside the court debated whether they should offer congratulations. Liu Yi alone submitted a memorial stating, "In the past, when a dragon descended outside the gate of Zheng Shi, Zi Chan did not offer congratulations. When a dragon appeared in the court of Xia, diviners concealed its saliva. It was not until King You of Zhou that calamity arose from this omen. According to historical records, there has been no ritual for congratulating on the appearance of a dragon." An imperial edict replied, "Our governance and virtue are still insufficient; we truly have no merit to deserve such a favorable omen. We reflect on your words with concern. As for the matter of offering congratulations, it should be carefully followed according to established rituals and meanings, and you must continue to advise me on this."
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上疏陈九品之弊曰：臣闻立政者以官才为本，官才有三难，而兴替之所由也。人物难知，一也。爱憎难防，二也。情僞难明，三也。三者虽圣哲在上，严刑督之，犹不可治，故尧求俊乂而得四凶，三载考绩而饕餮得成，使世主虽有上圣之明，而无考察之法，授凡庸之才，而去赏罚之劝，则为开奸，岂徒四族，侧陋何望于时哉。今立中正，定九品，高下任意，荣辱在手，操人主之威福，夺天朝之权势，爱憎决于心，情僞由于己，公无考校之负，私无告诉之忌，荣党横越，威福擅行，用心百态，求者万端，廉让之风灭，苟且之俗成，天下訩訩，但争品位，不闻推让，流俗之过，一至于此，窃为圣世耻之，愚心之所非者，不可以一槩论，辄条列其事，夫名状以当才为清，品辈以得实为平，治乱之要，不可不允，清平者治化之美，枉滥者乱败之恶也。不可不察，然人才异能，备体者寡，器有大小，达有早晚，是以三仁殊涂而同归，四子异行而钧义，陈平，韩信，笑侮于邑里，而收功于帝王，屈原，伍胥，不容于人主，而显名于竹帛，是笃论之所明也。 |
| | He submitted a memorial discussing the drawbacks of the Nine-Rank System, saying: "I have heard that those who establish governance regard the proper appointment of officials as fundamental. There are three difficulties in appointing capable officials, and these are precisely what determine whether a dynasty rises or declines." "It is difficult to accurately assess people's abilities—this is the first difficulty." "Personal likes and dislikes are hard to guard against—this is the second difficulty." "It is difficult to distinguish genuine from false intentions—this is the third difficulty." Though these three difficulties may be present even when a sage and wise ruler is in power, and strict punishments are enforced to supervise them, it remains difficult to manage. Thus, Yao sought virtuous men but was deceived by the Four Foes; after three years of performance evaluations, greedy and gluttonous individuals still succeeded. If contemporary rulers, despite their great wisdom, lack a method for investigation and assessment, appoint mediocre talents, and abandon rewards and punishments as incentives, they will be opening the door to corruption. How much more so than just four families—what hope is there for those of humble origins in such times?" Now, by establishing the system of Central Evaluators and setting up the Nine Ranks, rankings are arbitrarily assigned; honor or disgrace is determined at will. Those in charge wield the power of authority and blessings as if they were sovereigns themselves, seizing the power of the imperial court. Their likes and dislikes are decided within their own hearts, and genuine or false intentions depend entirely on them. There is no public responsibility for evaluation, nor private fear of accusations . Favored factions rise recklessly; authority and blessings are arbitrarily exercised. People's intentions vary endlessly, and those seeking advancement come from a thousand different directions. Thus the customs of integrity and humility vanish, while a culture of carelessness takes root. The realm is in uproar, with everyone vying for rank and status, no one hearing of yielding or courtesy. This corruption of custom has reached such extremes that I secretly regard it as a shame to our enlightened age. Though my humble opinion may not be universally accepted, I have listed these matters item by item: the essence of impartiality is assigning names and descriptions according to true ability; fairness in rankings lies in achieving genuine merit. The key to order or chaos cannot be ignored. Impartiality and fairness are the beauty of good governance; injustice and favoritism are the evils that lead to disorder and failure. This matter cannot be overlooked. Yet human talents differ in ability, and those who possess all virtues are rare. Vessels vary in size; achievements come at different times. Thus, the Three Benevolent Men took different paths but reached the same goal; the Four Disciples acted differently yet shared equal meaning. Chen Ping and Han Xin were mocked by their fellow townspeople, yet achieved great success under emperors. Qu Yuan and Wu Xu found no acceptance from rulers of their time, yet gained fame in history. These are truths clearly established by thorough reasoning.
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今之中正，不精才实，务依党利，不钧称尺，务随爱憎，所欲举者，获虚以成誉，所欲下者，吹毛以求疵，前鄙后修者，则引古以病今，古贤今病者，则考虚以覆过，质直者罪以违时，阿容者善其得和，度远者责以小检，才近者美其合俗，齐量者以己为限，高下逐强弱，是非随爱憎，凭权附党，毁平从亲，随世兴衰，不顾才实，衰则削下，兴则扶上，一人之身，旬日异状，或以货赂自通，或以计协登进，附托必达，守道困悴，无报于身，必见割夺，有私于己，必得其欲，凌弱党强，以植后利，是以上品无寒门，下品无势族，暨时有之，皆曲有故，慢主罔时，实为乱源，昔在前圣之世，欲敦风俗，镇静百姓，隆乡党之义，崇六亲之行，人道贤否，于是见矣。然乡老书其善以献天子，司马论其能以官于职，有司考绩，以明黜陟，故天下之人，退而修本，州党有德义，朝廷有公正，天下大治，浮华邪佞，所无容厝，今一国之士，多者千数，或流徙异邦，或给役殊方，面犹不识，况尽其才力，而中正知与不知，其当品状，采誉于台府，纳毁于流言，任己则有不识之蔽，听受则有彼此之偏，所知者以爱憎夺其平，所不知者以人事乱其度，既无乡老纪行之誉，又非朝廷考绩之课，遂使进官之人，弃近求远，背本逐末，位以求成，不由行立，故状无实事，谐文浮饰，品不校功，党誉虚妄，上夺天朝考绩之分，下长浮华朋党之事，凡官不同事，人不同能，得其能则成，失其能则败，今品不状才能之所宜，而以九等为例，以品取人，则非才能之所长，以状取人，则为本品之所限，若状得其实，犹品状相妨，所疏则削其长，所亲则饰其短，徒结白论，以为虚誉，以治风俗，则状无实行，以宰官职，则品不料能，百揆何以得理，万机何以得修，职名中正，实为奸府，事名九品，而有八损，自魏立以来，未见其得人之功，而生雠薄之累，愚臣以为宜罢中正，除九品，弃魏氏之弊法，更立一代之美制，愚臣以为便也。 |
| | Now, the Central Evaluators do not focus on actual talent and virtue but instead rely on factional interests. They do not measure fairly with equal standards, but rather follow personal likes and dislikes. Those they wish to recommend are given hollow praise to build a reputation; those they want to suppress are scrutinized for trivial faults. If someone was previously despised but later improved, the evaluators cite ancient precedents to criticize present conditions. When an ancient sage is contrasted with a contemporary failure, they fabricate false evidence to cover up mistakes. Honest and upright individuals are blamed for going against convention; those who flatter and accommodate others are praised as harmonious. Those of lofty character are criticized for minor infractions, while those of mediocre talent are commended for conforming to 俗 (customs). Evaluators set their own standards, ranking people based on strength or weakness rather than merit, letting personal preferences dictate right and wrong. They rely on power and align with factions, distorting impartiality in favor of relatives, following the rise and fall of trends without regard for true ability. When someone falls out of favor, they are demoted; when favored, they are promoted. A single person may receive drastically different evaluations within ten days. Some gain advancement through bribery or collusion, while others rely on connections to climb the ranks. Those who depend on influential patrons always succeed, whereas those who uphold principles suffer hardship and obscurity. If one does not serve personal interests, he will inevitably be deprived of his position; if one serves self-interest, he is sure to achieve his goals. The weak are oppressed while the strong dominate, all for future gains. Thus, high ranks contain no commoners, and low ranks hold no powerful families. Even when exceptions exist, they always have hidden reasons. This disregard for the ruler's authority and distortion of the times truly constitutes a source of chaos. In past enlightened ages, rulers wished to cultivate good customs and pacify the people by promoting the values of local communities and upholding the virtues among six relations (six categories of family ties). Whether individuals were virtuous or not became evident in this way. In the past, local elders recorded people's virtues and submitted them to the Son of Heaven; officials assessed their abilities for appropriate appointments. Officials in charge evaluated performance to determine promotion or demotion. Thus, all people under heaven would retreat to cultivate virtue at home, communities upheld morality and righteousness, and the court maintained fairness and justice. The realm was well governed, with no place for superficiality or flattery. Today, a single nation's scholars number in the thousands—some have migrated to foreign lands, others serve as laborers far away. We do not even know their faces, let alone fully understand their abilities and merits. Whether or not the Central Evaluators are aware of them, they must assign rankings based on hearsay from official offices and damage from rumors. If they rely solely on personal judgment, there is the risk of ignorance; if they listen to others' opinions, there will be bias toward one side or another. Those known to them may have their impartiality swayed by personal likes and dislikes; those unknown are judged based on human connections, disrupting proper standards. There are no longer local elders recording virtuous conduct for recommendation, nor is there the imperial court's system of performance evaluation. Thus, officials seeking advancement abandon nearby candidates in favor of distant ones, forsake fundamentals to chase superficialities, attain positions through pursuit rather than virtue and achievement. Consequently, evaluations contain no factual basis, filled with hollow rhetoric and embellishment; rankings do not reflect actual contributions but are based on factional praise and falsehoods. This system deprives the imperial court of its authority over performance assessments while fostering a culture of superficiality and factionalism at lower levels. Officials differ in their duties, people vary in ability—those who match their roles succeed, those who don't fail. Now, rankings do not reflect whether individuals are suited to certain positions but instead follow rigid nine-rank categories. If appointments rely on rankings, they may miss the truly capable; if based solely on descriptions, they remain constrained by the original rank. Even when descriptions accurately reflect reality, there is still conflict between the description and the ranking—those distant from favor have their strengths ignored, while those close to power see their weaknesses concealed. This results in empty discussions and false praise. If used to reform customs, these evaluations lack real conduct; if applied to official appointments, rankings fail to measure ability. How can a hundred departments be properly managed? How can the myriad affairs of state be effectively handled? Though named "Central Evaluators," they are in reality centers for corruption. Though called the Nine Ranks system, it causes eight harms. Since its establishment by Wei, there has been no visible success in selecting capable individuals, only growing resentment and superficiality. I humbly believe that we should abolish the Central Evaluators, eliminate the Nine-Rank system, discard this flawed policy of the Wei dynasty, and instead establish a new, virtuous system for our age. I consider this to be beneficial.
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张华字茂先，范阳人也。领中书令，名重一世，朝野拟为台辅，而荀勖，冯紞等深忌疾之，会世祖问华谁可付以后事者。对曰：明德至亲，莫如齐王攸，既非上意所在，微为忤旨，间言得行，以华为都督幽州诸军事，领护乌桓校尉，于是远夷宾服，四境无虞，朝议欲徵华入相，冯紞乾没苦陷，以华有震主之名，不可保必，遂徵为太常，以小事免官。 |
| | Zhang Hua, courtesy name Maoxian, was a native of Fanyang. He served as Director of the Secretariat and was renowned throughout his generation. Both court officials and common people regarded him as a potential prime minister. However, Xun Xu and Feng Dan deeply resented and envied him. At one point, Emperor Shizu asked Zhang Hua who could be entrusted with important affairs after his death. He replied, "Among those with the most virtuous and closest ties to Your Majesty, none is more suitable than Prince Qi You. However, since this was not in line with Your Majesty's wishes, I slightly offended your intent." As a result of malicious rumors spreading, Zhang Hua was appointed as Commander-in-Chief of all military forces in Youzhou and concurrently as Inspector of the Wuhuan people. Under his governance, distant tribes submitted willingly, and peace prevailed across the four borders. The court then proposed to recall Zhang Hua for an important ministerial post; however, Feng Dan fabricated false accusations, claiming that Zhang Hua had a reputation for overshadowing the sovereign and could not be trusted with certainty. Consequently, he was instead summoned as Minister of Ceremonies but later dismissed from office over minor matters.
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世祖崩，迁中书监，加侍中，遂尽忠救匡，弥缝补阙，虽当暗主虐后之朝，犹使海内晏然，迁司空，卓尔独立，无所阿比，赵王伦及孙秀等疾华如雠，伦、秀舋起，遂与裴頠俱被害，朝野之士，莫不悲酸。 |
| | After Emperor Shizu's death, Zhang Hua was transferred to serve as Director of the Secretariat, and later granted the title of Attendant-in-Ordinary. He then devoted himself wholeheartedly to advising and correcting the emperor, mending omissions and deficiencies. Even during a reign marked by an obscure ruler and cruel empress dowager, he still managed to maintain peace throughout the realm. Promoted to Grand Commandant (Sikong), he stood out as an independent figure, free from flattery or favoritism. Zhao Wang Lun and Sun Xiu intensely resented Zhang Hua like a sworn enemy. When conflicts arose between Lun and Xiu, Zhang Hua was executed together with Pei Wei. Officials and scholars throughout the court and countryside alike mourned deeply for him.
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裴頠字逸民，河东人也。迁尚书左仆射、侍中，元康七年，以陈准子匡、韩蔚子嵩并侍东宫。頠谏曰：东宫之建，以储皇极，其所与游接，必简英俊，宜用成德贤邵之才，匡、嵩幼弱，未识人理立身之节，东宫实体夙成之表，而今有童子侍从之声，未是光阐遐风之弘理也。 |
| | Pei Wei, courtesy name Yimin, was a native of Hedong. He was transferred to serve as Minister of Works and concurrently as Attendant-in-Ordinary. In the seventh year of Yuankang (297 AD), Chen Zhun's son Kuang and Han Wei's son Song were both appointed as attendants in the Crown Prince's household. Pei Wei advised, "The establishment of the Crown Prince's household is for nurturing the future Son of Heaven. Those with whom he associates must be carefully selected from among the most outstanding and virtuous individuals. It would be appropriate to appoint those who have already achieved moral maturity and are known for their virtue and talent. Kuang and Song are still young and weak, lacking understanding of human affairs or principles of self-conduct. The Crown Prince is meant to embody early maturity and noble character; yet now there are rumors that he has childish attendants around him. This does not reflect the grand principle of promoting a dignified and exemplary model for future generations."
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頠深患时俗放荡，不尊儒术，魏末以来，转更增甚，何晏，阮籍素有高名于世，口谈浮虚，不遵礼法，尸禄耽宠，仕不事事，至王衍之徒，声誉太盛，位高势重，不以物务自婴，遂相放效，风教陵迟，頠著崇有之论以释其蔽，世虽知其言之益治，而莫能革也。朝廷之士，皆以遗事为高，四海尚宁，而有识者知其将乱矣。而夷狄遂沦中州者，其礼久亡故也。伦秀之兴舋，頠，张华俱见害，朝纲倾弛，远近悼之。 |
| | Pei Wei deeply lamented the prevailing customs of recklessness and disrespect for Confucian teachings. Since the end of the Wei dynasty, this trend had only worsened. Figures like He Yan and Ruan Ji, though renowned in their time, engaged in empty talk and disregarded rites and laws; they held official positions without fulfilling duties, indulging in privileges while avoiding responsibilities. Later figures such as Wang Yan gained excessive fame and power but avoided worldly affairs entirely. Others followed suit, leading to a decline in moral education and social order. To counter this, Pei Wei wrote the "Tong You Lun" (On Upholding Substance) to dispel these fallacies. Although people recognized the value of his words for governance, no one was able to enact meaningful reform. The officials in court all regarded idleness and detachment from worldly affairs as noble virtues, while the realm appeared peaceful. Yet those with insight knew that chaos was on the horizon. And this is why the Hu and Di peoples eventually overran Central China—the rites had long since been lost. When the conflict between Lun and Xiu arose, Pei Wei and Zhang Hua were both killed. The imperial code collapsed into disorder, and people near and far mourned their loss.
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傅玄字休奕，北地人也。性刚直果劲，不能容人之非，世祖受禅，加驸马都尉，与皇甫陶俱掌谏职，玄志在拾遗，多所献替。上疏曰：前皇甫陶上事为政之要，计民而置官，分民而授事，陶之所上，义合古制，前春乐平太守胄志上欲为博士置史卒，此尊儒之一隅也。主者奏寝之，今志典千里，臣等并受殊宠，虽言辞不足以自申，意在有益，主者请寝，多不施用，臣恐草莱之士，虽怀一善，莫敢献之矣。 |
| | Fu Xuan, courtesy name Xiuyi, was a native of Beidi. He was naturally firm, upright, and decisive, unable to tolerate others' faults. When Emperor Shizu accepted the Mandate of Heaven (i.e., ascended the throne), Fu Xuan was granted the title of Fuma Duyi (Imperial Son-in-Law General). He served alongside Huangfu Tao in charge of advisory duties. Fu Xuan devoted himself to correcting omissions, frequently offering advice and suggestions for improvement. He submitted a memorial saying, "Previously, Huangfu Tao presented the essentials of governance: officials should be appointed according to population size, and responsibilities assigned proportionally. What Tao proposed was in harmony with ancient systems. Earlier, Chao Zhi, former governor of Yueping, suggested appointing clerks for Confucian scholars; this is but one aspect of honoring Confucianism." The official in charge submitted a report to suppress the proposal. Now, as we are entrusted with responsibilities over vast territories and have all received special imperial favor, though our words may not fully express our intentions, they were meant for the benefit of governance. Yet whenever officials request suppression, such proposals often go unimplemented. I fear that talented individuals from humble backgrounds, even if possessing a single virtue or idea, will no longer dare to present them.
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诏曰：凡关言于人主，人臣之所至难，而人主苦不能虚心听纳，自古忠臣直士所忼慨也。其甚者至使杜口结舌，每念于此，未尝不叹息也。故前诏敢有直言勿有所拒，庶几得以发蒙补过，获保高位，喉舌纳言诸贤，当深解此心，务使下情必尽，苟言有偏善，情在忠益，不可责备于一人，虽文辞有谬误，言语有得失，皆当旷然恕之，古人犹不拒诽谤，况皆善意，在可采録乎。近者，孔晁，綦母和，皆案以轻慢之罪，所以皆原，欲使四海知区区之朝，无讳言之忌也。又每有陈事，辄出付主者，主者衆事之本，故身而所处当，多从深刻，至乃云恩贷当由上出，出村外者，宁纵刻峻，是信耶，故复因此喻意，玄迁侍中。 |
| | An imperial edict responded, "To offer advice to a sovereign is the most difficult task for ministers. Yet rulers often find it hard to listen with an open mind. This has always been a source of frustration and sorrow for loyal and upright officials." In the worst cases, this leads to subjects remaining silent with their tongues tied. Whenever I reflect on this matter, I cannot help but sigh deeply. Therefore, in my previous decree I urged that anyone who dares to speak frankly must not be rejected. Only then can we dispel ignorance and correct mistakes, ensuring the preservation of high office. Those responsible for conveying words—ministers entrusted with advising the emperor—must deeply understand this intention and strive to ensure that all sentiments from below are fully expressed. If a statement contains even partial merit or is made in good faith for the ruler's benefit, it should not be blamed on one person alone. Even if there are errors in wording or inconsistencies in speech, they must all be met with tolerance and forgiveness. The ancients did not reject criticism; how much more so when such words come from sincere intentions that deserve to be recorded? Recently, Kong Chao and Qimu He were both charged with the crime of disrespect. Yet they were all pardoned, in order to show that this humble court has no fear or aversion toward candid speech. Furthermore, whenever officials submitted memorials, the emperor would often refer them to the official in charge. Since this official is at the root of many matters and holds a position of authority, he tends to act with excessive severity. He even claimed that mercy should come solely from above, and for those outside the capital, it was better to be overly strict than lenient—was this truly just? Therefore, I repeat these words to convey my meaning. Fu Xuan was later transferred to serve as Attendant-in-Ordinary (Shizhong).
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任恺字元裒，乐安人也。为侍中，恺性忠直，以社稷为己任，帝器而昵之，政事多谘焉。恺恶贾充之为人，不欲令久执政，每裁抑之，充病之，后承间称恺忠公局正，宜在东宫使保护太子，外假称扬，内斥远之，帝以为太子少傅，而侍中如故，充计画不行，会吏部尚书缺。好事者为充谋曰：恺今总门下枢要，得与上亲接，宜啓令典选，便得渐疏，此一都令史事耳，且九流难精，间隙易乘，充即啓称恺才能宜在官人之职，世祖不疑充挟邪，而以选官势望，唯贤是任，即日用恺，恺既在尚书，侍觐转希，充与荀勖、冯紞承间谮润免官，恺受黜在家，充毁间得行，世祖情遂渐薄，然衆论明恺为人，羣共举恺为河南尹，甚得朝野称誉，而贾充朋党日夜求恺小过，又讽有司奏恺免官，后起为太常，不得志，遂以忧卒。 |
| | Ren Kai, courtesy name Yuanpou, was a native of Le'an. He served as Attendant-in-Ordinary and Ren Kai was naturally loyal and upright, regarding the state's welfare as his own responsibility. The emperor valued him highly and often consulted him on political affairs. Ren Kai despised Jia Chong's character and did not want him to hold power for long. He often curbed and restrained Jia, which greatly annoyed the latter. Later, taking advantage of an opportunity, Jia praised Ren Kai as a loyal and upright official who should be placed in the Crown Prince's court to protect the heir apparent. This was outwardly a commendation but inwardly intended to distance him from power. The emperor appointed Ren Kai as Tutor to the Crown Prince while retaining his position as Attendant-in-Ordinary, thus Jia Chong's plan failed. At this time, there happened to be a vacancy in the post of Minister of Personnel. Those who favored Jia Chong devised a plan for him, saying: "Now that Ren Kai holds the key position in the Menxia Department and has direct access to the emperor, it would be best to recommend that he take charge of personnel appointments. This will gradually distance him from imperial favor. It is merely a matter of appointing one official as head of a local office. Moreover, selecting among the nine ranks of officials is difficult, and opportunities for creating disputes are easy." Jia Chong then recommended Ren Kai, claiming his abilities were suitable for an appointment in personnel matters. Emperor Shizu did not suspect that Jia was acting with ulterior motives but believed that appointments should be based on merit and prestige alone. Thus, he immediately appointed Ren Kai to the post. Once Ren Kai took office as Minister of Personnel, his court appearances became less frequent. Taking advantage of this opportunity, Jia Chong, Xun Xu, and Feng Dan spread false accusations against him, leading to his removal from office. After being dismissed, Ren Kai remained at home in disgrace, while Jia Chong succeeded in spreading malicious rumors. Emperor Shizu's favor toward Ren Kai gradually waned. However, public opinion clearly recognized Ren Kai's integrity, and the people collectively recommended him as Governor of Henan. He was highly praised by both court officials and commoners alike. Yet Jia Chong's faction continued to seek out minor faults in Ren Kai day and night, eventually persuading the relevant authorities to impeach him for removal from office. Later, he was reappointed as Minister of Ceremonies, but his ambitions were unfulfilled, and he died of sorrow.
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裴楷字叔则，河东人也。为侍中。世祖尝问曰：朕应天顺民，海内更始，天下风声，何得何失。对曰：陛下受命，四海承风，所以未比德于尧，舜者，贾充之徒犹在朝也。夫逆取而顺守，汤，武是也。今宜引天下贤人，与弘政道，不宜示之以私也。 |
| | Pei Kai, courtesy name Shuze, was a native of Hedong (present-day Yuncheng, Shanxi). He served as an Attendant-in-Ordinary at court. Emperor Shizu once asked him, "I have responded to Heaven's will and followed the people's wishes, bringing renewal across the realm. In terms of public opinion, what are my gains and losses?" Pei Kai replied, "Your Majesty has received the Mandate of Heaven and all under heaven have followed your example. The reason we still cannot compare Your Majesty's virtue to that of Yao or Shun is because men like Jia Chong remain in court." "Those who seize power by force but govern with virtue and order are exemplified by Tang and Wu." "Now, Your Majesty should summon the virtuous from across the realm to assist in promoting sound governance. It is not appropriate for court affairs to be dominated by personal interests."
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和峤字长舆，汝南人也。迁侍中，峤见东宫不令。因侍坐曰：皇太子有淳古之风，而季世多僞，恐不了陛下家事，世祖默然，后与荀顗，荀勖同侍。世祖曰：太子近入朝差长进，卿可俱诣，粗及世事，既奉诏而还，顗，勖并称皇太子明识弘雅，诚如明诏。峤曰：圣质如初耳，帝不悦而起。 |
| | He Qiao, courtesy name Changyu, was a native of Runan. He Qiao was transferred to serve as an Attendant-in-Ordinary when he noticed that the Crown Prince's court was not well managed. Taking the opportunity to speak while attending a private audience, he said, "The Crown Prince possesses an upright and ancient virtue. However, in these later times of decline, there is much falsehood; I fear he may not manage Your Majesty's household affairs properly." Emperor Shizu remained silent. Later, He Qiao served alongside Xun Yi and Xun Xu at court. Emperor Shizu said, "The Crown Prince has recently made notable progress in his court appearances. You may all visit him and briefly discuss worldly matters." After receiving the imperial order and returning, Xun Yi and Xun Xu both praised the Crown Prince for his clear insight and broad elegance, saying it was indeed as stated in the emperor's decree. He Qiao said, "His virtue remains unchanged from before." The emperor was displeased and left abruptly.
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峤以为国虽休明，终必丧乱，言及社稷，未尝不以储君为忧，或以告贾妃，妃衔之，愍怀建宫，官峤为太子少傅，太子朝西宫，峤从入。贾后使惠帝问峤曰：卿昔谓我不了家事，今日定云何。峤曰：臣昔事先帝有斯言，言之不效，国之福也。臣敢逃其罪乎。 |
| | He Qiao believed that although the state appeared peaceful and well governed, it was ultimately destined for chaos. Whenever he spoke of national affairs, he never failed to express concern over the Crown Prince. Someone reported this to Consort Jia, who resented him. When the Crown Prince Jian Gong (Jian) was established, He Qiao was appointed as Deputy Tutor to the Crown Prince. When the Crown Prince visited the western palace, He Qiao accompanied him inside. Empress Dowager Jia had Emperor Hui ask He Qiao, "You once said I could not manage family affairs. How do you assess the situation now?" He Qiao replied, "I made that remark when I served your late father. If my words did not come to pass, it would be a blessing for the realm." "I dare not evade responsibility for my words."
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却诜字广基，济阴人也。举贤良对策曰：臣窃观乎古今而考其美恶，古人相与求贤，今人相与求爵，此风俗所以异流也。古之官人，君责之于上，臣举之于下，得其人有赏，失其人有罚，安得不求贤乎。今之官者，父兄营之，亲戚助之，有人事则通，无人事则塞，安得不求爵乎。贤苟求达，达在修道，穷在失义，故静以待之也。爵苟可求，得在进取，失在后时，故动以要之也。天地不能顿为寒暑，人主亦不能顿为治乱，故寒暑渐于春秋，治乱起于得失，当今之世，官者无关梁，邪门啓矣。朝廷不责贤，正路塞矣。所谓责贤，使之相举也。所谓关梁，使之相保也。贤不举则有咎，保不信亦有罚，有罚则有司莫不悚也。以求其才焉。今则不然，贪鄙窃位，不知谁升之者，虎兕出槛，不知谁可咎者，网漏吞舟，何以过此，虽圣思劳于夙夜，所使为政，恒得此属，欲化美俗平，亦俟河之清耳。 |
| | Que Shen, courtesy name Guangji, was a native of Jiyin. In his response to the imperial examination on recommending virtuous and capable individuals, Que Shen said: "I have secretly observed ancient and modern times, examining their virtues and vices. In former days, people sought out the worthy for each other; today, they seek titles and ranks for themselves. This is why customs differ so greatly." "In ancient times, officials were appointed with the sovereign holding responsibility above and ministers recommending below. If a suitable person was found, there would be reward; if not, punishment followed. How could one fail to seek out the worthy?" "In today's system, appointments are secured through fathers and elder brothers, assisted by relatives. With personal connections, one succeeds; without them, the path is blocked. How could people not seek titles?" "If a virtuous person truly seeks advancement, success lies in cultivating virtue; failure results from abandoning righteousness. Therefore, the wise remain patient and wait." "If titles can be obtained through effort, success comes with initiative; failure results from delay. Therefore, people are compelled to act in pursuit." "Heaven and Earth cannot suddenly bring about cold or heat; likewise, a ruler cannot instantly bring order or chaos. Thus, the transition from cold to hot occurs gradually through spring and autumn, just as order and disorder arise from gains and losses. In our time, official appointments lack proper standards—this opens the door for corruption." "If the court does not hold virtue accountable, then the righteous path is blocked." "To be held accountable for virtue means to encourage mutual recommendation of the worthy." "What is meant by standards and boundaries is that officials must guarantee each other's integrity." "If the worthy are not recommended, there will be blame; if guarantees of trustworthiness fail, there will also be punishment. With such penalties in place, no official would dare to act carelessly." This is how one ensures the selection of true talent. But now it is not so. Greedy and base men have stolen positions, yet no one knows who promoted them. Tigers and rhinoceroses escape from their cages, but no one can be held responsible for the breach. The net has holes large enough to let a ship pass through—how much worse could this get? Even if a sage ruler labors day and night with such people in charge of governance, hoping to reform customs and bring peace is like waiting for the Yellow River to run clear.
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为左丞，劾奏吏部尚书崔洪。洪曰：我举却丞而还奏我，此为挽弩自射。诜闻曰：昔赵宣子任韩厥为司马，厥以军法戮宣子之仆，宣子谓诸大夫，可贺我矣。吾选厥也。任其事，崔侯为国举才，我以才见举，惟官是视，各明在公，何故私言乃至于此，洪闻之惭服。 |
| | He served as Left Censor-in-Chief and impeached Minister of Personnel Cui Hong. Cui Hong said, "I recommended Que Shen for office, yet he now impeaches me. This is like drawing a bow to shoot oneself." Que Shen replied, "In the past, Zhao Xunzi appointed Han Jue as general. When Jue executed Xunzi's servant according to military law, Xunzi told his ministers, 'You may all congratulate me.'" "I chose Jue for this very reason." "To entrust him with the task. Lord Cui, you selected me for my ability; I was chosen because of my talent. We should only consider official duties and act in public interest. Why bring personal matters into this?" Upon hearing these words, Cui Hong felt ashamed and submitted to Que Shen's judgment.
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荀勖字公曾，颍阴人也。为中书监，加侍中，勖才学博览，有可观采，而性邪佞，与贾充，冯紞共相朋党，朝廷贤臣心不能悦，任恺因机举充镇关中，世祖即诏遣之。勖谓紞曰：贾公远放，吾等失势，太子婚尚未定，若使充女为妃，则不营留而自停矣。勖与紞伺世祖间，并称充女淑令，风姿绝世，若纳东宫，必能辅佐君子，有关雎后妃之德，遂成婚焉。 |
| | Xun Xu, courtesy name Gongceng, was a native of Yingyin. He served as Director of the Secretarial Office and concurrently held the title of Attendant-in-Office. Xun Xu was widely learned, possessing knowledge worth admiration; however, his nature was crooked and sycophantic. He formed a faction with Jia Chong and Feng Dan. The virtuous ministers in court were unhappy about this. Taking advantage of an opportunity, Ren Kai recommended that Jia Chong be stationed in Guanzhong to govern the region. Emperor Shizu immediately issued an imperial decree sending him there. Xun Xu said to Feng Dan, "Jia Gong has been sent far away; we are losing power. The Crown Prince's marriage is still undecided. If we can arrange for Jia Chong's daughter to become the Crown Princess, he will not need to be recalled—his position will naturally remain." Xun Xu and Feng Dan took the opportunity to approach Emperor Shizu, jointly praising Jia Chong's daughter as virtuous and graceful, with a beauty unmatched in the world. They claimed that if she were taken into the Crown Prince's household, she would surely assist him in becoming a noble ruler, possessing the virtue of a queen like those in the "Guan Ju" poem (a reference to Confucian ideals). Thus, the marriage was arranged.
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冯紞字少胄，安平人也。稍迁左衞将军，承颜悦色，宠爱日隆，贾充，荀勖，并与之亲善，世祖诏治金墉，废贾妃，已定，紞与勖乾没救请，故得不废，转侍中，世祖笃病得愈。紞与勖乃言于世祖曰：陛下前者病若不差，太子其废矣。齐王为百姓所归，公卿所仰，虽欲高让，其得免乎。宜遣还藩，以安社稷，世祖纳之。 |
| | Feng Dan, courtesy name Shaozhou, was a native of Anping. He was gradually promoted to General of the Left Guard. Feng Dan flattered and pleased those in power, gaining increasing favor. He became close friends with Jia Chong and Xun Xu. When Emperor Shizu issued an edict ordering the demolition of the Jin Yong palace and the deposal of Consort Jia (already decided), Feng Dan and Xun Xu fabricated false petitions to plead for her rescue, so she was not dismissed. Feng Dan was later transferred to serve as a Attendant-in-Ordinary during this time. Emperor Shizu recovered from his serious illness. Feng Dan and Xun Xu then told Emperor Shizu, "If Your Majesty had not recovered from your illness earlier, the Crown Prince would have been deposed." Prince Qi was favored by the common people and respected by high officials. Even if he wished to humbly decline, could he truly avoid it? It would be best for him to return to his fief and thus ensure the stability of the realm." Emperor Shizu accepted their advice.
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初谋伐吴，紞与充，勖共苦谏，世祖不纳，断从张华，吴平，紞内怀惭惧，疾华如雠，及华外镇，威德大著，朝论当徵为尚书令，紞从容侍帝论晋，魏故事。因曰：臣常谓锺会之反，颇由太祖。帝勃然曰：何言邪。紞曰：臣以为夫善御者，必识六辔盈缩之势，善治者必审官方控带之宜，是故汉高八王，以宠过夷灭，光武诸将，以抑损克终，非上之人有仁暴之异，在下者有愚智之殊，盖抑扬与夺使之然耳，锺会才具有限，而太祖奬诱太过，喜其谋猷，盛其名位，授以重势，故会自谓算无遗策，功在不赏，张利害，遂构凶逆耳，向令太祖録其小能，节以大礼，抑之权势，纳之以轨度，则逆心无由而生，乱事无阶而成。世祖曰：然。紞稽首曰：愚臣之言，宜镇坚冰之道，无令如会之徒，复致覆丧。世祖曰：当今岂有会乎。紞曰：陛下谋谟之臣，著大功于天下，四海莫不闻知，据方镇，总戎马之任者，皆在陛下圣虑矣。世祖默然，徵张华为太常，寻免华官。 |
| | Initially, when planning to attack Wu, Feng Dan, Jia Chong, and Xun Xu strongly advised against it, but Emperor Shizu did not accept their advice. Instead, he followed Zhang Hua's strategy. After the fall of Wu, Feng Dan felt deep shame and fear, regarding Zhang Hua as an enemy. When Zhang Hua was stationed in a distant region and gained great prestige through his authority and virtue, court opinion suggested recalling him to serve as Minister of the Secretariat (Shangshu Ling). Feng Dan then casually served at court while discussing historical precedents from the Wei and Jin dynasties with the emperor. He remarked, "I have often believed that Zhong Hui's rebellion was largely due to Emperor Tai Zu." The emperor suddenly became angry and said, "What an outrageous statement!" Feng Dan said, "I believe that a skilled horseman must understand the tension and relaxation of all six reins; an effective ruler must discern how to properly manage officials. Thus, Emperor Gaozu of Han had eight princes who were destroyed due to excessive favoritism, while Emperor Guangwu's generals succeeded because they were appropriately restrained. This is not about whether those above are inherently kind or cruel, nor about the intelligence or foolishness of those below—it depends on how authority and rewards are managed. Zhong Hui's talents had limits, yet Emperor Tai Zu excessively praised and encouraged him, admiring his strategies and bestowing great titles and power upon him. As a result, Zhong Hui came to believe he was infallible in strategy and deserved unmeasured recognition. He grew arrogant and defiant, eventually turning to rebellion. Had Emperor Tai Zu merely acknowledged his minor abilities while restraining him with proper rites, limiting his authority and guiding him within established norms, then no rebellious thoughts would have arisen, nor would disorder have had a chance to develop." Emperor Shizu replied, "Indeed." Feng Dan kowtowed and said, "My humble words should be considered as a lesson in maintaining stability—let us not allow men like Zhong Hui to once again bring about disaster." Emperor Shizu asked, "Do we have any Zhong Huis in our time?" Feng Dan replied, "Your Majesty's ministers who have planned and executed great strategies for the realm are well known throughout the land. As for those commanding regional forces and military responsibilities, they all fall under Your Majesty's wise consideration." Emperor Shizu fell silent. He summoned Zhang Hua to serve as Tai Chang (Minister of Ceremonies), but soon afterwards relieved Zhang Hua of his post.
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刘颂字子雅，广陵人也。除淮南相。上疏曰：臣窃惟万载之事，理在二端，天下大器，一安难倾，一倾难正，故虑经后世者，必精目下之治，治安遗业，使数世赖之，若乃兼建诸侯而树藩屏，深根固蒂，则祚延无穷，可以比迹三代，如或当身之治，遗风馀烈，不及后嗣，虽树亲戚，而成国之制不建，使夫后世独任智力，以安大业，若未尽其理，虽经异时，忧责犹追在陛下，将如之何，愿陛下善当今之治，树不拔势，则天下无遗忧矣。 |
| | Liu Song, courtesy name Ziyi, was a native of Guangling. He was appointed as Xiang (governor) of Huainan. He submitted a memorial, saying: "I humbly believe that matters of lasting significance depend on two key considerations. The great affairs of the realm are such that once stability is achieved, it is hard to overturn; but if instability arises, it is difficult to restore order. Therefore, those who consider the long-term future must carefully manage present governance and leave behind a legacy of peace so that future generations may rely upon it. If one establishes feudal lords and builds strong defenses, deepening roots and securing stability, then the dynasty's fortune will extend endlessly, comparable to the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, Zhou). However, if current rule leaves only faint traces or remnants of virtue for descendants, even though relatives are appointed as vassals, without establishing a solid system for the state, future generations must rely solely on their own wisdom and ability to maintain great achievements. If they fail in this endeavor, then despite the passage of time, the burden of worry and responsibility will still fall upon Your Majesty. I beg that Your Majesty carefully manage current governance and establish an unshakable foundation so that no lingering concerns remain for future generations."
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夫圣明不世及，后嗣不必贤，此天理之常也。故善为天下者，任势而不任人，任势者，诸侯是也。任人者，郡县是也。郡县之治，小察理而大势危，诸侯牧民，近多违而远虑固，圣王惟终始之弊，权轻重之理，苞彼小违，以据大安，然后足以藩固内外，维镇九服。 |
| | Sages and wise rulers do not appear in every generation, nor are descendants necessarily virtuous—this is the natural order of things. Therefore, those who skillfully govern the realm rely on systems and circumstances rather than individuals. To rely on systems means to establish feudal lords. To rely on individuals is to depend on commanderies and counties. The governance of commanderies and counties may appear orderly in minor matters, but the overall situation remains precarious. Feudal lords governing their people may face local disobedience, yet long-term stability is ensured. Sage kings consider both short- and long-term disadvantages, weigh the balance between light and heavy responsibilities, tolerate minor rebellions to secure greater peace, and thus are able to consolidate internal and external defenses and maintain harmony across all regions of the realm.
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夫武王，圣主也。成王，贤嗣也。然武王不恃成王之贤而广封建者，虑经无穷也。且善言今者，必有以验之于古，唐虞以前，书文残缺，其事难详，至于三代，则并建明德及举王之显亲，开国承家，以藩屏帝室，延祚久长，近者五六百岁，远者延将千载。 |
| | King Wu was a sage ruler. Emperor Cheng was a virtuous heir. Yet King Wu did not rely on Emperor Cheng's virtue to justify the widespread establishment of feudal fiefs; he was concerned with ensuring stability for all future generations. Moreover, those who speak wisely about the present must verify their arguments through history. Before Tang and Yu (the legendary sage-kings), records are fragmentary and incomplete, making details difficult to ascertain. However, by the time of the Three Dynasties, rulers simultaneously established feudal lords with virtuous conduct and appointed prominent relatives as vassals. These fiefs helped protect the imperial family, extending their dynastic fortune for long periods—recently lasting several hundred years, and in some cases nearly a millennium.
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逮至秦氏，罢侯置守，子弟不分尺土，孤立无辅，二世而亡，汉承周秦之后，杂而用之，前后二代，各二百馀年，揆其封建，虽制度舛错，不尽事中，然迹其衰亡，恒在同姓失职，诸侯微时，不在强盛也。昔吕氏作乱，幸赖齐，代之援，以宁社稷，七国叛逆，梁王捍之，卒弭其难，自是之后，威权削夺，诸侯止食祖俸，甚者至乘牛车，是以王莽得擅本朝，遂其奸谋，倾荡天下，毒流生灵。 |
| | When the Qin dynasty came to power, it abolished feudal lords and established governors instead. The emperor's sons and relatives received no land or fiefs, leaving him isolated without support, which led to the dynasty's collapse within two generations. The Han dynasty, following in the footsteps of both Zhou and Qin, adopted a mixed system. Both the Former and Later Han lasted over 200 years each. Examining their feudal systems, although there were inconsistencies and imperfections in implementation, tracing the causes of their decline reveals that it was always when same-surname relatives lost their roles or when feudal lords weakened, not during times of strength. In the past, when the Lu clan rebelled, it was fortunate that aid from Qi and Dai restored stability to the realm. During the Rebellion of the Seven States, Prince Liang defended against them and ultimately quelled the crisis. After this event, however, royal authority was gradually stripped away, and feudal lords were reduced to merely receiving stipends; in extreme cases, they even traveled by ox cart. This allowed Wang Mang to seize power for himself, carry out his treacherous schemes, overthrow the dynasty, and bring disaster upon the people.
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光武绍起，虽封树子弟，而不建成国之制，祚亦不延，魏氏承之，圈闭亲戚，幽囚子弟，是以神器速倾，天命移在陛下，长短之应，祸福之徵，可见于此矣。然则建邦苟尽其理，则无向不可。故曰：为社稷计，莫若建国，夫邪正逆顺者，人心之所繋服也。今之建置，审量事势，使君乐其国，臣荣其朝，各流福祚，传之无穷，上下一心，爱国如家，视人如子，然后能保荷天禄，兼翼王室，今诸王裂土，皆兼于古之诸侯，而君贱其爵，臣耻其位，莫有安志，其故何也。法同郡县，无成国之制故也。今之建置，宜使率由旧章，一如古典，然人心系常，不累十年，好恶未改，情愿未移，臣之愚虑，以为宜早创大制，迟回衆望，犹在十年之外，然后能令君臣各安其位，荣其所蒙，上下相持，用成藩辅，如今之为，适足以亏天府之藏，徒弃谷帛之资，无补镇国衞土之势也。 |
| | When Emperor Guangwu rose to power, although he did bestow fiefs upon his sons and relatives, he failed to establish a system for founding states. As a result, the dynasty's fortune was not prolonged. The Wei dynasty that followed further tightened control over its kin by imprisoning and confining them. This is why imperial authority collapsed so quickly, and Heaven's mandate shifted to Your Majesty. From this we can clearly see how short-sighted policies lead to misfortune while wise ones bring blessings. Therefore, if the establishment of fiefs is properly managed and fully reasoned through, there should be no obstacles in the future. Hence it is said: "For the sake of the state, nothing is better than establishing fiefs." Right and wrong, loyalty and treachery—these are matters that determine the people's allegiance. Today's establishment of fiefs must carefully assess the situation and circumstances, ensuring that rulers take joy in their states and officials honor the court. In this way, blessings will flow to all, continuing endlessly through generations. When ruler and subject are united as one, loving the country as home and regarding people as children, then it is possible to preserve Heaven's favor and support the imperial house. Now, although the current princes hold territories comparable to those of ancient feudal lords, rulers look down upon their titles while officials feel ashamed of their positions—none have a sense of stability or contentment. Why is this so? It is because the system follows that of commanderies and counties, without establishing an independent fiefdom structure. The current establishment of fiefs should follow the old regulations and be modeled entirely after classical precedents. However, human nature is habitual; without a change lasting at least ten years, people's likes and dislikes will not shift, nor will their desires alter. In my humble opinion, it would be best to establish this grand system as soon as possible. If we delay, public expectations may remain unmet for another decade before stability can be achieved, allowing rulers and officials alike to find peace in their positions and take pride in what they have been granted. Only then will the upper and lower ranks support each other, forming a solid defense of the realm. Continuing with the current approach is merely draining the imperial treasury and wasting grain and silk resources without contributing anything to the strength needed for national stability or territorial protection.
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古者，封建既定，各有其国，后虽王之子孙，无复尺土，此今事之必不行者也。若推亲疏，转有所废，以有所树，则是郡县之职，非建国之制也。今宜豫开此地，使亲疏远近，不错其制，然后可以永安，然于古典所应有者，悉立其制，然非急所须，渐而备之，不得顿设也。须车甲器械既具，其羣臣乃服彩章，仓廪已实，乃营宫室，百姓已足，乃备官司，境内充实，乃作礼乐，唯宗庙社稷，则先建之，至境内之政，官人用才，自非内史国相，命于天子，其馀衆职，及死生之断，谷帛资实，庆赏刑威，非封爵者，悉得专之。 |
| | In ancient times, once the feudal system was established, each fief had its own territory. Even later descendants of kings no longer held any land—this is something that cannot be replicated in our current circumstances. If we were to promote some relatives while demoting others, it would result in the abandonment of one and the elevation of another—this is merely the function of commanderies and counties; it does not constitute a true system of fiefdoms. Now, we should prepare these territories in advance so that the system clearly distinguishes between close and distant relatives without error. Only then can lasting stability be achieved. However, for all institutions required by classical precedent, they may be established gradually rather than implemented suddenly, as they are not urgent necessities. Only when chariots, armor, weapons, and equipment are fully prepared should the ministers be allowed to wear colorful insignias. Only after granaries are filled may palaces be constructed. Only when the people have sufficient resources may government offices be established. Only once the territory is prosperous may rites and music be instituted. As for ancestral temples and altars of land and grain, these must be built first. Regarding governance within the fief, appointments of officials and use of talent—except for the posts of Neishi (Minister in Charge) and Guoxiang (National Councillor), which are appointed by the Son of Heaven—all other positions, as well as decisions on life and death, grain and silk supplies, celebrations and rewards, punishments and authority, may be fully managed by those who hold fiefs.
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周之建侯，长享其国，与王者并，远者延将千载，近者犹数百年，汉之诸王传祚，暨至曾玄，人性不甚相远，古今一揆，而短长甚违，其故何邪，立意本殊，而制不同故也。周之封建，使国重于君，公侯之身，轻于社稷，故无道之君，不免诛放，敦兴灭继绝之义，故国祚不泯，不免诛放，则羣后思惧，胤嗣必继，是无亡国也。诸侯思惧，然后轨道，下无亡国，天子乘之，理势自安，此周室所以长存也。 |
| | During the Zhou dynasty, feudal lords enjoyed their fiefs for long periods, existing alongside the king. Some lasted nearly a millennium; others endured several centuries. In contrast, the Han dynasty's princely lineages passed down only to great-grandsons or even more distant descendants. Human nature has not changed greatly between ancient and modern times, yet the differences in longevity are striking—why is this so? The reason lies in differing fundamental intentions and divergent systems of governance. The feudal system of the Zhou dynasty ensured that the fief was more important than its ruler. The lives of dukes and marquises were considered less significant than the state itself. Therefore, even an unjust ruler could not escape punishment or exile. By upholding the principle of reviving fallen states and continuing extinct lineages, the dynastic fortune did not vanish. Because no ruler was exempt from censure or removal, all feudal lords remained vigilant and cautious, ensuring that their descendants would continue to rule—thus there were no truly lost fiefs. When feudal lords remained cautious and fearful, they naturally adhered to proper conduct. With no fief in danger of collapse, the Son of Heaven could ride this stability, ensuring peace through natural order—this is why the Zhou dynasty endured for so long.
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汉之树置君国，轻重不殊，故诸王失度，陷于罪戮，国遂以亡，不崇兴灭继绝之序，故下无固国，天子居上，势孤无辅，故奸臣擅朝，易倾大业，今宜反汉之弊，修周旧迹，国君虽或失道，陷于诛绝，又无子应除，苟有始封支胤，不问远近，必绍其祚，若无遗类，则虚建之，须皇子生，以继其统，然后建国无灭，又班固称诸侯失国，亦由网密，今又宜都宽其检，且建侯之理，本经盛衰，虑关强弱，则天下同忿，并力诛之，大制都邑，班之羣后，著誓丹青，书之玉板，藏之金匮，置诸宗庙，副在有司，寡弱小国，犹不可危，岂况万乘之主，承难倾之邦，而加其上，则自然永久，故臣愿陛下置天下于自安之地，寄大业于固成之势，则可以无遗忧矣。 |
| | In the Han dynasty, the establishment of rulers and fiefs did not distinguish between importance and insignificance. As a result, feudal lords often exceeded their bounds and fell into crime and punishment, leading to the destruction of their states. Because the principle of reviving lost fiefs and continuing extinct lineages was not upheld, there were no stable fiefs below. The Son of Heaven, though seated above, stood alone without support—thus allowing treacherous ministers to seize power and easily topple great achievements. Now we should correct the Han dynasty's flaws and restore the Zhou system's traditions. Even if a feudal lord strays from virtue and is punished or executed, with no heir to inherit his title, as long as there are descendants of the original fief—regardless of their distance—they must be allowed to succeed him. If no such descendants exist, then a new fief should be established, waiting for an imperial prince's birth to continue the lineage. Only in this way can fiefs remain unextinguished. Ban Gu once noted that feudal lords lost their states because the law was too strict; now we must also relax oversight and lighten restrictions. The principle of establishing fiefs inherently involves cycles of prosperity and decline, with considerations of strength and weakness. If all under heaven share resentment toward a tyrant, they will unite to punish him. Major cities should be designated as capitals for feudal lords, distributed among the dukes, recorded in oaths on vermilion and cinnabar, inscribed on jade tablets, stored in golden cabinets, placed within ancestral temples, with copies kept by officials. Even small and weak states cannot easily fall into danger; how much more so a Son of Heaven ruling over an empire that is already difficult to overthrow? If such a ruler is placed above this foundation, stability will naturally endure for eternity. Therefore, I humbly request that Your Majesty place the realm in a self-sustaining state and entrust great achievements to a solid and enduring system—only then can there be no lingering worries.
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今阎闾少名士，官司无高能，其故何也。清议不肃，人不立德，行在取容，故无名士，下不专局，又无考课，吏不竭节，故无高能，无高能则有疾世事，少名士则后进无准，故臣思立吏课而肃清议也。天下至大，万事至衆，人君至少，同于天日，故非垂听所得周览，是以圣王之治执要而已，委务于下，而不以事自婴也。分职既定，无所与焉。非惮日侧之勤，而牵于逸豫之虞，诚以治体宜然，事势致之也。何则，夫造创谋始，逆睹是非以别能否，甚难察也。既以施行，因其成败以分功罪，甚易识也。易识在考终，难察在造始，故人君恒居其易则治，人臣不处其难则乱，今人主恒能居易执要以御其下，然后人臣功罪，形于成败之徵，无所逃其诛赏，故罪不可蔽，功不可诬，功不可诬，则能者劝，罪不可蔽，则违慢日肃，此为治之大略也。 |
| | Now, why is it that the common people lack distinguished scholars and officials hold no men of great ability? What is the reason for this? It is because moral discourse among the people is not upheld, and individuals do not cultivate virtue; instead, they seek only to please others. Hence there are no distinguished scholars. At lower levels, officials lack exclusive authority, and there is also no system for evaluating performance. As a result, officials do not strive to uphold integrity, which is why there are no men of great ability. Without capable officials, governance suffers; without distinguished scholars, future generations have no standards by which to follow. Therefore, I wish to establish an official evaluation system and restore moral discourse among the people. The realm is vast, and its affairs are numerous; yet the number of rulers is minimal, as limited as Heaven and the sun. Therefore, it is impossible for a ruler to personally oversee everything. Thus, in the governance of sage kings, they merely grasp the essentials, delegate responsibilities to subordinates, and do not burden themselves with every detail. Once duties are clearly assigned, there is no need for further interference. This is not out of fear of hard work or a desire to indulge in ease and pleasure, but because the nature of good governance demands it—this is dictated by the realities of administration. Why? Because initiating plans and strategies, anticipating right from wrong to distinguish capability from incompetence, is extremely difficult to discern. Once implemented, one can judge success or failure and assign credit or blame accordingly—this is much easier to recognize. It is easy to assess outcomes, but difficult to judge at the beginning. Therefore, when a ruler consistently focuses on what is simple and grasps essentials in governing his subordinates, then officials' merits or faults will become evident through their successes or failures, leaving no room for unjust punishment or reward. Thus, wrongdoing cannot be concealed, and merit cannot be falsely denied. When merit cannot be denied, capable individuals are encouraged; when wrongdoing cannot be hidden, disobedience and negligence gradually disappear—this is the fundamental strategy of good governance.
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天下至大，非垂听所周，又精始难校，考终易明，今人主不委事仰成，而与诸下共造事始，则功罪难分，能否不别，陛下纵未得尽仰成之理，都委务于下，至如今事应奏御者，蠲除不急，使要事得精，可三分之二，今亲掌者受成于上，上之所失，不得复以罪下，岁终，事功不建，不知所责也。 |
| | The realm is so vast that a ruler cannot possibly oversee everything personally. Moreover, judging the beginning of affairs is difficult, while assessing outcomes is easier. Now, if Your Majesty does not delegate responsibilities and instead shares in the initial planning with subordinates, it becomes hard to distinguish between merit and fault or capability and incompetence. Even if You have yet to fully grasp the principle of relying on completed work from below, at least assign duties to officials. Regarding matters that should be reported to You now, eliminate those that are not urgent so that essential affairs can receive focused attention—this could reduce current reports by as much as two-thirds. If important decisions remain in Your hands and mistakes occur at the top, they cannot then be blamed on subordinates. At year's end, if no achievements have been made, it will be unclear who is to blame.
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夫监司以法举罪，狱官案劾尽实，法吏据辞守文，大较虽同，然至于施用监司，与夫法狱，体宜小异，狱官唯实，法吏唯文，监司则欲举大而略小，何则，夫细过微阙谬妄之失，此人情之所必有，而悉纠以法，则朝野无全人，此所谓欲治而反乱者也。是以善为治者，纲举而网疏，纲举则所罗者广，网疏则小罪必漏，所罗者广，则大罪不纵，则甚泰必刑，微过必漏，则为政不苛，甚泰必刑，然后犯治必塞，此为治之要也。 |
| | Supervisory officials apply the law to bring charges, judicial officers investigate and report all facts in detail, while legal clerks rely on written records. Although their general roles are similar, when it comes to applying these functions—supervision versus adjudication—their approaches should differ slightly. Judicial officers must focus solely on truth; legal clerks adhere strictly to the text of law. Supervisory officials, however, aim to highlight major offenses while overlooking minor ones. Why? Because small mistakes and trivial shortcomings are inevitable in human nature. If every such error is punished according to law, then no one—neither court nor countryside—would be free from blame. This would be what is called "seeking order but causing chaos." Therefore, those skilled in governance raise the main net and leave the mesh loose. By raising the main net, a wide range of serious offenses can be captured; by leaving the mesh loose, minor crimes will inevitably escape notice. When major crimes are not overlooked, severe punishments follow for grave violations. When minor faults go unpunished, governance remains lenient rather than harsh. Only when serious misconduct is punished without fail does disorder become impossible—this is the essential principle of good administration.
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而自近世以来，为监司者，类大纲不振，而网甚密，网甚密，则微过必举，微过，人情所必有，而不足以害治，举之，则微而益乱大纲，不振，则豪强横肆，豪强横肆，则平民失职，此错所急而倒所务之由也。非徒无益于治体，清议乃由此益伤，古人有言曰，君子之过，如日之蚀焉。又曰：过而能改。又曰：不贰过，凡此数者，是贤人君子不能无过之言也。苟不至于害治，则皆天网之所漏也。所犯在甚泰，然后王诛所必加，此举罪浅深之大例也。故君子得全美以善事，不善者必夷戮警衆，此为治诛赦之准式也。凡举过弹违，将以肃风论而整世教，今举小过，清议益颓，是以圣王深识人情而达治体。故其称曰：不以一眚掩大德。又曰：赦小过，举贤才。又曰：无求备于一人，故冕而前旒，充纩塞耳，意在去苛察，举甚泰，善恶之报，必取其尤，然后简而不漏，大罪必诛，法禁易全也。今则当小罪甚察而时不加治者，明小罪非乱治之奸也。害治在犯尤，而谨搜微过，何异放兕豹于公路，而禁鼠盗于隅隙，时政所失，少有此类，陛下宜反而求之，乃得所务也。 |
| | However, since recent times, supervisory officials have generally failed to uphold the main principles while making their nets overly dense. When the net is too tight, even minor faults are pursued. Yet such small mistakes are inevitable in human nature and do not harm governance. Pursuing them only adds confusion and undermines the broader framework of justice. If the main principles are neglected, then powerful and unscrupulous individuals will act with impunity; when this happens, ordinary people lose their rights—this is precisely why priorities have been reversed and urgent matters mishandled. This not only fails to benefit governance but also further harms public moral discourse. As the ancients said, "The mistakes of a gentleman are like solar eclipses." It is also said: "If one makes a mistake and can correct it," And again, "one does not repeat the same error." These statements all emphasize that even virtuous men and gentlemen are not free from mistakes. If such errors do not harm governance, they should be considered as having escaped the net of Heaven—minor faults that need no punishment. Only when a person commits grave misconduct should royal punishment be applied—this is the fundamental principle for determining the severity of offenses. Therefore, virtuous individuals may retain their integrity and contribute to good governance, while the wicked must be executed or punished as a warning to others—this is the standard for administering justice and clemency in governance. The purpose of reporting faults and correcting violations is to uphold moral standards and maintain societal education. Now, by focusing on minor offenses, public discourse deteriorates further. Thus, sage kings deeply understood human nature and the principles of governance. Therefore, it is said: "Do not let one minor mistake obscure great virtue." It is also said: "Forgive small faults and promote virtuous talent." And again, "Do not demand perfection from a single person." Hence the headdress of the Son of Heaven is adorned with pendants in front and behind to block sight and sound—this symbolizes the avoidance of excessive scrutiny. Focus should be placed on major offenses; rewards and punishments must target the most extreme cases. In this way, governance remains simple yet thorough, serious crimes are punished without fail, and laws remain easily upheld. Now, if minor offenses are carefully observed yet not punished, it shows that such small faults do not threaten the stability of governance. The threat to governance lies in major violations, not minor faults. To carefully search for trivial offenses is no different from releasing tigers and leopards onto the roads while forbidding mice and thieves in corners. This kind of misjudgment has rarely occurred under current rule. Your Majesty should instead reverse this approach and focus on what truly matters—only then will priorities be properly addressed.
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江统字应元，陈留人也。除华阴令，时关陇屡为氐，羌所扰，牧守沦没，黎庶涂炭，孟观西讨生禽齐万年，羣氐死散，统深惟四夷乱华，宜杜其萌，乃作徙戎论。其辞曰：夫蛮夷戎狄，谓之四海，九服之制，地在要荒，春秋之义，内诸夏而外夷狄，以其言语不通，法俗诡异，或居绝域之外，山河之表，与中国壤断土隔，不相侵涉，赋役不及，正朔不加，其性气贪婪，凶悍不仁，四夷之中，戎狄为甚，弱则畏服，强则侵叛，虽有贤圣之世，大德之君，咸未能以道化率导，而以恩德柔怀也。当其强也。以殷之高宗而惫于鬼方，有周文王而患昆夷，猃狁，高祖困于白登，孝文军于霸上，及其弱也。周公来九译之贡，中宗纳单于之朝，以元，成之微，而犹四夷宾服，此其已然之效也。故匈奴求守边塞，而侯应陈其不可，单于屈膝未央，望之议以不臣，是以有道之君牧夷狄也。唯以待之有备，御之有常，虽稽颡执贽，而边城不弛固守，为寇贼强暴，而兵甲不加远征，期令境内获安，疆场不侵而已，及至周室失统，诸侯专征，以大兼小，转相残灭，封疆不固，而利害异心，戎狄乘间，得入中国，或招诱安抚，以为己用，故申缯之祸，颠覆宗周，襄公要秦，遽兴姜戎，义渠大荔，居秦，晋之域，陆浑，阴戎，据伊，洛之间，搜瞒之属，侵入齐，宋，陵虐邢，衞，南夷与北夷交侵，中国不绝若綫，始皇之并天下也。南兼百越，北走匈奴，当时中国无复四夷矣。 |
| | Jiang Tong, courtesy name Yingyuan, was a native of Chenliu. He was appointed as the magistrate of Shanyin. At that time, Guanlong had repeatedly been disturbed by Di and Qiang tribes; local officials were defeated or captured, and civilians suffered greatly. Meng Guan led a western campaign and captured Qi Wannian alive, causing the Di tribes to disband in death or flight. Jiang Tong deeply considered how the four barbarian groups were disrupting China, believing that their threat should be prevented at its earliest stage. Thus he composed the "Tufu Lun" (On Relocating the 戎 Tribes). His argument reads: "The Man, Yi, Rong, and Di are referred to as the 'Four Seas,' part of the system of the Nine Regions. Their lands lie in remote frontiers. According to the principles of Spring and Autumn Annals, China is considered within while the barbarians are outside. This is because their languages differ, customs vary greatly, some live beyond distant borders or across mountains and rivers, separated from Chinese territory by land and soil, with no mutual interference, no levies imposed upon them, nor the calendar system of the Son of Heaven applied to them. Their nature is greedy and fierce; they are cruel and unkind. Among the four barbarian groups, Rong and Di are especially dangerous. When weak, they submit in fear; when strong, they invade and rebel. Even during times of sages or under rulers of great virtue, none have succeeded in transforming them through moral guidance or pacifying them with benevolence." When they grow powerful, even Emperor Gaozong of Yin was exhausted by the Gui Fang, King Wen of Zhou suffered from the Kunyi and Xianyu, Emperor Gaozu was trapped at Baoding, and Emperor Xiaowen had to station troops at Bashi. But when they were weak, Duke of Zhou accepted tributes from nine distant envoys, Emperor Zhongzong received the Xiongnu chanyu's courtship. Even during the weak reigns of Emperors Yuan and Cheng, the four barbarian tribes still submitted—this was clear evidence of their behavior. Thus, when the Xiongnu requested to guard the frontier and Hou Ying argued against it, or when the chanyu knelt in Weiyang Hall and Wang Zhi debated whether he should be treated as a subject—this shows how virtuous rulers governed the barbarian tribes. Virtuous rulers ensured preparedness in dealing with them and maintained consistent defense policies. Even when barbarians submitted by bowing and presenting tribute, frontier cities did not relax their defenses; even if they became bandits or aggressors, distant campaigns were avoided unless necessary. The goal was merely to ensure peace within the borders and prevent invasions at the frontiers. However, after the Zhou dynasty lost its authority and feudal lords took control of military power, large states swallowed small ones, leading to mutual destruction. With territorial boundaries no longer secure and conflicting interests among powers, Rong and Di tribes seized opportunities to enter China. Some were even invited or pacified by Chinese rulers for their own use. Thus arose the disaster of Shen Zeng, which toppled the Zhou dynasty; Duke Xiang of Jin allied with Qin and suddenly raised the Qiang 戎 tribe; Yiqu Da Li occupied territories in Qin and Jin; Luchun and Yin Rong settled between Yi and Luo rivers; Soman tribes invaded Qi and Song, oppressing 邢 and Wei. Southern and northern barbarians attacked simultaneously, leaving China barely surviving like a thread. It was only when Emperor Qin Shi Huang unified the realm that this situation changed. He annexed the Baiyue to the south and drove back the Xiongnu to the north, so at that time China no longer faced threats from the four barbarian tribes.
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汉兴而都长安，宗周丰镐之旧也。及至莽之败，西都荒毁，百姓流亡，建武中，以马援领陇西太守，讨叛羌，徙其馀种于关中，居冯翊，河东空地，而与齐民杂处，数岁之后，族类繁息，既恃其肥强，且苦汉民侵之，永初之元，骑都尉王弘使西域，发调羌，氐，以为行衞，于是羣羌奔骇，互相扇动，二州之戎，一时俱发，覆没将守，屠破城邑，诸戎遂炽，至于南入蜀，汉，东掠赵，魏，唐突轵关，侵及河内，十年之中，夷夏俱弊，此所以为害深重，累年不定者，虽由御者之无方，将非其才，亦岂不以寇发心腹，害起肘腋，疾笃难疗，疮大迟愈之故哉。自此之后，馀烬不尽，小有际会，辄复侵叛，雍州之戎，常为国患，中世之寇，唯此为大，汉末之乱，关中残灭，魏兴之初，与蜀分隔，疆场之戎，一彼一此，魏武皇帝遂徙武都之种于秦川，欲以弱寇疆国，捍御蜀虏，此盖权宜之计，一时之势，非所以保境安民，为万世之利也。今者当之，已受其弊矣。 |
| | When the Han dynasty rose and established its capital in Chang'an, it followed the ancient Zhou tradition of building capitals at Feng and Hao. After Wang Mang's downfall, the western capital lay in ruins and its people scattered. During the Jianwu period, Ma Yuan was appointed governor of Longxi to suppress rebellious Qiang tribes and relocated their remaining clans into Guanzhong, settling them in Fengyi and Hedong on vacant land where they lived alongside Han civilians. After several years, these tribes multiplied rapidly; relying on their growing strength, they resented the encroachment by Han settlers. In the first year of Yongchu, when Qidouwei Wang Hong was sent to the Western Regions and mobilized Qiang and Di troops as escorts, the Qiang tribes were alarmed and began spreading unrest among themselves. Suddenly, all the Rong tribes in two states rose up together, defeating commanders and officials, destroying cities and towns. The barbarian forces grew increasingly powerful, advancing south into Shu and Han, east to Zhao and Wei, breaking through Zhiguan Pass, and reaching as far as Hedong. Within ten years, both Chinese and barbarians suffered greatly—this was the reason for such deep-rooted harm and prolonged instability. Although this stemmed partly from poor governance and unqualified generals, did it not also arise because these enemies emerged at our very heartland, threats arose in close proximity to us, making the disease severe and difficult to cure, and the wound large and slow to heal? After this, the remnants of these tribes did not disappear entirely. Whenever an opportunity arose, they would again launch invasions and rebellions. The Rong in Yongzhou were a constant national threat; among bandits of the middle period, none was greater than them. In the chaos at the end of the Han dynasty, Guanzhong lay devastated. When Wei rose to power initially, it became divided from Shu by frontiers where Rong tribes shifted allegiance between one side and another. Emperor Wu of Wei therefore relocated the Wudu tribes into Qinchuan, intending to weaken these enemies while strengthening his state as a defense against Shu's forces. This was merely an expedient measure suited for temporary circumstances—not a strategy to secure borders or ensure lasting peace for future generations. Now, we are facing the consequences of this policy and have already suffered its drawbacks.
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夫关中土沃物丰，厥田上上，帝王之都，未闻戎狄宜在此土也。非我族类，其心必异，戎狄志体，不与华同，而因其衰弊，迁之畿服，吏民玩习，侮其轻弱，使其怨恨之气，毒于骨髓，至于蕃育衆盛，则坐生其心，以贪捍之性，挟愤怒之情，候隙乘便，辄为横逆，而居封域之内，无障塞之隔，掩不备之民，收散野之积，故能为祸滋蔓，暴害不测，此必然之势，已验之事也。当今之宜，宜及兵威方盛，衆事未罢，徙冯翊，北地，新平，安定界内诸羌，著先零，罕汧，析支之地，徙扶风，始平，京兆之氐，出还陇右，著阴平，武都之界，各附本种，反其旧土，使属国抚夷就安集之，戎，晋不杂，并得其所，上合往古即叙之义，下为盛世永久之规，纵有猾夏之心，风尘之警，则绝远中国，隔阂山河，虽为寇暴，所害不广，是以充国，子明，能以数万之衆，制羣羌之命，有征无战，全军独克，虽有谋谟深计，庙胜远图，亦岂不以华夷异处，戎夏区别，要塞易守之故，得成其功哉。 |
| | Guanzhong is a land of fertile soil and abundant resources, with fields rated as the very best. As the capital for emperors, it has never been heard that Rong or Di tribes should reside in such territory. They are not of our race, and their hearts will inevitably differ. The nature and temperament of Rong and Di people are fundamentally different from those of the Chinese. When they were moved into the imperial domains during times of weakness, local officials and civilians became complacent and treated them as weak and contemptible. This caused resentment to fester deep in their bones. Once these tribes grew numerous and strong, such grievances would naturally give rise to rebellious thoughts. Driven by their greedy and fierce nature and filled with anger, they would seize any opportunity or advantage to act recklessly and violently. Living within the heart of our territory without natural barriers to separate them, they could strike at unprepared civilians and plunder scattered stores in the countryside—thus enabling disasters to spread uncontrollably and causing unpredictable harm. This is an inevitable trend that has already been proven by past events. What is needed now is to take advantage of the current military strength and while many affairs remain unsettled, relocate the Qiang tribes within Fengyi, Beidi, Xinping, and Anning—such as Xianling, Han Kai, and Xizhi—to their original lands. Likewise, move the Di people from Fufeng, Shiping, and Jingzhao back to Longyou, settling them in Yinping and Wudu regions. Return each group to their ancestral territories, allowing them to reunite with their own tribes. Let the Pacification of Barbarians Office oversee their resettlement and ensure stability. This will separate Han Chinese from barbarians, ensuring both groups find suitable homes. Such a policy aligns with ancient principles of order and serves as a lasting model for future prosperity. Even if some among them harbor ambitions to trouble China or raise alarms through border conflicts, they would now be far removed from the heartland, separated by mountains and rivers. Should they become bandits, their harm would remain limited in scope. Thus, strategists like Wei Chengguo and Ma Yuan were able to control large Qiang forces with relatively small armies, achieving victories without major battles—preserving entire troops while securing decisive successes. Even if these leaders had deep strategies or long-term plans from the imperial court, was it not also because of the clear separation between Chinese and barbarians, the distinct boundaries between Han and Rong, and the ease of defending key fortresses that enabled their success?
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难者曰：方今关中之祸，暴兵二载，征戍之劳，老师十万，水旱之害，荐饥累荒，凶逆既戮，悔恶初附，且款且畏，咸怀危惧，百姓愁苦，异人同虑，望宁息之有期，若枯旱之思雨露，诚宜镇之以静默，而绥之以安豫，而子方欲作役起徒，兴功造事，使疲悴之衆，徙自猜之寇，以无谷之民，迁乏食之虏，恐势尽力屈，绪业不卒，羌戎离散，心不可一，前害未及弭，而后变复横出矣。答曰：羌戎狡猾，伤害牧守，连兵聚衆，载离寒暑，而今异类瓦解，同种土崩，老幼繋虏，丁壮降散，子以此等为尚挟馀资，悔恶反善，怀我德惠，而来柔附乎。将势穷道尽，智力俱困，惧我兵诛，以至于此乎。曰：无有馀力，势穷道尽故也。然则我能制其短长之命，而令其进退由己矣。夫乐其业者不易事，安其居者无迁志，方其自疑危惧，畏怖促遽，可制以兵威，使之左右无违也。迨其死亡散流，故可遐迁远处，令其心不怀土也。夫圣贤之谋事，为之于未有，治之于未乱，道不著而平，德不显而成，其次则能转祸为福，因败为功，值困必济，遇否能通，今子遭弊事之终，而不图更制之始，爱易辙之勤，而得覆车之轨，何哉。且关中之民，百馀万口，率其少多，戎狄居半，处之与迁，必须口实，若有穷乏，故当倾关中之谷以全其生生之计，必无挤于沟壑而不为侵掠之害也。今我迁之，传食而至，附其种族，自使相赡，而秦地之民，得其半谷，此为济行者以廪粮，遗居者以积仓，宽关中之逼，去盗贼之原，除旦夕之损，建终年之益，若惮暂举之小劳，而遗累世之寇敌，非所谓能开物成务，创业垂统，崇基拓迹，谋及子孙者也。 |
| | An objector might say: "At present, the calamity in Guanzhong has lasted for two years of military campaigns. The burden on conscripted soldiers is immense; over 100,000 troops have been exhausted. Droughts and floods have caused repeated famines and prolonged hardship. Though rebellious forces have already been crushed, newly subdued tribes remain uncertain—some submit out of fear while others hesitate. All are filled with anxiety and distress. The people suffer greatly; both native and foreign populations share the same worries, longing for peace as a drought-stricken land longs for rain. It is precisely at this moment that we should calm them through quiet governance and reassure them with stability. Yet you propose to launch new labor projects, relocate people, and initiate grand undertakings—forcing weary civilians to move tribes they distrust, compelling starving peasants to resettle hungry captives. This could exhaust our remaining strength before the task is completed, causing Qiang and Rong groups to scatter and lose unity. Before previous troubles are resolved, new crises may erupt." The reply is: "The Qiang and Rong are cunning and have harmed officials, gathering forces in prolonged warfare through cold and heat. Now their different factions have crumbled; even those of the same tribe have disintegrated. The old and young are captured or enslaved, while able-bodied men either surrender or scatter. Do you truly believe these people still possess remaining resources, regret their past evils, and now wish to become virtuous, grateful for our benevolence and coming in submission?" Are they not simply at the end of their strength and resources, both wisdom and power exhausted, fearing our military punishment that has driven them to this point?" It is said: "They have no remaining strength; they are at the end of their resources and means." If so, then we can control the length or brevity of their lives, determining whether they advance or retreat at our will. Those who are content with their livelihood do not easily change their circumstances, and those who feel secure in their homes have no desire to move. When they themselves feel uncertain, fearful, and anxious, we can use military might to control them, ensuring they obey without deviation. Once their numbers have been reduced through death and dispersal, we can then relocate the survivors to distant lands, ensuring they no longer long for their former homeland. Sages and virtuous people plan for matters before they arise, govern before chaos begins. Their principles are not visible yet bring peace; their virtue is not obvious yet achieves success. At the very least, they can transform disaster into fortune and turn failure into achievement—overcoming hardship when it arises and finding a way through adversity. Now you face the end of an ill-conceived policy but do not seek to initiate new reforms. You avoid the effort of changing course only to follow in the path that led to ruin—why is this? Moreover, the people of Guanzhong number over a million. Considering their distribution, barbarians make up nearly half. Whether we choose to settle or relocate them, we must ensure sufficient provisions for mouths and needs. If there are shortages, it will be necessary to use all grain from Guanzhong to sustain their livelihoods—this way, no one will be forced into the ditches as victims of banditry or plundering. Now, by relocating them with provisions along the way and allowing them to join their own tribes for mutual support, the people of Qin will retain half the grain. This ensures that those on the move are fed while those remaining have stored reserves—thus relieving Guanzhong's immediate pressure, removing the source of banditry, eliminating daily losses, and establishing lasting benefits. To fear a temporary burden yet leave behind enemies for generations is not what it means to be capable of initiating great undertakings, founding an enduring legacy, building a solid foundation, or planning for future descendants.
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并州之胡，本实匈奴，桀恶之寇也。汉宣之世，冻馁残破，国内五裂，后合为二，呼韩邪遂衰弱孤危，不能自存，依阻塞下，委质柔服，建武中，南单于复求降附，于弥扶罗值世丧乱，遂乘舋而作，虏掠赵，魏，寇至河南，建安中，又使右贤王去卑诱质呼厨泉，听其部落散居六郡，咸熙之际，分为三率，泰始之初，又增为四，今五部之衆，户至数万，人口之盛，过于西戎，然其天性骁勇，弓马便利，倍于氐羌，若有不虞风尘之虑，则并州之域，可为寒心，今晋民失职，犹或亡叛，犬马肥充，则有噬啮，况于夷狄，能不为变，但顾其微弱，势力不陈耳，夫为邦者，患不在贫而在不均，忧不在寡而在不安，以四海之广，士民之富，岂须夷虏在内，然后取足哉。此等皆可申喻发遣，还其本域，慰彼羁旅怀土之思，释我华夏纤介之忧，惠此中国，以绥四方，德施永世，于计为长。 |
| | The Hu people in Bingzhou were originally the Xiongnu—barbarians known for their cruelty and wickedness. During the reign of Emperor Xuan of Han, the Xiongnu were frozen and starved, their nation shattered into five factions. Later they merged into two groups, but Chuhanye gradually weakened and became isolated, unable to survive independently. They sought refuge near frontier fortresses, submitting in surrender. During the Jianwu era, the Southern Chanyu again requested submission. When Wang Mang caused chaos, the Xiongnu took advantage of this instability, raiding Zhao and Wei regions and even reaching Henaan. In the Jianshen period, they sent Youxianwang Qubi to lure Huququan into surrender, allowing their tribes to settle freely in six commanderies. During the Xianfeng era, these groups were divided into three units; at the beginning of Taishi, this was increased to four. Now, the five tribal groups number tens of thousands of households, with a population surpassing that of the western Rong tribes. However, their natural bravery and skill in archery and horseback riding far exceed those of Di and Qiang peoples. If unexpected troubles or border alarms arise, then Bingzhou itself could become a source of great concern. Now, even Han civilians who have lost their livelihoods may still rebel; how much more likely are these "dogs and horses," when well-fed, to turn on their masters? As for the barbarians—how can they possibly remain unchanged? It is only because they appear weak and lack visible strength that no major incidents have occurred. Yet a state's greatest danger does not lie in poverty but in inequality; its deepest concern is not scarcity but instability. Given the vastness of our realm and the wealth of its people, do we truly need to rely on barbarians within our borders to meet our needs? These people can all be advised and sent back to their original lands, easing the longing of displaced foreigners for home while relieving even minor concerns among our Han Chinese. By showing kindness to China itself, we pacify all directions; such virtue will endure through generations, making this a long-term strategy.
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陆机字士衡，吴郡人也。为著作郞。 |
| | Lu Ji, courtesy name Shiheng, was a native of Wu Jun. He served as Zuo Zhuang Lang (a compiler in the imperial academy).
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胡威字伯武，淮南人也。父质字文德，清廉洁白，质之为荆州刺史也。威自京都定省，家贫，每至客舍，自放驴取樵，既至见父，停厩中十馀日，告归，临辞，赐绢一匹为道中资。威跪曰：大人清高，不审于何得此绢。质曰：是吾奉禄之馀，故以为汝粮耳，威受之，辞归，荆州帐下都督闻威将去，请假还家，持资粮于路要威，因与为伴，每事佐助，又进饭食，威疑而诱问之，既知，乃取所赐绢与都督，谢而遣之，后因他信以白质，质杖都督一百，除吏名，父子清慎如此，于是名誉著闻。 |
| | Hu Wei, courtesy name Bowu, was a native of Huainan. His father Hu Zhi, courtesy name Wende, was known for his integrity and purity. When Hu Zhi served as the governor of Jingzhou, Wei traveled from the capital to visit his father. His family was poor, and each time he arrived at an inn, he would personally tether his donkey and gather firewood for himself. After arriving and seeing his father, he stayed in the stable for more than ten days before requesting to return home. As he took leave, his father gave him one bolt of silk as travel expenses. Wei knelt and said: "Father, you are known for your integrity; I do not know where this silk came from." Zhi replied, "This is the remainder of my official salary; I gave it to you as provisions." Wei accepted it and took his leave. As he was departing Jingzhou, a military supervisor under Zhi's command heard that Wei was about to leave and requested time off to return home, carrying supplies along the route to meet Wei and accompany him on the journey, assisting with everything and even providing meals. Suspicious of this unexpected generosity, Wei questioned the man carefully. Upon learning the truth, he took back the silk given by his father and gave it to the supervisor, expressing gratitude before sending him away. Later, through another messenger, Wei informed Zhi about what had happened. Hearing this, Zhi punished the supervisor with a hundred lashes and removed him from office. Father and son were thus so upright and cautious that their reputation became widely known.
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为安丰太守，徐州刺史，政化大行，后入朝。世祖因言次谓威曰：卿清孰如父清。对曰：臣不如也。世祖曰：以何为胜邪。对曰：臣父清恐人知，臣清恐人不知，是臣不及远也。世祖以威言直而婉，谦而顺，累迁豫州刺史，入为尚书。 |
| | He later served as Tai Shou of Anfeng and Inspector of Xu Zhou, where his administration and moral influence were highly effective. Afterward, he was summoned to the imperial court. Emperor Shizu remarked during a conversation with Wei: "Your integrity—how does it compare to your father's?" He replied, "I am not as virtuous as my father." Emperor Shizu asked, "In what way is he superior?" He replied: "My father was upright for fear that others would find out; I am upright because I fear that others will not know. That is why I fall far short of him." Emperor Shizu, impressed by Wei's sincere yet tactful words and his modest yet respectful demeanor, repeatedly promoted him until he became the Inspector of Yu Zhou. Later, he was appointed as a Minister of the Secretariat (Shangshu).
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周顗字伯仁，汝南人也。为尚书左仆射，王敦作逆石头，既王师败绩，顗奉诏往诣敦。敦曰：伯仁卿负我。顗曰：公戎车犯顺，下官亲率六军，不能其事，使王旅奔败，以此负公，敦惮其辞正，不知所答，左右文武劝顗避敦。曰：吾备位大臣，朝廷丧破，宁可复草间求活，外投胡越者邪，俄而被收，于石头害之。 |
| | Zhou Yi, courtesy name Beren, was a native of Runan. He served as the Left Minister of the Secretariat. When Wang Dun rebelled at Shitou, after imperial forces suffered a defeat, Yi received an imperial decree to go and meet with Dun. Dun said: "Berren, you have wronged me." Yi replied: "You, sir, led your troops in rebellion against the imperial order. As an official, I personally commanded six armies but failed to prevent it, causing the imperial forces to be defeated and scattered. For this, I have wronged you." Dun was intimidated by Yi's upright words, and did not know how to respond. The attendants and officials advised Yi to avoid Dun. Yi said: "I hold a position among the high ministers. Now that the court has been destroyed, how could I possibly survive by hiding in the grass or fleeing to foreign lands like Hu and Yue?" Soon after, he was arrested and killed at Shitou.
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陶侃字士行，庐江人也。为荆州刺史，政刑清明，惠施均治，故楚郢士女，莫不相庆，引接疏远，门无停客。常语人曰：大禹圣者，乃惜寸阴，至于衆人，当惜分阴，岂可逸游荒醉，生无益于时，死无闻于后，是自弃也。诸参佐或以谈戏废事者，乃命取蒱博之具悉投之于江，吏将则加鞭朴。曰：樗蒱者，牧奴戏耳，老庄浮华，非先王之法言，不可行也。君子当正其衣冠，摄其威仪，何有乱头养望，自谓宏达邪，于是朝野用命，移风易俗。 |
| | Tao Kan, courtesy name Shixing, was a native of Lujiang. He served as Inspector of Jingzhou, where he governed with clear and just administration. His policies were fair and his benevolence was evenly distributed, so that men and women in Chuying all rejoiced at the peace he brought. He welcomed distant visitors warmly, and no guest ever left without being received. He often told others: "Great Yu, a sage, cherished every moment. As for ordinary people, they should cherish even the smallest fraction of time. How then can one indulge in idleness and drunkenness, living without benefit to his era and dying with no reputation after death? That is self-abandonment." If any of his subordinates neglected their duties by idling away time in idle conversation or games, he would order the gambling equipment to be seized and thrown into the river. As for officials and soldiers who violated this rule, they were punished with whippings. He said: "Games like cu pu are merely pastimes for servants and swineherds. The frivolous ideas of Laozi and Zhuangzi are not the proper teachings of our ancient kings; they must not be followed." "A gentleman should maintain proper attire and dignified conduct. How can one, with disheveled hair and idle reputation, claim to be broad-minded and wise?" Thus, both court and countryside obeyed his commands, leading to a transformation of customs and moral standards.
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高崧字茂琰，广陵人也。累转侍中，哀帝雅好服食，崧谏以为非万乘所宜，陛下此事，实是日月之一蚀也。帝欲修鸿宝礼，崧反覆表谏，事遂不行。 |
| | Gao Song, courtesy name Maoyan, was a native of Guangling. After many transfers, he eventually became a Minister of the Crown. Emperor Ai had a particular fondness for alchemical elixirs and dietary supplements. Song advised against this, saying it was unsuitable for an emperor. He said to the emperor: "Your Majesty's indulgence in these matters is truly like one eclipse of the sun or moon." When the emperor wished to perform the Hongbao ritual, Song repeatedly submitted memorials advising against it, and thus the matter was not carried out.
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何充字次道，庐江人也。为护军中书令，显宗初崩。充建议曰：父子相传，先王旧典，忽妄改易，惧非长计，庾冰等不从，故康帝遂立，帝临轩，冰，充侍坐。帝曰：朕嗣洪业，二君之力也。对曰：陛下龙飞，臣冰之力也。若如臣议，不睹升平之世，康帝崩，充奉遗旨便立孝宗，加録尚书事，侍中，临朝正色，以社稷为己任，凡所选用，皆以功臣为先，不以私恩树用亲戚，谈者以此重之。 |
| | He Chong, courtesy name Ci Dao, was a native of Lu Jiang. He served as the Minister of Military Affairs and Chancellor of the Secretariat when Emperor Xianzong died at the beginning of his reign. Chong proposed: "The succession from father to son is an established tradition of ancient kings. To suddenly and recklessly alter it would be unwise for the long term." However, Yu Bing and others did not follow this advice, so Emperor Kangdi was enthroned instead. When the emperor ascended the throne in person, Bing and Chong sat in attendance. The emperor said: "I have inherited this great legacy thanks to your two men's efforts." Bing replied: "Your Majesty's ascension was due solely to my humble servant Bing's effort." "If I had followed my own advice," Bing continued, "we would not have seen an era of peace and prosperity." After Emperor Kangdi died, Chong carried out the late emperor's final instructions to install Emperor Xiaozong. He was granted authority as Minister of the Secretariat, became a Minister of the Crown, and stood before court with dignified composure, regarding the state as his own responsibility. All appointments he made prioritized meritorious officials rather than using private favor to appoint relatives. Commentators greatly respected him for this.
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吴隐之字处默，濮阳人也。早孤，事母孝谨，爱敬著于色养，几灭鄣于执丧，居近韩康伯家，康伯母贤明妇人，每闻隐之哭，临馔辍飡，当织投杼，为之悲泣，如此终其丧。谓伯曰：汝若得在官人之任，当举如此之徒，及伯为吏部，超选隐之，遂阶清级，为龙骧将军，广州刺史，州之北界有水，名曰贪泉，父老云，饮此水者，使廉士变节，隐之始践境，先至水所，酌而饮之。因赋诗曰：古人云此水，一歃怀千金，试使夷齐饮，终当不易心，在州清操愈厉，化被幽荒。诏曰：广州刺史吴隐之，孝友过人，禄均九族，处可欲之地，而能不改其操，飨惟错之富，而家人不易其服，革奢务啬，南域改观，朕有嘉焉。可进号前将军，赐钱五十万，谷千斛。 |
| | Wu Yin Zhi, courtesy name Chumo, was a native of Puyang. He lost his father at an early age and was filial and careful in serving his mother. His love and respect were evident through his care for her, to the point that he almost concealed (perhaps "concealed" should be "expressed") his grief during mourning rites. He lived near the home of Han Kangbo. Kangbo's mother, a virtuous woman, often heard Yin Zhi weeping; whenever she was about to eat or weave, she would stop and cry with him, continuing this throughout the entire mourning period. She said to her son: "If you ever hold a position of authority, you must recommend men like this." When Kangbo became Minister of Personnel, he promoted Yin Zhi beyond his rank. Thus, Yin Zhi advanced in official status and was appointed General Longxiang and Inspector of Guangzhou. In the northern part of the state there was a spring known as Tanshui (Greedy Spring). The elders said that those who drank from it would cause even upright men to lose their integrity. When Yin Zhi first entered his jurisdiction, he went directly to the spring, took a drink, and said: He composed a poem saying: "Ancients say this spring, one sip brings thoughts of gold. If Yiqi were to drink it, they would never change their hearts." While in office, his integrity became even more resolute, and his moral influence reached the most remote regions. An imperial decree stated: "Wu Yin Zhi, Inspector of Guangzhou, surpasses others in filial piety and kindness to relatives. He shares his salary with nine generations of family members. Though stationed in a place of temptation, he did not alter his principles; though enjoying the wealth of Cuo (a region), his family still wore simple clothes. By rejecting extravagance and promoting frugality, he transformed the customs of southern regions. The emperor commends him highly." He may be promoted to General Qianjun and awarded 500,000 copper coins and 1,000 hu of grain.
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